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Peru. The Asheninka Calendar.

Although the Asheninka, an indigenous ethnic group, who live in the central forest of the Ucayali department in the Atalaya province of eastern Peru, follow the Western calendar, they give an Amazonian meaning to each month.

The year begins in January, when the waters of the rivers overflow due to the heavy rains, the tangerine blooms and the huayo ripens. Winter here is the rainy season. In February the rain continues to fall, and rivers and ravines overflow. Crops are flooded. The granadilla, the sapote, the umari, the uvilla, the parinari and the aguaje bear fruit. The sandbanks become refuges for the peccary (wild boar), the majás, the añuje, the carachupa (armadillo) and the motelo. In March the waters of the rivers reach their maximum level, and some farmhouses and crops are flooded. That is why schools are closed for three months each year due to flooding. During this time the fish fatten even outside the rivers, among the leaf litter and the flooded roots. The animals of the mountain migrate from one side to another, seeking refuge in the highest sandbanks to survive.

In April torrential rains do not stop and sunrises look lacklustre, and are cold and wet. It is the month during which guava, ubos and camu camu are harvested. In the month of May, the last rains still fall, but they appease their fury and the river waters begin slowly to recede. In the Amazon it is the time to harvest the fruits of the jungle such as the rose apple, the guava, the caimito, the taperiba, the casho, the arazá, the ungurahui, the yarina, the cocona, the aguaje, the tansharina. The animals of the mountain return to their old lairs.
In June the waters recede: the communities can resume their activities, and the animals in the lowlands are back to normal. At this time of year one can see the sandy beaches and mudflats on the banks of the rivers which the waters leave behind as they recede. Planting time begins on the wide beaches of the rivers.

Everywhere you can see the crops of chiclayo, beans, corn, cassava, rice, tomato, watermelon, melon, squash. The fish return to colonize the river, leaving behind the tahuampas, the lakes and the ravines. The fishing season, better known as the mijano time, begins. This is the time when the communities of the Amazon can enjoy abundant fish meals. This also the time of the San Juan festival in the urban Amazon. People of each town celebrate the event with deafening music in public and private places and eat the typical dish of this recurrence: the juane. Many tourists arrive to enjoy the festival. For their part, while people in the towns celebrate, the indigenous communities begin their planting rituals with songs and dances.
In the month of July, the riverbeds narrow, the lagoons shrink and the fish continue to leave the tahuampas (puddles) and the ravines in search of the rivers. The indigenous people know that summer has finally arrived because the taricayas (small turtles) and the cupisos lay their eggs in the sand on the beach of some rivers. The terrestrial turtles spawn, in June, while in July, it is the turn of the aquatic turtles. At this time of year, the sun is strong and the temperature is rather high.

In August the sky is blue and the heat of the sun is more intense, therefore the temperature is higher. At this time, the harvest of fruits such as melons, watermelons, pineapples, corn and chiclayos takes place. The eggs of taricayas and cupisos have already hatched on the river beaches. The mitayeros (hunters) make sure to keep the animals of the mountains far from crops and eggs. In September, the charapa (large river turtle) spawns on the beach. The islands of the rivers are surrounded by extensive sandbanks. For their part, the indigenous communities of the Amazon harvest pineapples, melons and watermelons. During this month, it rains little, and the heat rises. It is the month of harvests and mijanadas of large schools of fish. Fish migrate, upstream or downstream and return to the lakes and tahuampas.

In October, indigenous people harvest the last crops of melons, watermelons, chiclayos, guabas, cassava and rice. The baby charapas begin with difficulty and almost desperately to try to reach the waters of the river, to escape from predators. When the rains begin to fall and the rivers begin to grow again, the fish that laid their eggs in the gramalotes and litter to ensure their reproduction return to their places of origin, by this time the gamitana, the boquichico, the tucunaré have already spawned. Another life cycle has been completed in the deep Amazon.
November is the month when rice and corn planting takes place among indigenous communities. On 2 November, people living in the villages and cities, celebrate the Day of the Dead in the cemeteries. Families lay flowers and light candles on the tomb of their departed and drink beers. It is the time to complete agricultural and social activities.
December, as rains start to intensify, is the beginning of wintertime and among the Asheninka communities, it is also the moment of family reunion when those members who left during the year begin to return. On the 25th the Asheninka celebrate Christmas with a family dinner, where masato is shared to the beat of music, thus ending the year to start anew. (Open Photo: 123rf.com)

Jhonny Mancilla Pérez

The extermination of the Mayan communities.

The political instability that affected the country following the 1954 coup d’état reached its peak in the 1980s, in which the terrible extermination of the Mayan community by the army led by the dictator Efrain Rios Montt took place, who did not spare even the women and children or the elderly.

On that occasion, the State fielded a new strategy, supported by the new ‘doctrine of national security’ which, in addition to legitimizing the indiscriminate violence of the State against anyone claiming greater social justice, no longer envisaged the use of repression that was selective but immediately went ahead with repression en masse, implementing a real systematic plan for the elimination of entire indigenous communities of the Mayan ethnic group.
This was a genocide that took place in front of the indifferent eyes of the entire international community and which nobody could stop, neither the movements of civil society nor the Church. The goal of stemming the feared spread of communism, and therefore of a potential pro-Soviet government on the border with the United States, was, in fact, placed above any respect for human rights. Thus, to guarantee national security by means of the appropriate doctrine, anyone deployed on the opposite side was liable to annihilation.
Any form of opposition was identified as a breeding ground for the ‘internal enemy’ and even the commitment of many priests to defend the rights of the weakest was considered subversive.

According to a UN report on Guatemala’s war: Over 200,000 people died. About 83% of the victims were indigenous Maya. (Photo: Elena Hermosa)

Despite the considerable aid from Washington to the government army, both in terms of weapons and economic funding, whose special anti-insurgency units were directly trained by some nuclei of US ‘green berets’, numerous localities close to urban centres remained in the hands of guerrilla groups. Guatemala had become a country split in two, with dividing lines changing according to the outcome of the clashes between government troops and rebel formations.
It took more than a decade before the army and the death squads stopped inflicting themselves on indigenous communities and the guerrillas in turn decided to give up hostilities to sign a peace agreement.In 1996, under pressure from the international community and the commitment of the United Nations, the warring parties met in Oslo to agree on a cessation of hostilities. On that occasion, a Commission for Historical Clarification (CEH) was born, with the mandate to reconstruct the course of events during those years and to promote reconciliation on the basis of historical truth.
The investigation ended in 1999 with an official report that was presented by the commission itself and from which an even more terrifying balance emerged. The Commission has also demonstrated that the massacres, of which there are 626 episodes against innocent civilians by government forces, were only marginally caused by military actions against the guerrillas, amounting in the vast majority of cases as crimes against humanity, in this case against the Mayan population.

Alfonso Antonio Portillo Cabrera was president of Guatemala from 2000 to 2004. (Photo Archive)

The signatory of the peace agreement was President Alvaro Arzù Irigoyen, elected in 1995 with a centre-right government with limited room for manoeuvre due to the restraints of the far right, the expression of the military leaders who became protagonists of such atrocities. But, in 1999 with the victory of the Guatemalan Republican Front (FRG) which sent Alfonso Portillo Cabrera into power, the situation became more complicated as the new President, disregarding all the promises made during the electoral campaign, immediately proceeded to re-establish the top of the army and of the police, some officers involved in the repression unleashed in the past against the guerrilla and the Indian communities. This action did nothing but reopen the wounds of the civil war at a time when the country was already coming to terms with a severe economic crisis. A large part of the population, in fact, lived below the poverty line, getting by with means of subsistence and various archaic forms of barter. Furthermore, drug trafficking and the ‘buying and selling of children’ legalized by the government, thrived in the country through a chain of agreements between the poorest local families and those in the United States who ensured their adoption with the money in hand. The climate was further heated even by the paramilitary bands that had fought the guerrillas in the past and who now claimed an economic consideration for the services they had rendered.

From October 2013 to September 2019, Iván Velásquez Gómez was the head of the International Commission against Impunity in Guatemala (CICIG), (Photo: CICIG)

The insecurity being regenerated, together with the state of poverty, forced many to cross the borders of the country and migrate to Mexico and the United States where over a million Guatemalans settled legally, even if thousands of them were repatriated from time to time to time by the US authorities. In December 2006, thanks to the support of the international community, a new truce was reached which led to the stipulation of an agreement signed between the United Nations and the Guatemalan government. Its aim was to establish an independent commission whose purpose is to assist the office of the Prosecutor, the National Police and other institutions to investigate crimes committed by members of the illegal security forces, clandestine state apparatuses often linked to former military and even government officials, as well as to proceed with the dismantling of illegal security groups. On January 7, 2019, the agreement between the United Nations and Guatemala was terminated by Guatemalan president Jimmy Morales, evoking CICIG’s alleged participation in illegal acts, abuse of authority and acts against the constitution. The UN rejected this unilateral termination, and the country’s highest law court ruled against the president’s decision.  CICIG’s term ended in September 2019.  The CIGIG helped Guatemalan law enforcement dismantle over 70 criminal structures between 2008 and 2019. According to a 2022 study, this may have prevented between 20,000–30,000 homicides over that period.  (Open Photo: 123rf.)
(F.R.)

 

“The mission is an encounter”.

Three young Comboni missionaries share their vocation
and pastoral journeys

My name is Alberto Parise, a Comboni Brother from Italy.  I first came to Africa as a student of architecture.  I had the chance to visit some missions in Tanzania and it was a life changer. The hospitality of the Christian communities, and the humanity they shared, opened a much broader horizon in my life.

I kept cultivating my relationship with the missions and the people of those communities. My interest in different peoples and cultures, social justice and transformative encounters grew.
As I deepened my faith journey in the light of the Word of God, I developed a more critical awareness of the unjust socio-economic structures in society. I also tried to respond to such situations through service to the impoverished and excluded ones.

As I approached the end of my university studies, I had many opportunities and choices at my disposal. I was already off to a good professional start in my father’s architectural firm. Besides, I had an opportunity to pursue an academic career. But I felt that my deepest joy was elsewhere: it was in that encounter with the Risen Christ mediated by the experience of lived fraternity with peoples of different cultures and latitudes. Consequently, after my graduation, through a process of discernment, I joined the Comboni Missionaries.

After four years of formation in Italy, I became a Comboni missionary brother. I made my first religious profession on 24th May 1997.  I was sent to Kenya to study social ministry at Tangaza University College lasting from 1997 to 2000.

As Brothers, we are consecrated missionaries who contribute to mission through a professional service and the care of humanity. The ministry of Brothers has a particular focus on fraternity in all its many aspects, including the integral development of the human person, justice and peace, integral ecology and the promotion of human and peoples’ rights.

In 2000, after completing my studies at Tangaza, I was assigned to work in Kenya. My first mission was at Kariobangi Parish in Nairobi. Thereafter, I was appointed to be director of the then Institute of Social Ministry at Tangaza University College in Nairobi from 2004 to 2015. During this same period 2005-2010, I was also involved in the training of Comboni brothers at the Comboni Brother Centre in Nairobi.

In 2016, I was assigned to Padua, Italy where I worked with young people as a vocations promoter. Since 2019 I have been working at the headquarters of the Comboni missionaries in Rome.  My superiors asked me to coordinate the office of Justice, Peace and the Integrity
of Creation in our Institute.

With hindsight, I can say that all I know today I learned in Kenya, in my encounter with the people, their sense of faith, their sense of humanity, and their culture of Utu. That has been a transformative encounter for me, and I feel privileged and blessed for the opportunity to journey along with such people and communities. We shared various struggles for social transformation, linking our faith to social responsibility and responding to the cry of the poor and the cry of the Earth.

I am amazed that I have already lived 25 years of missionary life because I still feel like a beginner. When I look back, I cannot help but feel a profound wonder at what the Risen One has done in my life: the encounters with humanity and experiencing personally that regeneration of Africa with Africa that our founder Daniel Comboni
had prophetically envisaged.

Father Luke Anatole Welemu, “Come and see”
I come from Dedza district in the Central Region of Malawi. Thanks to my parents, at a young age, I assimilated the Gospel values.

My first dream was to study Agriculture. One day, an expert came to our secondary school to give careers talk.  He motivated and convinced us that he was making a lot of money through farming.
He made me see sense in agriculture. My second dream was to study Mass Media and Communications.

My third dream which materialised was to become a priest.  Initially, I kept the idea of becoming a priest to myself. I was afraid that people would not take me seriously. But gradually, I started sharing my dream openly with my relatives and parents.

I started nurturing this call slowly.  However, it was not clear to me yet whether I was to become a diocesan or a missionary priest. Clarity came when I found a promotional leaflet of the Comboni Missionaries. It described the works of Comboni Missionaries and the life of St. Daniel Comboni. The motto on the leaflet was, “Save Africa with Africa”. The motto captured me.  I wanted to know more about this congregation.

I wrote an application letter to the Vocations Director. Almost immediately, he replied positively.  Accordingly, between 2008 and 2009, I attended a series of “Come and See” meetings.  Thereafter, in October 2009, I was admitted to the Postulancy of Balaka where I did my Philosophical and Religious studies ending in June 2012. After Balaka, I was sent to Namugongo for Novitiate training in Uganda. There, for two years, I deepened my understanding of the Comboni Institute and assimilated further the Kingdom values. At the end of it on 1st May 2014, I took the vows of Obedience, Poverty and Chastity.

Thereafter, I was sent to Naples, Italy, to study Theology for four years. In 2018, upon completion, I returned to Malawi for my missionary service, a service required in our institute before one is ordained a deacon. The following year, I was ordained a deacon. The climax of my vocation journey was the priesthood ordination on 27th June 2020 at St. Kizito Minor Seminary in Dedza Diocese.

Close to 150 people attended my priesthood ordination. It was during the Covid-19 period.  Gatherings were restricted.  Nonetheless, I was elated. All I wanted was for a bishop to ordain me and make me a priest. That is what I am today.
Currently, I am serving as an assistant priest at Lirangwe Parish in the Archdiocese of Blantyre, Malawi. I am also pursuing a bachelor’s degree in Education at the Catholic University of Malawi.

Bro José Eduardo. The Spirit of closeness.
My name is Eduardo Macedo de Freitas a Comboni Brother.  I was born in Santo Estêvão de Briteiros, a village in the municipality of Guimarães, in Portugal.

I took my first religious vows in 2004 and then studied nursing in Lisbon. The course offered me not only theoretical and practical training but also a vision of closeness and openness to people, especially the most vulnerable. This ‘spirit of closeness’ allowed me to grow in my identification as a Comboni Brother and a nurse.

For me, the mission is an encounter, a search for points of contact, a communion of emotions and experiences. We are men and women made up of a myriad of relationships that, when processed and integrated, make us more human and healthier.

I feel that my missionary vocation and my profession form a unity. The two dimensions make room for that ‘depth of encounter’ proper to the heart. When, in 2013, I was assigned to Uganda, in the Karamoja region, I soon realized what this ‘spirit of closeness’ meant to me, while I was organizing the pharmacy at Matany Hospital.

I realized how being close and available to others challenged me. There I discovered, in myself and in others, the need for freedom and contact with our deep humanity and our own history, what really moves us, and the wounds we carry within us.

The challenge that the “other” represented for me led me to seek accompaniment training to facilitate human and spiritual growth. During this training, I realized that growth through pain opens us up to deeper realities and, by accepting such pain, we are able to discover potential and energy “capable of moving mountains”. There is no resurrection without a cross, nor is there glory without pain.

Now I am in Kalongo Hospital where I have been for a month and a half among the Acholi in northern Uganda, a land of green expanses and beautiful mountains. I felt enriched on this trip, which was a grace and a gift from God.

Being a brother is the greatest wealth I can offer: a reality that goes beyond professional training, although the latter is an essential dimension to realize my vocation in holiness and ability.

In Kalongo, I am an ‘extra stone’ in the building. I am a brother in an immense family of brothers and sisters, where all contribute with their gifts to the establishment of the Kingdom of God. I try to listen to and follow the Master of Nazareth, knowing that I am called to “Carry my cross day after day” (cf. Lk 9:23). We are all aware of the difficulties we encounter in our lives (individualism, climate change, conflicts, wars…), but we all have the inner capacity to choose the wisdom that can come from facing and overcoming these challenges. When I can live consciously in the present, then I am a gift to others, and Jesus becomes present in us. It is not so much ‘what we do’ that transforms the lives of others, but ‘who we are’ – and ‘the way’ we live and express this true being of ours.

I do not forget that each of us is called to be ‘ Life in abundance ’ for others. This, after all, was the reason why Jesus came: “I came that they may have life and have it abundantly” (Jn 10:10).

 

 

The Strategic Importance of the Indian Ocean.

While the focus remains on the western Pacific and the South China Sea, because of the China-US direct interests, the Indian Ocean is a major geopolitical theatre.

Several key energy-producing countries, such as Saudi Arabia, Iran, Iraq, Qatar and the UAE are located in the region. More than 60 percent of the world’s oil shipments, largely from the Middle East to China, Japan and other Asian economies pass through the Indian Ocean, as does 70 percent of all container traffic to and from Asia’s industrialized nations and the rest of the world.

In addition to commercial shipping and energy resources, three of the most significant choke points in the world make this Ocean of tremendous strategic significance. Malacca Strait between Malaysia, Singapore and the Indonesian island of Sumatra, connects Southeast Asia and the western Pacific to the Indian Ocean.

The Strait of Hormuz, connecting the Gulf to the wider Indian Ocean is arguably the most critical choke point because of the energy flows from the Gulf. Much of the energy resource to China, Japan, Korea and ASEAN passes through these two points.

The third, Bab-el-Mandeb strait, which flows between the Horn of Africa and Yemen on the Arabian Peninsula, connects the Red Sea to the Indian Ocean. Equally important is the Mozambique Channel between Madagascar and Mozambique, which is a key trading route for goods transiting the Cape of Good Hope to Europe, the Americas and Asia.

In recent years China’s accent as a second-biggest economy and its need to protect its trade and energy supplies put it on what could become a collision course with the US and its regional allies (Quad- US, Japan, Australia and India and more recently the AUKUS, which is an acronym for Australia, United Kingdom and the United States).

Building on its anti-piracy missions around the Horn of Africa, China has emerged as a strong partner for the islands and littoral countries of the Indian Ocean. China’s Maritime Silk Road, under Belt and Road Initiative, has provided an added platform to collaborate on economic and
possibly military issues.

In 2017 China set up its first overseas military facility in Djibouti on the Indian Ocean coast. While France, Japan, and the United States already have facilities in Djibouti, the Chinese base cements its position as a new player in the region.

After opening its economy over the last 40 years China has become the world’s biggest mercantile nation. As reported by WTO, China’s imports and exports in 2021 totalled USD 6,052.4 billion. The country is poised to become the world’s biggest economy soon.

China’s military modernisation to protect its economic interests directly challenges the American predominance in the Indian Ocean. The United States is, therefore, loath to let China dominate the region. This struggle is a core geopolitical issue of the 21st century.

China has invested heavily in infrastructure projects such as ports, roads, and railways in countries along the Indian Ocean, as part of its Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). This aims to improve connectivity and promote economic development in the region, which will further facilitate China’s merchandise passing through the Indian Ocean.

In the last few years, China has increased its naval deployments into the Indian Ocean and developed what some analysts call a “string of pearls”, a network of commercial facilities along the Indian Ocean littorals.

As the military tempo in the Indian Ocean is retched up, the predictions of Alfred Mahan, an American naval officer called the most important American strategist of the nineteenth century, seem to be coming true. He said, “Whoever controls the Indian Ocean, dominates Asia. This ocean is the key to the seven seas.” (Photo: USS Porter transits the Strait of Hormuz. Alex R. Forster/U.S. Navy)
(ANI)

Guatemala. A Wounded Country.

A past full of violence and abuse. Drug trafficking, corruption, weak or non-existent institutions. Meanwhile, next June, the country will go to the polls for the general elections.

Guatemala constitutes the northern edge of the Central American area nestled between Mexico, Belize, El Salvador, and Honduras with which it shares borders to the north and northwest, respectively, also, east and southeast. The country also enjoys two important outlets to the sea: to the west on the Pacific while to the east on the Caribbean basin, for a total coastal area of 400 kilometres. This factor which, due to its importance, is also symbolized in the national flag with a vertical white band flanked by two other light blue bands.

Over the course of history, the location area has favoured the numerous upheavals that have upset the country because it is considered of crucial strategic importance since the time of its discovery. It constitutes an isthmus, or contact area, between the two large masses, the northern and southern part of the American continent. Above all, the closeness and economic-strategic interests of the major world power – the United States – and those of various oligarchies which have never allowed the definition of grounds for institutional confrontation, are incumbent on the region.
In addition to the coastal strip, from a geographical point of view, Guatemala is also characterized by the mountain ranges of the Sierra Madre, which run along the central part with peaks, among the highest in all of Central America, whose height exceeds 4,000 metres. Among these is that of Tajumulco which is also one of the many active volcanos present in Guatemalan territory and, at 4,220m, is the highest peak in the country. Guatemala, in fact, has one of the most important volcanic complexes in Central America which also includes the Acatenango at 3976m, while in the southern area, there is the largest number of extinct volcanoes. In the northern part, more precisely in the area between Mexico and Belize, there is a vast plain dotted with some limited hills and large wooded extensions which, like the southern part of the coastal strip facing the Pacific, is also flat. To the north, however, there is also an arc of ancient rocks, covered by marine sediments, belonging to the Mesozoic and Cenozoic eras.
The country is also very rich in watercourses, which flow among the wide valleys present in the central part of the country and into the two oceans, including the Río Chixoy, the Motagua and the Usumacinta, and lake basins including Lake Izabal (590 Km²), about thirty kilometres away from the Atlantic, Lake Petén Itzá (99 Km²) and Lake Atitlán (130 Km²) which is of volcanic origin and still active.

Guatemala has one of the most important volcanic complexes in Central America. (Photo Pixbay)

Also belonging to the country are some islets present both in the waters of the bordering oceans and in some lakes, all of a very small size, less than one square kilometre.
From a historical point of view, Guatemala has been for millennia the cradle of the Mayas whose testimony is still alive among the inhabitants of the country, despite the terrible persecutions suffered by this population over the centuries, but also in the archaeological works bequeathed and deriving from their high architectural, astronomical, mathematical, and medical skills. They also distinguished themselves for having given birth to the only writing system developed in the Americas. It was the advent of the Spaniards led by Pedro de Alvaro, together with the internal strife of this native population, which put an end to their dominance without completely erasing their presence and ancestral traditions, also preserved by the hostility of the territory.

Manuel Estrada Cabrera ruled Guatemala between 1898 and 1920. (Photo Archive)

In 1821, following a series of historical events, the territories of that area declared themselves independent from the settlers, giving rise to the Central American Federation. This federation, however, was short-lived and was divided into 5 states: Guatemala, Honduras, El Salvador, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica while Belize, which in the meantime had become a British colony, would gain independence in 1981.Independence, however, was certainly not synonymous with freedom since these countries were immediately used as instruments of control and domination by external actors. As proof of this, it is enough to remember that between the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century, major and decisive battles were fought between the European powers and the United States for the conquest of strategic, economic, and financial spaces. The United States, in particular, intervening heavily and militarily in local political life, worked to oust the European powers by virtue of the presence of notable investments, concentrated in the production and export of tropical agricultural products, especially bananas. The size and importance of these investments were such as to severely limit national sovereignty. Hence the epithet ‘banana republics’.

Guatemala’s democratically elected president Jacobo Árbenz was overthrown in a coup planned by the CIA and The United Fruit Company. (Photo Archive)

Against this, Guatemala, from the time of its independence, was forced to deal with a long period of repressive dictatorships including that of Manuel Estrada Cabrera, in office from 1898 until 1920, who to promote the agricultural development of the country, opened its doors to the United Fruit Company of Boston which immediately extended its control over almost the entire economy of the country.
This allowed the USA, thanks to the ‘dollar diplomacy’, to establish itself as the country’s first economic partner, making it extremely dependent on its own economic structure.
It was Jacobo Arbenez, who tried to cut this independence in 1951, following his election, through the promotion of agrarian reform and the nationalization of the United Fruit Company which at the time held 40% of the arable land, but also the concession of the railways of the country. His action did not last long as, in 1954, he was overthrown by a group of officers supported by the CIA. The new military dictatorship, which acted as guarantor with multinational companies, maintained power for about thirty years, changing the political course of the country which sank into a very long phase of political instability. The result was one of the bloodiest conflicts in Latin America with more than 200,000 victims in a war that lasted 36 years which saw the regular army and paramilitary formations in the field, more or less openly supported by North American advisers. (Open Photo: National flag of Guatemala. 123rf.com)
(F.R.)

Migrants.

Among the many problems afflicting Guatemala, there is certainly also the migratory phenomenon.

In fact, Guatemala, in addition to being the country of origin of large numbers of migrants heading to the USA, is also, due to its geographical position, a transit route for those leaving from other states both in Central America and in the southern area.
According to some estimates made in 2021 by the IOM (International Organization for Migration), around 31,000 people try to leave the country every month to cross the border with Mexico. Generally, the majority of migrants, about 60%, leave from Honduras, 17% from Haiti and 12% from El Salvador. It has also been estimated that 46% of people attempting crossings are women. In recent months there has also been an increase in departures from Nicaragua, Cuba and Venezuela.

Around 31,000 people try to leave the country every month to cross the border with Mexico. (Photo IOM).

The weak structure on which the country rests and the atavistic criticalities with which it lives have not allowed it to deal adequately with the pandemic situation. The impact of this has accentuated the crisis situation, drastically affecting the weakest groups deprived of adequate care by the health system which was already quite fragile.
In addition to the pandemic, there were also the hurricanes Eta and Iota which hit Central America in November 2020, causing significant damage to the agricultural sector and the communities dependent on it, as well as numerous displaced persons who facilitated the circulation of the virus during the pandemic period. In the same year, the approval of a controversial budget law, with huge reductions in education and health care and the possible aiding and abetting of companies linked to the government, sparked large protests in the country, up to the request for the resignation of the entire executive. These dynamics have once again worked in favour of the now atavistic internal divisions, despite the great commitment made by the United Nations and other members of the international community. The burden of the lack of a shared historical memory of what happened in the past and in particular of the crimes committed against indigenous communities, still weighs on the population. In recent years, in particular, there has been a phenomenon of aggregation of original peoples, marginalized and protagonists of misery who, despite having always organized themselves in communities and supported each other, are acquiring an ever-greater space in the national political arena by placing themselves today as protagonists in the promotion of protests against corruption.

Journalist José Rubén Zamora Marroquín was arrested on July 29, 2022 for exposing the corruption cases of the Alejandro Giammattei government. Photo: El Periódico

The fracture present within the country is also evident from the repressive climate that has arisen and which led in July 2022 to the arrest of one of the most important journalists in the country, José Ruben Zamora. One of the greatest critics of the Giammattei government, from the columns of his newspaper El Periódico, he published weekly inquiries into the corruption of the country’s political class. In the opinion of some analysts, this arrest is part of a larger mosaic aimed at putting those in the country who oppose the phenomenon of corruption, out of the game.

The indigenous leader Thelma Cabrera. CC BY-SA 4.0/Carlos Sebastián

From a legal point of view Guatemala, according to the Constitution drawn up in 1985, is a presidential republic whose head of state is elected for a four-year term. Next June 23, the country will once again be grappling with general elections for the election of the President of the Republic and his deputy. On the same day, 160 deputies who will go to Congress, 340 mayors and the 20 deputies who will go to the Central American Parliament will also be elected (the latter is a political institution dedicated to the integration of Central American countries, including the Dominican Republic, to bring about the unity of this region and the prosperity of its peoples).
The indigenous leader Thelma Cabrera will again be in the field as the candidate of the Movement for the Liberation of Peoples (MLP), which is a leftist formation and fights for the creation of a plurinational state based on the different Mayan peoples who inhabit the country. Cabrera will be accompanied by former Guatemalan human rights prosecutor Jordán Rodas, having held that position between 2017 and 2022, who will run for the vice presidency.
In late January 2023, Guatemala’s Supreme Electoral Tribunal (TSE) blocked Cabrera and Rodas from participating in the upcoming election, which will be held on June 25.
Guatemalan social movement activists and international observers have reported that the TSE is deeply politicized and acts in the interests of Giammattei and the country’s powerful oligarchs.
Cabrera and her MLP party filed an appeal, but on February 2, the TSE ruled against them, officially banning them from the race.
The Guatemalan electoral authority claimed they cannot run because their application was “invalid”.
Cabrera shared the completed paperwork on Twitter, insisting that “we fulfilled all the legal requirements”. Rodas also explained that he submitted all the required paperwork, and a review of his record found no legal cases or complaints against him.
“Any additional requirement is not found in the law; it cannot be invoked to avoid my candidacy and violate my right to be elected”, he said. (Open Photo: 123rf.com)

Filippo Romeo

The Gecko and the Elephant.

The elephant, the leader of the village, was already sound asleep when suddenly a loud, insistent voice made him gasp: Ge-cko… Ge-cko… Ge-cko. After opening his eyes and taking a deep breath, the elephant said: “Gecko, what are you doing here? Why are you walking around my head? It’s the middle of the night. Go to sleep. “

“But I cannot sleep, – replied the gecko -. Outside, the air is full of fireflies that keep turning their lanterns on and off. You who are the chief of this village, try to do something.” “All right, all right, – replied the elephant – I will talk to them in the morning. Now go to sleep”.

Early in the morning, the elephant summoned all the fireflies of the valley. “Is it true”, he asked them, “that all night long you do nothing but turn your lanterns on and off so that the gecko cannot sleep?”

“Yes, it is. We are constantly turning our lanterns on and off all night because the buffaloes on their way backfill the paths with dung and we have to light the way to prevent anyone from trampling on their dirt, “replied the fireflies.  “All right, you can go now, said the elephant.

The elephant was sleeping when suddenly a snapping voice woke him up: Ge-cko… Ge-cko… Ge-cko… The elephant opened his eyes, took a deep breath, and said: “Gecko, what are you doing here? Why are you walking around my head? It’s night, go to sleep.”

“I can’t sleep”, replied the gecko, “the fireflies keep turning their lanterns on and off. You promised me you would talk to them.
What did they tell you?”

“Yes, I talked to them”, replied the Elephant. “The fireflies have to light and extinguish their lanterns because they are afraid that someone, walking along the paths, will step on the dung of the buffaloes. They do their duty.  I guess you will have to get used to fireflies.”

“Then, talk to the buffaloes”, insisted the gecko. “You are the chief of this village; try to do something”.

The next day, the elephant summoned the buffaloes of the valley and said to them: “Is it true, that you come back in the evening and fill the paths with dung, and the fireflies are obliged to turn their lanterns on and off all night to prevent anyone from treading on them?”

“Yes, it is true” – the buffaloes confessed. “Every afternoon the rain digs holes along the paths and we fill them as best we can so no one falls in.”  “Very good buffaloes”, said the village chief. “Now you can go.”

The next night the elephant was sound asleep when the usual voice woke him up. “Gecko, it’s the middle of the night. Go to sleep.” “But I cannot sleep”, was the usual reply. “The fireflies keep turning their lanterns on and off. You promised to talk to the buffaloes.
What did they tell you?”

“In fact, I did talk to the buffaloes”, replied the elephant, “and they told me that every afternoon the rain digs holes along the paths and that they try to fill them as best they can to prevent anyone from going into them. They do their duty. I guess you’ll have to get used to the buffaloes.”  “Then talk to the rain”, said the gecko. “You are the chief of this village try to do something.”

The next day, the elephant summoned Rain and said to her: “Is it true that every afternoon you dig holes along the paths and the buffaloes are forced to fill them with dung so that no one ends up in them? And the fireflies have to turn their lanterns on and off all night to light the way and prevent anyone from stepping in the buffalo dung?”

“Of course,”, said the rain. “Every afternoon I try to fall on the earth with all my strength to make the rice fields fertile so that the insects have a place to be born and live. If every afternoon I did not fall with all my strength and make the fields fertile, the insects would die and the geckos would have nothing to eat.” “Oh, now I understand”, said the elephant contentedly. “Thank you; you may go”.

The Elephant was already fast asleep when for the umpteenth time a loud, insistent voice woke him up. “Gecko, what are you doing here? It’s night, go to sleep”. “But I can’t sleep”, the gecko replied, “because the fireflies keep turning their lanterns on and off. You promised you would talk to the rain. What did it tell you?”

“Every afternoon the rain tries to pour down on the earth with all the strength it has to make the rice fields fertile. It is in the rice fields that insects are born and live. If the rain stopped falling, the insects would die and you, gecko, would have nothing left to eat. So”, concluded the elephant, “how shall we put it?”.

The gecko was silent for a moment.  After a while, he said in an astonished voice: “Do you mean to say that if the rain did not leave holes in the paths and the buffaloes did not fill them with dung and the fireflies did not light and extinguish their lanterns, I, a gecko, would have nothing to eat?” “Exactly! Gecko, in this world everything is connected”, the elephant replied. “Now go home and go to sleep”.

The gecko walked home thoughtfully and once he arrived; he fell into a deep sleep. Outside, the fireflies continued to light and extinguish their lanterns. In this world, all creatures must know that they depend on each other, and for this reason we should not complain. (Photo: 123rf.com)

Folktale from India

Ghana. Akwasidae, an Ashanti Festival of Rich Cultural Heritage.

It is the most important event celebrated by the Chiefs and people of Ashanti in the central part of Ghana. We attend the celebration.

It is a magnificent celebration centred on ancestral reverence, remembrance and acknowledgment of past kings and noble feats.  It marks the sheer magnificence of the golden heritage of the Ashanti people. Between 1697 and 1699, the Battle of Feyiase, otherwise known as the Ashanti war of independence, was an occasion to re-affirm indivisibility. Akwasidae serves as a celebration of the Golden Stool and a cultural vibrancy that brings together the Asantehene, sub-kings and subjects at Manhyia in Kumasi. The Akwasidae celebration is indeed an eventful spectacle, where the spiritual meets the physical. Ashanti culture centres on ancestral worship. The festival is also known to honour the Ashanti independence war. It is celebrated on a Sunday, once in every six weeks. The importance of the celebration of Akwasidae festival is next only to the National Day celebrations.

Akwasidae Celebration in Manhyia Palace. CC BY-SA 4.0/Zack Agon

In Akan, ‘adae’ means ‘place of rest’, and as such Akwasidae is when past kings are called upon to invoke their blessings on the people. Prior to Akwasidae, the preceding Saturday evening, known as Memeneda Dapaa, sees elderly women of the Stool conveying emblematic songs to the palace grounds. Drums and horns voice out harmonies and dancing goes on until the early hours of the morning, inviting the spirits of the dead. One place to learn more about the event is the Manhyia Museum.
The traditions of the Akwasidae festival are connected with the Akan annual calendar which is divided into nine parts. Each part lasts approximately six weeks (between 40–42 days in a period). The celebration of this period is called the ‘Adae’ festival. The ‘Adae’ Festival has two celebration days: the Akwasidae festival which is celebrated on the final Sunday of the period and the Awukudae festival that is celebrated on a Wednesday within the period.

The Friday preceding 10 days to the Akwasidae is called Fofie, which means a ritual Friday. During the last Akwasidae of the year, which coincides with the Adae Kese Festival, special attention is given to making food offerings and donations for helping people. The festivals of Adae are not interchangeable as they were fixed from ancient times.
The festival adores the milestones in the history of the Ashanti Kingdom. Its first celebration was during the attainment of statehood by the Ashanti Kingdom after it had defeated the Denkyiras in the battle of Feyiase, also known as the Ashanti independence war.
During the Akwasidae festival, the rich cultural heritage of the Ashanti people is displayed to attract local people and foreign visitors. The Ashanti kingdom is made up of social groups led by clan heads, compelled to connect the life force of the past and the people.  Due to the rich nature of the event, the festival takes place in the royal palace and gathers thousands of people, all dressed in traditional costumes.
The ceremony opens in the throne room, where only the initiates are allowed. According to the Ashanti cultural archive records, Akwasidae is an ornate ceremony, commemorating the date that the Ashanti Golden Stool was magically brought down from heaven.

The Golden Stool symbolizes solidarity within the Ashanti kingdom.

The Golden Stool is historic and arguably the most sacred symbol commanded from the sky by Okomfo Anokye, into the lap of Asantehene Osei Tutu during the 17th century. The stool stands 18 inches high, 24 inches long and 12 inches wide and is never allowed to come into contact with earth or be used as a seat. Every new king is lowered and raised over the Golden Stool without ever touching it. At Akwasidae, the Asantehene sits in close proximity to the installed Golden Stool. Since its introduction, the Golden Stool has always symbolised solidarity within the Ashanti kingdom.
Ritual libations of blood and schnapps (gin) are poured onto the thrones of the former kings as offerings to them and to the ancestors. The belief is that the blood revitalizes the stools and the ancestral spirits, and the lungs; a symbol of breath of life serves the purpose of giving new life to the stools. During the last Akwasidae of the year, special attention is given to making food offerings and donations for helping people.
Food offerings include special items such as etor (mashed African yam) mixed with boiled eggs.

Ashanti local chiefs. CC BY-SA 2.0/ Erik Kristensen

On this day, the Asantehene (King of Asantes) is called upon to oversee the pledging of allegiance to the Golden Stool, arguably the most sacred symbol within the Ashanti Kingdom. He meets his subjects and subordinate chiefs in the courtyard of the Manhyia Palace. The Golden Stool (throne) is displayed at the palace grounds in the presence of the King. People sing and dance while the King holds his durbar on the occasion of the festival. During that period, people are at liberty to shake hands with their King.
The King leads a procession in a palanquin decorated with gold jewellery and he sits under a large bright umbrella. He also witnesses a colourful parade from his palace grounds at Kumasi. Participants of the parade include drum beaters, folk dancers, horn-blowers, and singers. The arrival of the Asantehene at the durbar grounds is heralded by a retinue of courtiers led by a man carrying a brass pan containing talisman and herbs believed to drive away evil spirits.

Ashanti woman.

Others carry the traditional sandals of silver and gold keys (the Nsafoahene). The key, in folklore, signifies that when the Asantehene is out of the palace all doors are shut. The Asantehene emerges holding a traditional sword in one hand and a whisk in another and dances to traditional music and steps out of the palanquin. As the procession passes, he bows gently to the chiefs and other subjects to acknowledge their presence.
As it is a festival of paying respect to ancestors, the Asantehene (king) visits the Bantama Mausoleum and offers worship not only to his ancestors’ chairs (stools), but also to the skeletal remains of his ancestors. He pays respect to the honour of Abosom (lesser gods in the Akan tradition) and Nsamanfo (spiritually cultivated ancestors). Concluding the ceremony in the mausoleum, the paramount chief orders drinks to be served to all present who later depart, leaving the stools and the ancestors to eat and drink what has been served them.
In front of the King stand other chiefs in the shade of their umbrellas, sword carriers, bearers of ritual knives, armed guards with loaded rifles and nobles with ostrich feather fans. Sitting next to the King are the dignitaries of the court. The royal speaker stands by the King’s side and holds in his hands a golden scepter as a symbol of the Asantehene’s (King) power.The Queen mother, the most important woman in the realm, is also present and surrounded by her court made up exclusively of women. To accompany the ceremony, glorious stories are told of the past Ashanti Kings, musicians play drums and ivory horns giving the rhythm to the ceremony and women wrapped in bright red clothes dance, performing traditional steps.

Akwasidae itself comes in two parts: aside from the main celebrations open to the general public there are solemn, private ceremonies, including rituals for eulogising the incumbent king and the presentation of ceremonial sacrifices to the ancestral spirits. The celebration on these days involves the purification of black, ancestral, hand-carved stools.
Public celebrations include a fine durbar of kings, queen mothers, elders and the people presided over by the Asantehene. Golden regalia, umbrellas, palanquins, and paraphernalia add to the glow interspersed with drumming and dancing from different cultural bands at the palace grounds. The enormous wealth of the Ashantis is a factor that helped to develop the society into one of the greatest in Africa to the extent that it currently stands out as the leading custodian of Ghana’s rich cultural heritage. (Open Photo: The 16th Asantehene, King of Ashanti, Otumfour Osei Tutu II. CCBY-SA 4.0/ Zackagonii)

Damian Dieu Donne Avevor

Yemen. Houthis and Iran: A Marriage of Wartime Convenience.

After eight years of conflict, the Houthis are now militarily closer to Iran. They are also more integrated than before in the pro-Iranian armed network. However, the Houthis differ from Iran’s proxies in the region, and not only for being part of the Zaydi Shia doctrine.
The Yemeni armed movement is economically autonomous from Tehran, with its own political agenda and a distinct, elite-driven structure of power. 

According to the United Nations, the Houthis received weapons for the first time from Iran since at least 2009, while the Yemeni Zaydi Shia movement was fighting against the government (“Saada wars”), prompting Saudi Arabia to intervene to secure its border
from Houthi guerrillas.

This means that the increasing alliance between the Houthis and Iran, strengthened by the 2015 conflict, has never really been tested during peacetimes, but only in times of uprising and war. The question is to what extent the Houthis are able to exercise their ‘agenda’ in Yemeni politics  – so hypothetically diverging from Iran’s expectations – as talks with Saudi Arabia are still ongoing and the Saudi-Iranian diplomatic agreement was inked.

The growing Houthi-Iran integration is increasingly noticeable in warfare, media and propaganda,  foreign relations. In terms of warfare, the Houthis have turned from a local guerrilla group to a more sophisticated armed force able to strike ground and maritime targets throughout the region. First, this was achieved through the hybridization with segments of pro-Ali Abdullah Saleh’s regular security forces and, secondly, through the enhanced relationship with Iran.

Security assistance from the Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps-Qods Force (IRGC-QF weapons and ammunition smuggling, military training) allowed the Houthis to upgrade their defence capabilities and further develop their asymmetric skills. Together, they also forged new military institutions in Yemen. For instance, the Jihad Council is a tool of Houthis’ strategic integration in the Iranian armed constellation.

The Council is headed by Abdel Malek Al Houthi, with a jihad assistant from the Qods and a deputy jihad assistance from Hezbollah. The Council allows the Houthis to further centralize strategic decision-making while ‘institutionalizing` Qods and Hezbollah’s advice on military strategy and technical weapons-related aspects.
The assistance of the Iranian network also helped the Houthis to build their own weapons factories (drones), as part of a military-industrial complex in controlled areas.

The Iranian armed network played a role in structuring the Houthis’ media. Their official media outlet, Al-Masirah, broadcasts since 2012 from Southern Beirut, with the technical assistance of Hezbollah’s Al-Manar. The Houthis often coordinated with Iran and pro-Iranian Iraqi armed groups on information and propaganda, providing them plausible deniability after attacks: for instance, the Yemeni group claimed responsibility for the attacks against Saudi Aramco in 2019, although these came from the north, not from the south of the kingdom.

Iran doesn’t control the Houthis’ decision-making process, although their worldview is similar. This favours foreign policy convergence. Both the Houthis and the post-1979 Iranian leadership cultivate an anti-imperialist discourse, claiming to protect ′the oppressed` against ′the arrogance`. For example, the Houthis’ narrative harshly opposes the United States and Israel. The slogan of the Yemeni movement is a clear iteration of the Islamic Republic’s propaganda: both the founder Husayn Al Houthi and his father Badreddin, the ideologue of the movement, studied in Iran between the 1980s and the 1990s.

Despite rising integration, the Houthi-Iran relationship is not that of a classic patron-client. While the Houthis often behave like a proxy to gain regional legitimacy and strengthen their position vis-à-vis Yemeni actors, they have their own agenda and notable agency. The Houthis are pragmatic and adaptable political players. For instance, they often shifted domestic alliances when this was politically convenient, also talking directly with ′the enemy` Saudi Arabia.

Four variables highlight why the Houthis are distinct from Iranian proxies. First, the Houthis are financially autonomous from Iran: they directly extract economic resources from the de facto state in the north (taxes, levies, zakat, khums), and control the smuggling networks stretching in the area.

The Houthis were able to penetrate and then replace former Saleh-centred patronage networks with their own webs. However, they are probably the weakest actor for welfare provision in the Iranian constellation, as seen also during the Covid-19 pandemic.
This is likely due to widespread poverty in Yemen, especially in their Northern fiefdom.

Second, the Houthis mainly pursue local goals, such as the Northern regions’ greater autonomy and participation to state revenues. Third, the Houthis don’t belong to the Twelver Shia branch like the Iranians.
They are a rupture stream within Zaydism: differently from the Zaydi doctrine, they haven’t appointed an imam so far, while they also distinguish from khomeinism.

As noted by Charles Schmitz, a professor at Towson University in Baltimore, Maryland, the Houthis haven’t provided their leader a formal role within the state architecture, yet they have shaped an Islamic Republic-like government guided by a revolutionary movement.

Fourth, the Houthis claim to represent the oppressed – as other pro-Iranian groups in the region do – and Northern marginalized areas. However, their leadership presents not only a unique family-based connotation (the Al Houthi family), but also a class dimension (sayyid; sâda, the non-tribal Zaydi religious elite): a sort of ′monarchism` which can’t be traced elsewhere in the Iranian network.

Lebanon’s Hezbollah are the Houthis’ closest ally in the Iranian constellation. Hezbollah has played the role of mentor with regard to military training, allowing the Houthis to strengthen both regular (ex. infantry tactics) and irregular (ex. mine warfare) capabilities, improving guided missile operations against tanks and anti-shipping attacks.

To an extent, the Houthis display some similarities to Hezbollah. First, they both emerged as resistance movements against perceived oppression by their neighbours. Second, their charismatic leaders, Abdel Malek Al Houthi and Hassan Nasrallah, are ultimate decision-makers but don’t have formal roles in governments and state institutions.

Third, war was a foundational moment for both the armed movements (the 1975-1989 Lebanese civil war; Yemen’s Saada wars 2004-10), and then was decisive in upgrading their political and military weight in the region (the 2006 Hezbollah-Israel war; the 2015 Saudi-led
military intervention).

Fourth, they are locally rooted movements that have been able to develop a national and ultimately a regional narrative. Fifth, they adopt a populist political discourse against corruption, with an ideology and political platform mostly elaborated in reaction against someone, rather than fully expressed from a theoretical perspective.

To some extent, Tehran “bandwagoned on Houthi successes”. In fact, the Houthis’ resilience and unexpected capabilities allowed the Iranians to indirectly put Saudi Arabia under pressure, and along its border, with a limited material investment. Moreover, Iran has also gained an indirect access to the Red Sea due to the Houthis’ presence in Hodeida.

The IRGC-QF is primarily interested in maintaining transit points for weapons and smuggling through Iraq, Syria, and Lebanon, also to support armed allies. However, Hodeida and the neighbouring Red Sea coast represent, despite the Saudi-led blockade, both an entry-point as well as a linchpin for the Iranian maritime depth. Yemen would be increasingly used by Iran as a platform for weapons smuggling benefitting, for instance, Hamas. Arms sent to Yemen would then be shipped to Sudan, through Egypt, all the way to the Gaza Strip.

The Houthis have largely benefitted from Iran’s support so far as this is a marriage of mutual convenience. The Yemeni Zaydi movement has been able to fight a protracted conflict without losing controlled territories, which include the capital Sanaa, thanks to Iranian-related military training and weapons.

While Iran’s support has been extremely effective in wartime, would Tehran be able, and willing, to support Houthis’ political goals also in peacetime, or at least, during a hypothetical a ceasefire season? The point is how much the relationship with Iran binds, and limits, the Houthis’ decision-making, especially vis-à-vis Saudi Arabia. This hasn’t been the case during the war, while it could become the issue towards a post-conflict season. (Photo: Sana’n. CC BY-SA 2.0/Rod Waddington)

Eleonora Ardemagni/ISPI

Mali. Taking over African Lithium.

Australians and Chinese are investing in a project that could soon make the Sahelian country the third-largest producer
of the metal in the world.

An area of 100 km² located in the district of Bougouni, in the Sikasso region, on the southern tip of Mali: this is where the Goulamina mineral deposit is located, managed by the Leo Lithium company, a joint venture created in mid-2021 by the Australian Firefinch and the Chinese Ganfeng companies. It is estimated that this mine contains 108 million tons of lithium, a chemical element of the alkali metal group, a component necessary to light up the batteries of our smartphones, but also the engines of hybrid and electric vehicles.
Australians and Chinese will invest $250 million in the development of the Goulamina Lithium Project.

Leo Lithium is developing the world-class Goulamina Lithium Project in Mali. (Photo: Leo Lithium Project)

The goal is to get to extract from the mine over the course of its life – just over twenty years – an annual average of 436,000 tons of spodumene concentrate, which could even amount to 726,000. Once fully operational, this field would make Mali the world’s third-largest producer of lithium, allowing it to cover 15% of global production.
The chronic insecurity of this Sahelian country, the continuous military coups and government oustings, and the repeated halts to the issuance of permits for mining exploration have thus far not been an obstacle to the project. To the point that the minister of energy, mines,
and water, Lamine Seydou Traoré, personally took the trouble to lay
the foundation stone last June.

The axis with the port of Abidjan
The Chinese partner of the joint venture, Jiangxi Ganfeng Lithium, the world leader in the sector, will offer a loan of about 194 million dollars for the development of the mine. This has allowed the construction of an on-site lithium processing plant to begin with, which could soon make Leo Lithium the main exporter throughout West Africa, pending the entry into production of another large mine, also located in the district of Bougouni but farther north than Goulamina, managed by British Kodal Minerals. By the end of this year, the first shipments are expected to the autonomous port of Abidjan, from where cargoes of clinker, manganese, bauxite, and nickel are already transiting to Western and Asian processing plants.

The port of Abidjan.

Belgian Sea Invest, the manager of the Ivorian port’s mining terminal, in November 2022, reached an agreement with Leo Lithium to take care of the handling and storage of its cargo for the next ten years.
To comply with the agreements, work is under way in the terminal to increase the storage capacity from 200 thousand to 300 thousand tons within 9 months, in order to guarantee the export of over 3 million tons of metal per year.
A system of lagoon barges has also been created in the port which allows for the transfer of up to 100,000 tons of goods to anchored ships with a draft of up to 14 metres, double the normal load on the quay. Another element that made the choice of Leo Lithium fall on the port of Abidjan was the road infrastructure that connect it to Bamako in less than 24 hours. An added value compared to the ports of Dakar (Senegal) or Tema (Ghana), which are more difficult to reach.

Breathless race for Africa
The growth in the value of lithium at a global level mainly depends on the increasing use made of it for the production of batteries that power the latest generation of devices. In 2008, lithium covered only 20% of this market, but by 2030, according to estimates by the United States Institute of Geological Studies, this percentage will increase to 85%. If in January 2021 a ton of lithium was worth 6,400 euros, today that value has already passed to 65 thousand euros. Currently, the world production of lithium is shared by Australia, Chile, and China which in 2019 extracted 45, 19 and 11 million tons, respectively. Thanks to the increase in demand, for some years the radars of large mining companies have also turned to Africa.
China alone has, since 2021, invested in three projects on the continent, including the Goulamina Lithium Project.

Bikita Minerals’ lithium mine in Masvingo province, Zimbabwe. Photo: Handout

In addition to Mali, the other countries attracting the most attention are the Democratic Republic of Congo, Angola, and Zimbabwe. In Angola, the Australian group Tyranna Resources announced its intention, at the beginning of 2022, to acquire 80% of the shares of the Namibe Lithium Project. While in Zimbabwe, the Chinese company Zhejiang Huayou Cobalt has invested 378 million dollars to purchase the rights to exploit the Arcadia mine from the Australian Prospect Resources.
At the moment, however, with the exception of the Manono Project, located 500 kilometres north of Lubumbashi in the south of the Democratic Republic of Congo, and in view of the Goulamina Lithium Project, only the raw metal is extracted in the other African mines. The high costs and complexity of the raw material transformation processes cut Africa out of the supply chains, despite the immense reserves it has. The continental demand for batteries for electronic devices thus remains anchored to imports from abroad. Yet another case of a supply chain broken at the source.

Rocco Bellantone

India. At School with a Look of Love.

Sister Nancy Thomas recounts her experience at Nirmala Bhavan, an institution for blind girls in the Indian state of Karnataka.

The school where Sister Nancy Thomas, missionary of the Immaculate in India, has been working for twenty years is special: it is called Nirmala Bhavan and welcomes blind girls and young ladies aged 10 to 28 who, “aside from driving and painting – explains Sr Nancy – manage to do everything independently: they read and write in Braille, they pray, they wash the dishes, they learn to go around with a stick for the blind, they play various instruments and they dance”.
The school is located in the village of Athani in the southwestern Indian state of Karnataka. For reasons of caste and inheritance, families often marry off their daughters to first cousins. “Parents want land ownership to remain within the family and, as in all of India, prevent their children from marrying someone of a different caste”, explains Sister Nancy.
And she continues: “Children with disabilities, mental retardation or other problems are born from these marriages. Many are indeed blind and girls find themselves in a situation of greater insecurity than boys”.

The nun explains the main difficulty they find. She says: “Parents struggle to let someone else take care of their daughters because, in accordance with the Hindu tradition which believes in reincarnation, a disabled daughter is seen as a divine punishment. We go to the families and talk to them. We try to explain that it is not a divine punishment and that girls can have a future in school. Families usually calm down after visiting the school and are happy to see how we take care of their daughters”.Even though consanguineous marriages are a widespread practice among all social classes, the girls of the Nirmala Bhavan almost all come from backgrounds of poverty. Karnataka, in fact, unlike the neighbouring southern Indian states, is one of the poorest states in India.”All our girls ask for is that they be given an opportunity – continues Sister Nancy. Sometimes they are rejected by their families, but they don’t want compassion, they want to be able to study and work”. In fact, in state schools, disabled people are usually left in a corner and all they are given is food.
In the community, however, they learn to read, write, cook, clean, play, use computers and do handicrafts. “We are concerned with their physical and spiritual development”. Many girls who have graduated from school have now found employment and are working in IT companies, in the food sector and even in fashion. Sister Nancy proudly says, “One of our girls is on the national blind girls cricket team”.
“These girls have hope, they pray, and they thank us for being accepted and treated as human beings. Some tell us: ‘Without you, we could have died’ ”. Instead at Nirmala Bhavan, they got a second chance at life.

“They recognize us by our voice or by our smell – continues the nun. And they are extremely intelligent: as soon as they meet a new person, they remember them forever. They also have a high sensitivity: when we are ill, they worry about us, they tell us to go to the hospital because they are afraid that if we were to die, no one would take care of them anymore”.Even though they can’t see, the girls wear make-up for special occasions or when visitors arrive: “They want to look pretty because they know that others can see them”.
The presence of the Missionary Sisters of the Immaculate in Athani began in 2000 and a few years later the Nirmala Bhavan community was born. “Occasionally, people are suspicious and ask us what we are doing, but in general our presence is welcome”, says Sister Nancy.
The Bharatiya Janata Party, the ultra-nationalist Hindu party from which Prime Minister Narendra Modi comes, and which governs Karnataka, has so far never caused problems for the Sisters because the girls they take care of are all Hindus. “Only one or two girls are Christian”, explains Sister Nancy. The decision of the sister Nancy  to devote herself to the consecrated life came at a young age. “One of my older sisters was already a nun – she explains – and when I saw her all dressed in white, she looked like an angel to me: I immediately wanted to be one too”. The missionary vocation arrived shortly after when during the last year of high school Sister Nancy attended a lesson on Father Damien, a Belgian missionary of the Congregation of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary who in the 19th century gave his life for lepers in Molokai.

But the missionary, who worked in other communities before arriving in Athani, had some difficulty in approaching the blind girls: “At first I would call them, expecting them to be able to reach me right away. But it’s not that simple for the blind. And they were very suspicious. It took me a while to get used to it and understand their feelings. To do that, you have to put yourself in their shoes”.
Concretely, and not just metaphorically, “You have to really understand what it was like to not see all the time. When I understood what it was like to live in the dark, I began to feel even more love and concern for them. Sometimes we are grumpy, unhappy, but when I look at these girls who are happy despite their condition, I can’t entertain negative feelings”, concludes Sr. Nancy.

Alessandra De Poli/MM

Agnès Kabwiz. “We continue to advocate for human rights”

She is the leader of a cooperative of artisanal miners in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). “Our story is also about resilience, empowerment and our fight for survival for ourselves
and our families.”

My story is not easy to tell. It is full of pain, one shared by countless women who work in mining in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC). I live in the province of Lualaba, the capital of the world’s largest deposit of cobalt, an urgently needed mineral for computer batteries, smartphones, and electric cars. Our story, however, is not just about pain; it is also about resilience, empowerment and our fight for survival for ourselves and our families.

I was a young girl in the 1990s when multinational companies came to Lualaba. Their arrival and the liberalization of the Congolese mining sector in 2002 facilitated the quasi-privatization of Gécamines, our national mining company.

Previously, the profit from Gécamines financed the basic government social services given to local communities.
With quasi-privatization however, these services ended.People in our communities also lost their jobs. Foreign mining companies did not hire local people other than for manual labour because they said we did not have the necessary qualifications.

Families, including my own, fell on hard times. Our poverty was in great contrast to the multinationals who got richer by taking our country’s wealth. Left to fend for ourselves, many of us went into artisanal or subsistence mining. This meant digging by hand for copper and cobalt ores contaminated with uranium. We faced many challenges: financial insecurity, forced displacement, health issues due to radiation exposure and contact with contaminated water.

The women were the biggest losers. We experienced sexual harassment and violence. We were excluded from working directly in the industrial and artisanal mines. Traditional patriarchal beliefs forbid us from entering mine shafts.

This left young girls and women no choice but to work in the cleaning and transport of minerals, exposing us to toxic water. Worse again, we sold our mining products to these multinationals and traders at really low prices. However, it was this hazardous and unsafe work that put food on my table and enabled me to finish my studies.

As a mother, I have committed myself to protecting the rights of women so they do not have to experience what I went through. I started a mining cooperative.

I bring women together so we can mine with dignity. By forming a cooperative, we created an environment that provides us with the training, guidance, and skills we need to work safely and sustainably.

Today, we continue our fight against human rights abuses, especially against women and children. We seek alternatives to mining. However, all this is not enough. Multinational mining companies still operate with impunity and exploit us. We still face huge challenges as the demand for copper and cobalt increases.

It is important that we continue to advocate for human rights and to make companies accountable for the harm they do. We understand that development is necessary but not at such a cost to our people. We need to promote sustainable development based on equality, justice, transparency and accountability.

Advocacy

Maria Ressa. Information that gives hope.

“We want to create a federation of international journalistic organisations that collaborate in this effort, starting from the global South,” says Filipino journalist and 2022…

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Baobab

The Leopard, the Dog and the Tortoise.

Once upon a time, there was a leopard. He had a huge walnut tree that was full of nuts. Stingy as he was, however, he forbade…

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Youth & Mission

Mission. In the school of life and humanity.

Three young Comboni missionaries from three continents share their vocation stories and missionary experiences. Fr Victor Cunanan Parungao from the Philippines reflects on 15 years of…

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