TwitterFacebookInstagram

The Zambezi River. Threats and opportunities for the ‘Great River ‘.

  • Written by:

The Zambezi River is one of Africa’s main energy assets and could become as well one of the continent’s main water highway, but many threats ranging from climate change to  the risk of collapse of the Kariba dam, must be addressed.

With a total length of 2,574 km, the Zambezi River, called the “Great River” in the Tonga dialect of Zambia is the fourth longest river of the Africa after the Nile, Congo, and Niger rivers. Its average flow ranks second on the continent with a figure of 4,134 cubic meters/second, after the Congo River and its largest tributaries.
The Zambezi River which flows through six countries between its source in north-western Zambia and the Indian Ocean. Including also Angola, Namibia, Botswana, Zambia, Zimbabwe, and Mozambique, is also one of the most important energy assets of the continent, with a hydroelectric potential of 20,000 MW.

This sizeable resource is however vulnerable to climate events such as El Niño and La Niña. When sea surface temperatures rise by 0,50C above normal, El Niño bring less rainfall to Southern Africa. As a result, the Basin experienced an extremely severe drought in 1994, which caused the loss of large livestock populations due to lack of adequate water resources and grazing pasture. In 2016 again, one of the strongest El Niño events in 50 years was recorded, causing massive livestock losses in thousands of farms in the Zambezi river basin. In February 2016, water level declined to only 12 percent of the capacity of Lake Kariba at the border between Zambian and Zimbabwe, one of the world’s largest artificial reservoirs and an important resource for agriculture and fisheries. Conversely, when sea surface temperatures fall by at least 0,50C below normal, La Niña brings much more rainfall. This phenomenon has caused terrible disasters. The floods provoked by the Cyclone Eline in February 2002 in the Zambezi Basin left 700 people dead and over 500,000 people homeless.

Such changes have dramatic consequences on the hydroelectric production of the river whose huge potential has been only developed up to30 percent, more than half of it in Mozambique, with the 2,075 MW Cahora Bassa dam, the third of the continent after the Aswan dam in Egypt on the Nile River and the Lauca dam in Angola on the Kwanza River. The Cahora Bassa dam and the 1470 MW Kariba Dam at the Zambia-Zimbabwe border have reduced the floodings of the Zambezi but they also disrupted fish and other wildlife feeding and breeding patterns. One inconvenience is that as regular flooding have decreased after the construction of the dams, people have inhabited floodplain areas, but these areas are still inundated during extreme flood events. Huge rainfall and drought fluctuations have of course an impact on the hydropower availabilty but claim the Independent Consulting Hydrologist Arthur Chapman, and Doctor Francis Davison Yamba from – the Centre for Energy of the University of Zambia the vulnerability of the hydropower production in the Basin is also owed to the accelerating economic growth. It increases indeed the competition for water between hydropower and irrigated agriculture

But the most immediate risk is the vulnerability of the Kariba dam which poses a huge threat for the entire Zambezi valley. The dam which was inaugurated in 1959 could collapse owing lack of maintenance, warned the South Africa-based Institute of Risk Management in 2014. In October of that year, the BBC reported that since the contruction the dam built on a seemingly solid bed of basalt, the torrents from the spillway have eroded that bedrock, carving a vast crater that has undercut the dam’s foundations. Engineers also warned that in the event of a collapse, a tsunami-like wall of water would wipe out everything downstream in the Zambezi valley, reaching the Mozambique border within eight hours and overwhelming Mozambique’s Cahora Bassa Dam and knock out 40% of southern Africa’s hydroelectric capacity. According to the Zambezi River Authority (ZRA) the lives of 3.5 million people are at stake.
The dam rehabilitation works cofinanced by the World Bank, the African Development Bank and the Swedish Government started in September 2018  and are expected to be completed by 2025.
Yet, the rehabilitation has become even more urgent. Indeed, owing to higher rainfall, the Kariba dam water level has rised markedly up to 83 percent by June 2018.

The last important threat of the Zambezi River is the water pollution, caused by sewage effluent, due to inadequate water treatment facilities in all the major cities of the region. This has resulted in eutrophication of the river water which has facilitated the spread of cholera, typhus and dysentery. This eutrophication process, was largely provoked by the use of fertilisers such as phosphates which facilitate the proliferation of water hyacinths which affects power generation and transport, while impairing reproduction and fish growth.This led the ZRA to implement a special control programme for the Lake Kariba where it. Gold panning is also prevalent resulting in soil erosion and water resources pollution. Land degradation triggered by poor agricultural practises contribute to accelerate the process of soil eroson, leading to siltation and pollution of water sources.Environmentalists are also expressing concern about the Zambezi Seaway Scheme, a U.S. $ 10 billion project to set up a 1,500 km long navigation corridor between the Victoria Falls and the Indian Ocean for the transportation of goods and particularly the coal of Mozambique’s Tete Province. According to its promoters, the Zambezi Seaway will offer a cheaper, faster and more efficient route to the Ocean, thus boosting local economies. But the impact of the project on the wildlife along the banks of the river has not been considered sufficiently, complain environmentalists. (F.M.)

 

 

Uganda. To Give Dignity.

  • Written by:

Hundreds children are begging in the streets of Kampala City.  A Comboni missionary, Father John Bosco Mubangizi has launched a project “Karamoja Streets Kids”. Respect, protection and future for these children. He explains us the initiative.

For decades, the Karamoja region in the north-eastern of the country has been characterised by violent conflicts, high levels of poverty, semi-arid conditions and food insecurity. An estimated 82 per cent of the population live in extreme poverty.  As a result, the area has been dependent on food aid and donor assistance for decades, with numerous emergency aid programs.
To survive, many families in Karamoja have decided to send their children into urban centres hoping to get better opportunities. But in the end many of them end up begging in the streets. Most of those begging on the street in Kampala city are Karimojong children and youth.

Not everyone welcomes these street kids from Karamoja. They compete with and face resistance from the older street children and are subjected to caning, or their money is taken away from them. During the rainy season the leaking temporary structures in Katwe and Kisenyi,  suburbs of Kampala, where they live are too crowded and they are supposed to contribute some money for this ‘accommodation’ despite the poor hygiene. They suffer all kind of diseases and no proper medical attention is offered to them. They are prone to accidents from the street since their main location is at traffic junctions where cars stop and where they can beg. They are often victims of motorcycle “hit and run” accidents and sometimes sustain fractures from these accidents without medical care. The worst happens when children simply disappear from the streets and are never seen again maybe because of the practice of child sacrifice witch doctors. Sadly, these children are used as sex slaves, defiled and/ or forced into prostitution. Many are impregnated, infected with HIV/Aids and other STI’s; because of this; there is a tremendous number of single mothers, aged 12-23 years old on the streets. Some child mothers can be seen on streets breast-feeding fellow children or carrying them on their backs.

I went to visit them

I met the Karimojong street children in Kampala in 2015, when I was still Parish Priest of Matany in Karamoja. One day on reaching Kampala Road in Kampala city near Diamond Trust Bank, about 50 Karimojong children surrounded me chanting my name in Karimojong “Pader Bosco, Pader. Bosco…..” …meaning Father John Bosco. At the beginning, I was surprised, but quickly I interacted with them; one thing I realised was that about 80% of these children were from the Matany area. Most of them were from Lokopo Chapel, one of the churches in the parish. They were my parishioners.

The following day I came back to the same place and asked them to take me to their places of residence and we followed Entebbe Road until we reach Kisenyi-Katwe slum. This is one of the worst slums in Kampala which is a haven for all sorts of vices ranging from smoking tobacco to drug addiction to all sorts of strong drugs. It is a common practice to see children picking food from dustbins, sniffing aviation fuel and smoking marijuana. Prostitution is rampant, theft, murder, alcoholism and general lawlessness is the order of the day in Kisenyi slum. Whether you are a child or an adult, life is the same. Children live an adult life but I think they are traumatised by it. At the end it is the innocent Karimojong children who are new to town life that suffer most of all. They are suffering the complete denial of their natural entitlements as human beings. At a deeper level of interaction, I found out that some children often go a whole day without any solid food. At night they sleep in groups and in turns in small shanty rooms made of wattle and mud to maximise time and space. The first group sleep for 6 hours and then give way to others who sleep for the rest of the night. Over 30 children occupy a room just eight feet by nine. When it rains, they cover themselves with sheets of polythene and stand for the whole night.

These are so-called Out of School children and so are illiterate. They have only one meal a day and sometimes nothing at all. They have no access to any health services. As a result, illnesses go untreated and some die. Most diseases they suffer from are preventable. For these children, using a toilet is a luxury because the use of a toilet costs an average of 200-300 shillings in the slum. The life of these children is without dignity and their rights as children are denied them.
They are extremely vulnerable and are greatly abused physically, psychologically and sexually. They are victims of commercial sex exploitation and there are no system in place for their protection. Not content with denying these innocent children basic care, education, food, health services and psycho social support, the adults behave towards them like predators.
Seeing these children abandoned, with only the help of God to rely on, made me wonder if we appreciate the value of the gift of life  our own and that of the extremely marginalises children on the streets
of Kampala.

We must do something to help

In 2017, I was transferred to the Comboni Missionaries community in Kampala and this gave me an opportunity and, at the same time, a challenge to start from scratch for the wellbeing of the Karimojong children in Kisenyi and Katwe.
One year earlier, during the Golden Jubilee celebrations of Matany Catholic Parish, in Karamoja, Mons Michael Blume the then Nuncio to Uganda said during his homily “ Matany Parish has celebrated its Golden Jubilee with many pastoral achievements what remains as the Parish Pastoral challenge are the Matany Children on the  streets of Kampala looking for  sweets that are never there…..” This statement entered deep into my heart and soul and the voice I felt within me told me I had to do something for these children but I didn’t know, what…”

Finally, Bishop Damiano Guzzetti of Moroto Diocese discussed the question of the Karimojong children with the Archbishop of Kampala Cyprian Lwanga. They decided to start a pastoral initiative to help the children under Nsambya Parish.
Knowing the Karimojong language has helped me a lot. Children feel at easy when they can talk and understand what somebody what to say.  For a year now, I have been going every Sunday to the slum in Katwe and celebrate mass for the Karimojong community.  On average 200-400 Karimojong attend mass every Sunday. They have elected a temporary structure made of eucalyptus and polythene sheets where we celebrate mass.From the same structure we have started literacy and feeding programmes to provide education opportunities and food for the hungry children. So far two adults have been selected:  one to prepare food and porridge for these children and another one to give literacy classes for the Out of School Children. When children fall sick the leaders inform me and we provides medicine or the child is taken to a health facility.
Before considering a more sustainable, relevant and effective intervention, I have decided to see first to the immediate needs of the children – a matter not simply of human rights but of survival.

Ethiopia. Hope For A Forgotten People

  • Written by:

The Menjas live in the south-west of Ethiopia. They are marginalized and discriminated by other ethnic groups. Two Catholic sisters stand up for them.

In the shadow of the giant jungle trees, Kenito Atumo squats on the ground, plucking out every green stalk that sprouts from the ground near his little coffee plant. “Weeds are the enemy of the coffee plant”, he explains to sister Kidist Habtegiorgies, who is kneeling next to him. Under the umbrella of the rainforest that protects from the blazing sun, the man grows coffee seedlings. It takes three to four years of intensive care before you can pick the cherries from a coffee tree.

“We cannot live from growing coffee alone. We still do not have enough fully grown trees”, says Kenito. The Sister listens attentively. She knows the difficult situation of the families in her village. “They work very hard. But despite all efforts, sometimes they can afford just one meal a day”, explains Sister Kidist. She is a member of the ‘Little Sisters of Jesus’. She and her colleague Sister Askalemariam Kario look after many families in Wush-Wush, a small town in south-western Ethiopia. Most of them belong to the group of Menjas, a small population of forest dwellers who mostly follow the faith practices of traditional African religions. Due to their cultural diversity, especially because they eat certain wild animals, the Menjas are marginalized and discriminated against as ‘untouchable’ by the Kaffa people, the majority population in the region.

Social Isolation

Formerly excluded from feasts and gatherings, the Menjas were not allowed to enter the Kaffa houses, to sit at table with them, or to dine with them. Today, through education and enlightenment, the acceptance of the Menjas has improved although social isolation and discrimination still shape community living. The two Sisters are not willing to accept that and try to have direct contact with the Menjas families.
A  simple round hut made of branches and clay and covered with a leaky thatched roof is the home of Kenito Atumo’s family. In a field next to the hut, the 22-year-old father grows corn and bananas. His two children, four-year-old Israel and his one-year-old sister Mekidze, run barefoot toward Sister Kidist. Again and again they rub their eyes and brush away the flies buzzing around their heads.

Mother Tigist looks worriedly into their reddened eyes and says apologetically: “We do not have clean water here. I have to get it from far away every day”. Sister Kidist invites the two to join the Congregation’s kindergarten. There the Sisters offer not only care but also washing facilities and a hot meal. Kenito promises to bring the children there, even if it is a long way to the kindergarten. “When we came to Wush-Wush a couple of years ago, we thought about how to help these people, how to improve their financial situation, how to increase their self-esteem”, says Sister Kidist, the superior of the religious community in the small village of the Catholic Vicariate of Jimma-Bonga.

Although at first everything seems green and fertile in the tree-covered region, the inhabitants often do not have enough to eat. They simply lack the necessary knowledge to cultivate the land effectively. Added to this is the phenomenon of the ‘green drought’. It does not rain enough, the seeds do not sprout and people go hungry. The sisters taught a group of women how to grow vegetables effectively so that they could earn some money. “At the beginning it worked very well. The women were really excited and proud”, recalls the 45-year-old. “But then a group of wild monkeys found their way to the vegetables and destroyed the whole crop”. But giving up was out of the question for the Sisters. They bought a knitting machine for the women, and now the group produces cardigans, sweaters and blankets which she sells in local markets.

Request for Help

“Almost every day, people knock at our door asking for advice or pleading: ‘Please help us, my child is ill.’ or, ‘my wife is dying’, Sister Askalemariam reports. “We help wherever we can, whether it is a leg fracture or pregnancy complications. Our pick-up is available to the entire village for emergencies”. The Sister recalls a seriously ill girl she spotted on her visit to the village. She did not think twice but put her in the car and drove her at a brisk pace to the two-hours distant city of Jimma and a larger hospital. There the girl was treated and survived.
But sometimes the sisters are unable to help. “If parents ask us to bear the costs so that their children may go to the high school or to the college, we must decline. Because these facilities are located in the city and we would also have to pay for lodging and maintenance. For that we simply lack the financial resources”, says Sister Askalemariam. For younger children the church runs a boarding school that accepts also children from poor families.

Additional Income

In Wush-Wush, some students earn something extra in the coffee factory run by a Catholic. In their spare time, they sort out coffee beans that were not peeled off during the mechanical processing. The factory owner pays the farmers a fair price if their coffee is of good quality. Also Kenito Atun would like to sell his coffee to him if his cherries are of good quality. The young man is confident: “God is the creator of all things. He gave me two children. As a way of saying thanks, I named my son Israel. I trust in God”.

Sister Askalemariam is happy about his confidence. She still remembers her early days in Wush-Wush. “Our Menjas were all very shy”, she says. “I used to talk to a woman who used to sell firewood to us. One day I asked her to come in to our house but she felt ashamed. ‘Alemeto, come in, you are our friend’, I said to her. Finally she entered. We sat down, ate bread from the same plate and drank coffee together, as is customary among us here in Ethiopia. When Alemeto said goodbye, tears came to her eyes and she said: ‘Today your God and my God have met’. I also started crying – for joy.”
Since then much has changed. When the Sisters invite people to a feast, the Menjas families with whom the sisters have become friends also come. They also attend the religious service. They say, “You are our sisters, you are our friends. We come to your church where we are accepted and understood. Now it is our church too”.

Bettina Tiburzy – photos: H. Schwarzbach

 

 

Africa 2019. A Challenging Year For The Continent.

  • Written by:

The year 2019 looks extremely challenging in many countries of the continent where crucial elections are scheduled, if they take place.

In Northern Africa, one of the main challenges is whether or not the presidential election will take place in Algeria, next April. By mid-December 2018, there was no visible sign that the ruling Front de libération nationale (FLN) party was even preparing a campaign. Neither did any opposition party publish its programme. So far, the paralysed President, Abdelaziz Bouteflika who has already been hit by several strokes, has not said anything about his intentions and the new FLN’s secretary general, Mouad Bouchareb, has declined to answer journalists’ questions about a possible postponement of the election. Constitutionnalist Fatiha Benabbou warns that such scenario and a possible extension of the mandate are only possible in a war situation.
The future is even more unpredictable in Libya, where the election which was initially scheduled for end 2018 has been postponed to 2019. The UN envoy Ghassan Salame says a national reconciliation conference to be held in early 2019 will set the stage for the elections. But doubt remains that it will be the case. Indeed, the existence of two rival administrations in Tripoli and in Bengazzi, each with its own parliament, central bank and national oil company, poses the risk of further delays. None of them is indeed eager to relinquish its power. As long as the militias are not reined in, the prevailing feeling is that anything can happen.

There is less suspense in Tunisia where presidential and parliament elections are due in October. According to the last polls, the Prime Minister Youssef Chahed would score 17.9%, ahead of the incumbent President, Béji Caïd Essebsi (15.4%), Dr Kais Saïed (14.8%) and the former interim President Moncef Marzouki, (11%). The islamist party Ennahdha would score 36.1% at the parliament elections, ahead of Caïd Essebsi’s Nidaa Tounes (29.8%)
In Western Africa, parliament elections are scheduled in both Guinea Conakry and Guinea-Bissau in January. But there are doubts that they will be held on time. By early December, the crucial issue of the voters’ registry was not solved in Guinea Conakry. And on the 7 December, the Bissau government announced that it had stopped electoral census operations because of suspicions of fraud. The situation prompted both the African and European Unions, the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Community of Portuguese Speaking Countries to express concern to Prime Minister, Aristides Gomes.
The February parliamentary elections in Benin are not tainted with such uncertainty but the opposition leader Candide Azannaï is accusing President Patrice Talon to have set up an electoral reform, which could enable him to manipulate the elections in order to retain a majority of seats in the parliament.

The whole region will also follow with interest the Nigerian general elections on the 16 February. Muhammadu Buhari, the incumbent President who is seeking re-election will face a serious challenger, former Vice-President Atiku Abubakar, the candidate of the Peoples Democratic Party. A few days later, on the 24 February, President Macky Sall of Senegal, should probably, according to polls, come first in the first round of the presidential elections with 45.9% of the votes, far ahead of his rivals, Karim Wade (15.1%), the son of former President Abdoulaye Wade and Ousmane Sonko (14.8%).
In April, President Mohamed Ould Abdel Aziz of neighbouring Mauritania will also seek re-election for a third mandate. He will try to capitalize on his success in containing the djihadist threat owing to the reorganisation of the security services. But the incumbent President is also facing accusations from the anti-slavery movement because his leader, Biram Dah Abeid, who is a member or parliament and a presidential candidate, is in jail since August 2018 and cannot therefore participate to the electoral campaign.

In Central Africa, the main political event will be the consequence of the presidential election on the 23 December 2018 in the Democratic Republic of the Congo. Indeed, omens indicated that a massive fraud was on the cards to enable Joseph Kabila’s hand-picked candidate, Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary to score a victory in front of more popular opposition rivals, such as Félix Tshisekedi and Martin Fayulu. There were fears that protests could spark a new wave of repression and insecurity, in a country, where civil strife is on going in the East and in the Centre, which in turn, might increase the number of refugees in the neighbouring countries which amounted to 781,000 at the end of October 2018.  In such context, there is no guarantee that the Senate election will take place as scheduled on the 6 March in the DRC.
In Chad, the parliament elections are scheduled in May and would be the first since 2011, after having been postponed several times. But government sources don’t rule out that they could be postponed again this time because of security reasons, since the army is fighting Boko Haram in the North of the country and because of budgetary constraints caused by the fall of oil prices.
In Madagascar, the main question is whether the winner of the presidential election, either former elected President Marc Ravalomanana or former self-appointed President Andry Rajoelina who came very close at the first round in 2018, can secure a majority at the parliament elections, scheduled on the 20 March 2019.  Another question is whether tropical cyclones will disrupt the poll and a third one is whether the country will be stable enough to enable pope Francis to visit the country, for the first time since John Paul II’s visit 30 years ago. It is still unclear whether the parliamentary elections in Mauritius take place in late 2019 or early 2020. In either case, Prime Minister Pravind Jugnauth promises that a new Constitution Amendment Bill will ensure a better representation of the communities.

In South Africa, the incumbent President, Cyril Ramaphosa is expected to be re-elected after another victory of the African National Congress (ANC) at the election of the National Assembly in May, the sixth election held since the end of the apartheid system in 1994. The main suspense is the extent of the victory of the ANC which has lost votes over the last years to its rivals, the centre right Democratic Alliance and Julius Malema’s Economic Freedom Fighters party.  During the same month, the embattled Malawi’s President, Peter Mutharika, will be running in a difficult climate, faced with corruption allegations and calls to resign by the opposition. On the 15 October 2019, the ruling Frelimo party and President Filipe Nyusi are expected to win the presidential and parliament elections in Mozambique, after the FRELIMO’s landslide victory at the local elections of October 2018, getting in control of 44 city councils out of a total of 53.
The main question though is whether the main opposition party, RENAMO will accept the results or will again provoke a new cycle of post-electoral violence, on the base of fraud allegations.

In neighbouring Botswana, the suspense will be limited at the forthcoming general elections in October. Ex-teacher and former Minister of Education Mokgweetsi Masisi who became president in April 2018, after the resignation in his favour of the incumbent, General Ian Khama, is the likely winner. Indeed, potential rivals within the ruling Botswana Democratic Party (BDP) have given up to run against him. Likewise, with no meaningful opposition in front of him, the incumbent Namibian President Hage Geingob, who was elected by the ruling SWAPO congress in November 2017, as its candidate, is most likely to become his own successor for the next five years after his first term ends in November 2019.

François Misser

Middle East 2019. Another Uncertain Year Ahead.

  • Written by:

The Return of Palestine and A Deepening
of the Shi’a-Sunni Divide.

One of the clearest lenses through which to gaze into the scenarios that could develop in the Middle East in 2019 is the next Israeli legislative election. It is scheduled to take place on November 5, 2019. But Israeli officials may move the vote ahead to the early spring because current Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu’s margin of majority has been reduced to one seat in Parliament. In turn, that could either postpone or delay the unveiling of the latest White House peace plan for the Middle East. Given that Gaza, and its fate, will represent a top election issue, the Plan could be interfering in the campaign.

Trump is eager to see the plan, the terms of which have been completed, implemented; even if it’s unclear how that might be feasible, given that – apart from Israeli electoral factors – the Palestinians, and the officially recognized Palestinian National Authority (ANP) have not participated in any aspect of the plan to protest Donald Trump’s recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital in December 2017. That does not bode well for what the U.S. president Trump has described as the ‘Deal of the Century’. As for the incorrigible, and often misguided optimists, such as NY Times veteran Thomas Friedman, they merely need to look at the map of the Middle East to understand just what obstacles, the formation of any Palestinian State that does not also establish a full return to the pre-1967 boundaries must overcome. The best outcome at present, would still leave the creation of a divided State, featuring the two non-contiguous territorial sections of Gaza Strip and the West Bank. Add to that the difficulties related to the unilateral declaration of Jerusalem as Capital of the Israeli State, and it’s evident that the only possible outcome is a fiasco.

Unfortunately, since the end of the Cold War, or the fall of the Berlin Wall if you prefer, the dynamic, or chief dialectic, in the Middle East has gradually shifted away from the Palestinian question, which culminated with the 1973 Oil Embargo, to one that has exploited and stoked the ‘divide’ between Shi’a and Sunni. That so-called Arab Spring has allowed that divide to become the central idea of the current Middle East; all but disintegrating the post-colonial nationalist projects of the Republics, while favoring the Sunni monarchies and their vassals – Egypt included. Indeed, if it was once possible to analyze the Middle East and North Africa (MENA) together, it’s no longer the case now. The two are ever more ‘indifferent’. Egypt remains a key player in the Middle East, because of its links to Gaza and the so-called Peace Process. But, it’s a far cry from the defiant and nationalist Egypt of Nasser or early Sadat. The Camp David Accords of 1979 have beholden Egypt to American financial aid, which has become as essential as oil is to the Gulf States, placing Egypt directly in the ‘Sunni’ camp.
And in 2018, the Sunni States have given every indication of towing the White House line on Israel, even going as far as establishing bilateral peace deals or overtures as Oman has clearly done when it invited Israeli Prime Minister Netanyahu to Muscat.

And then there’s the all but declared alliance between Israel and Saudi Arabia. The Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman has agreed with the Trump administration and Israel to allow the latter to continue occupying the Jordan River Valley. That includes allowing all illegal settlements in the West Bank to remain. Of course, it also means that the Palestinians can forget about a capital in East Jerusalem. Clearly, the Palestinians will never accept such a proposal. And, the Israelis and Americans know that if, or rather when, the Palestinians reject it, they will appear as the deterrents to ‘peace’. And Iran will clearly emerge as the Palestinians’ only ally, cementing the Saudis and Israelis’ joint effort against Tehran and its allies.
Clearly, to find challengers to the ‘Deal of the Century’, therefore, we must look to the Shi’a States, and that means, of course, States that have enhanced their relationship with the Islamic Republic of Iran in the past few years. Therefore, the war in Yemen will continue. The assassination of Saudi journalist Jamal Khashoggi may have shed unwelcome limelight on the Saudi Crown Prince Mohammad bin Salman (aka: MbS), but it has not discredited the war that the latter has waged with the backing of Egypt, the UAE and now Pakistan (reluctantly) against the Houthi rebels (Shi’a related sect) in Yemen in 2015. Therefore, that war and the related Saudi (and American) accusations against Iran for supporting the Houthis will continue despite the short burst of attention it received amid gruesome details of Khashoggi’s death.

Of course, it will also mean that despite its vast territorial gains in 2018 and the start of reconstruction, the President Bashar al-Asad’s government in Syria will continue to struggle in 2019. The Last Chapter of the Syrian Conflict Has Not Yet Been Written. Admittedly, the Syrian government of Bashar al-Asad pulled off what at the beginning of the Syrian conflict looked impossible: stay in power. Almost eight years after the first protests in Dara’a escalated into an armed insurrection, Bashar remains president. He has survived ISIS, al-Qaida and its variations such as al-Nusra, the Turks, the Americans, the Saudis and Qataris. But his biggest challenge is about to start. Few remember that before the conflict began in Syria, it and Israel had launched a series of Turkish brokered talks between 2008 and 2010 aimed at resolving the Golan Heights issue. Now, facing the prospect of a Syria stabilizing under Asad’s banner, Israel feels more threatened than at any point in the conflict.
Unlike Saddam Hussein in Iraq or Moammar al-Qadhafi in Libya, the ‘unthinkable’ (as Robert Fisk put it), that is the victory of Bashar al-Asad’s forces over the ‘rebels’, had happened. The Syrian army, backed by its Russian, Iranian and Hezbollah allies, had managed to win back almost all the areas that the rebel/terrorists from ISIS, al-Nusra or Fatah al-Sham were occupying. If the Syrian Government were left unencumbered (by a multitude of foreign armies, intent on carving out zones of influence and security to advance improbable imperial goals like Turkey or protecting a regional ally’s superiority such as the case of the USA vis-à-vis Israel and Saudi Arabia), it would successfully shut down any remaining resistance, potentially even reaching a federalist arrangement with the Kurds in the so-called ‘Rojava’.

But, to allow Asad to succeed like that would represent an utter humiliation for all the major ‘parties’, which have driven the proxy conflict in Syria. In 2019, the Americans and Israelis could become more involved in Syria because of two main reasons:
First, the Syrian army and Hezbollah’s victories mean that they have become quite simply the most experienced fighting force in the region. They have all too real-world training fighting militias in urban settings and non, using a variety of tactics. They have also enhanced their ability to work together as allies, mastering the art of coordination. In other words, should Israel attack Hezbollah or Syria at a point, they will have face a fiercer and more capable enemy than they did when they suffered a humiliating ‘draw’ in July 2006.
Second, because of the Syrian-Hezbollah’s army’s greater and proven ability, the Israel (and the United States) will be even more determined to overthrow the al-Asad government. The conflict in Syria may have left death and destruction, but it has also strengthened the loyalties around the presidency and the Ba’ath Party.
Third, Turkey’s Erdogan wants to get something out of his ‘investment’ in the Syrian conflict. He wants to grab hold parts of northern Syria around Afrin (and Iskenderun/Hatay). These are areas, which, apart from their Kurdish interests, have long been a source of tension between Ankara and Damascus.
Meanwhile, Syria will become ever more isolated from the Arab States, interested as they are in pursuing better relations with Israel – independently of any U.S. ‘peace plan’. It will leave Syria ever more reliant on Iran and, in turn, the Arab States (those aligned with Washington and now Jerusalem) will consider Iran to be their real enemy.

Syria faces a higher risk of becoming the stage for a war against Iran.

The Trump administration has changed a longstanding position on the Golan Heights – a Syrian territory that Israel occupied in 1967. Since 1973, the United States formally maintained a policy demanding Israel give up the Golan. In 2010, in closed-door talks in Turkey, the Syrians and Israelis even came close to a deal over the disputed territory, that would have seen a return of Golan in exchange for a bilateral peace agreement. The Arab Spring ended any such hopes. Yet, recently Trump has ended any pretense of the U.S. promoting the idea of Israel giving up the Golan in exchange for peace. Rather, the United States has de-facto accepted permanent Israeli control of the Golan.

Apart from having given Israel PM Netanyahu – who may pull seek military wins to boost his election campaign in 2019 – the Golan and Jerusalem, Trump appears to have given the Jewish State carte blanche to expand however it wishes in the Middle East. This could imply any lands in southern Syria or, another invasion of Lebanon or offensive against Tehran backed Hezbollah, as a provocation to trigger a conflict against Iran. That conflict has already begun in the form of economic isolation, or more ‘sanctions’: the U.S. State Dept.’s ‘favorite word’.
Syria was always just the opening act. Before embarking on a complicated war, reasonable leaders evaluate such basic aspects as ‘can a war against Iran be won?’. While, there are good reasons to suggest that Donald Trump may be less than reasonable, he’s not much different than any of his predecessors; especially, when it comes to confronting any subject that concerns Israel. If the Israelis and their many supporters in the U.S. Congress are concerned about Israeli security, the Christian Zionists are trying to accelerate the second coming of the Messiah to save the world. Trump is a practical man. He does what he must to achieve specific and tangible targets.

In 2019, the clearest aspect of the Middle East is that the Israelis and the Saudis have the same enemy: Iran. Trump is happy to comply because the American industrial-military complex secures hundreds of billions in sales to both. It matters not, whether the sales are U.S. taxpayer or Saudi oil funded. The earnings are posted by the likes of Lockheed Martin, General Dynamics and others. In 2018, the U.S. imposed a trade embargo on Iran in order to foment anger, dissent and protests in the streets – Arab Spring style. But it has not worked yet. In 2019, the sanctions could get tougher. Will the policy succeed? Not likely, the Iranian Revolution may have had unified along a Shiite content, but it also had a nationalist character, determined to reject foreign influence. Thus, no matter how long Trump chooses to dangle the nuclear deal treaty carrot, he won’t succeed in curbing Iranian influence (and its allies) in the Middle East.

Alessandro Bruno

The Senegal River. Threatened by Drought, Climate Change And Man-Made Disasters

  • Written by:

The Senegal River is a main source of life and prosperity for three West-African countries. But its vital role is put in jeopardy by a number of threats.

The 1,641 km-long Senegal River, which has two headstreams in the Fouta Djalon highlands of Guinea and one in Mali, is vital for the four countries of its basin: Guinea Mali, Mauritania and the country which bears its name. Over 60% of the drink water in the capital of Senegal, Dakar, comes from the Senegal River. The proportion reaches 100% in the capital of Mauritania, Nouakchott and for the World Heritage city of Saint Louisa at the mouth of the river. Infrastructure that has been built and is managed by the Senegal River Basin Development Organization OMVS provides over 350,000 hectares of potential irrigable lands. The best land agricultural is found in the alluvial valley of the river between Bakel and Dagana.

Millet, rice, and vegetables mature quickly on the banks where the floods retreat each year. At Richard-Toll, sugarcane is produced on large irrigated estates. A large proportion of the waters channelled to the above-mentioned city come from the Diama dam 500 million cubic meters reservoir, located at 40 km upstream from Saint-Louis, which permits floodwaters to pass through it sluice gates while preventing the encroachment of salt water. The other source is the Manantali dam, in Mali, which stores about 11 billion cubic meters of water. The nearby Manantali 200 MW hydropower station is the main one in the region and, supplies 55 percent of its electricity to Mali, while the rest is equally shared between Mauritania and Senegal.

At the same time, the Senegal River is under serious strain. Climate change is likely to affect severely on the river basin, warns climatologist Lamine Diop from the Saint-Louis-based Gaston Berger University. Projections for the 2050 horizon show indeed a decrease of annual streamflow ranging between 8% and 16% compared with the 1971-2000 reference period. Such decrease could have a significant negative impact on the rice cropping systems. Already this year, Senegal is experiencing a third severe drought in six years, after 2011 and 2014, leaving a quarter of a million people food insecure in the districts of Podor, Kanel and Matam, along the Senegal River. In the district of Podor, rains in 2017 decreased by 66% compared to the previous year. After a field visit last May, the World Food Programme staff warned about worsening hunger and malnutrition conditions. Since the river level did not rise, peasants could not plant along the banks of the river.
Another problem derives from an unintended consequence of the construction of the Diama dam, explains the former OMVS High Commissioner, Kabiné Komara. After the dam was built, typhus invasive plants proliferated in the river delta and covered an area of more than 50,000 ha. Typha does not only absorb as much water as rice for the equivalent surfaces. The proliferation of typha also prevented access to the water of the population and disturbed fishing activities. Accordingly, there have been however attempts to face the challenge. On the one hand, the OMVS has tried bio control techniques first tested in South Africa and also the drying up of some areas by erecting embankments

At the mouth of the Senegal River, man-made changes have also provoked serious problems. The mouth of the river has been deflected southward by the offshore Canary Current and by trade winds from the north.  The result has been the formation of a long sands pit, the Barbary Tongue. Yet, the digging of a channel on the Barbary Tongue led to an ecological disaster.  According to the UN’s Habitat Agency, Senegal’s World Heritage historic city, Saint-Louis is “the city most threatened by rising sea levels in the whole of Africa” with a combination of climate change and a disastrous anti-flood measure, as the main perpetrators.

In 2003, fearing particularly heavy floods which might have destroyed Saint Louis, the Senegalese government decided to build a four meters wide emergency channel straight from the river to the Atlantic Ocean through the sands pit, to evacuate the water. But the emergency channel opened the door for the voracious Atlantic. And the channel, invaded by the ocean waters, expanded up to 6km in width, submerging everything on its way, destroying several fishermen villages. Moreover, at the end of the day, the rising sea levels and the ever-widening breach has exposed the once-protected Saint-Louis to the wrath of the Atlantic. Beyond that, the salt water from the Atlantic flooded into coastal wetlands, killing mangroves, and affecting both flora and fauna.  The infiltration of Atlantic water in the Senegal River increased salt levels and agricultural tracts near the mouth of the river have gone fallow. In an effort to cope with the disaster, Senegal hired a French construction company to build an embankment that will shield coastal homes from the ocean. Both France and the World Bank have joined efforts to protect Saint Louis from coastal erosion. But much damage has been already been done. (F.M.)

 

 

DR Congo. Miracles Happen.

  • Written by:

Despite having lost both legs in a bomb explosion, Sr. Present returns to her mission. A gesture of love and hope.

The memory of what happened is still very much present not only in her mind but also in her body. A bomb blew off both her legs. Sr. María Presentación López of the Congregation of San Josè de Gerona is moved as she remembers: “It was 28 October 2008, at our mission in Rubare in the east of the Democratic Republic of Congo where the rebels led by General Laurent Nkunda clashed with the regular army. For some hours the mission had been caught in crossfire and then the hall where I was sheltering took a direct hit. I remembered nothing more. When I came to, I saw blood all around me and lots of smoke”. Sr. Presentatión,  called Sr. Present, had no idea of what had happened. She just felt a lot of pain and was unable to move. Fortunately she had her cellphone. “The first person I called was Sansón, a Congolese friend of ours. He told me not to move as there were many soldiers and rebels about. I told him I was wounded and he asked if I could ride as a passenger on his motorcycle. I can’t remember my answer”. Risking his life, Sansón tried twice to reach the mission. Then Sr. Present called Father George, the parish priest but he too was prevented from reaching the mission.

The hours went by and Sr. Present lost a lot of blood. Then, through hazy eyes she could see two figures approaching. The two Congolese soldiers understood immediately what had happened. Sr. Present was barely able to speak and asked the soldiers to look for the Sisters, probably sheltering in the garden. Immediately one of the soldiers went and shortly afterwards returned with a Sister. Together they carried her to the little mission clinic.
Sr. Urbana, one of her colleagues knew the situation was critical as Sr. Present was going into a coma. Despite the danger, she decided to take the wounded Sister to Rutshuru hospital eight kilometres away.

The road was filled with fleeing people and soldiers. At last she reached the hospital. There she fortunately found a Spanish doctor who had been prevented from travelling because of the shooting. He immediately assisted Sr. Present but indicated she had to be taken to a properly equipped hospital to be operated on, something impossible at Rutshuru. Sr. Urbana didn’t think twice and, ignoring the danger, travelled the seventy kilometres from Rutshuru to Goma and the headquarters there of the United Nations. The person in charge stated that they were not allowed to evacuate wounded civilians and it was only after the intervention of the Spanish ambassador that Sr. Present was evacuated directly to South Africa where both her legs were amputated. After a few months she returned to Spain.

Return

It took months of rehabilitation. With the help of two artificial legs and crutches, she at last began to walk again. But her mind and her heart were still at Rubare mission and she was continually in contact, even from home, seeking the help of people and organisations promoting projects in the Democratic Republic of Congo.
“I never forgot to pray for the people of Rubare. They were always in my thoughts. However, it seemed I would never go back there. That seemed impossible in my condition”, Sr. Present admitted. Miraculously, her superiors suggested she return to Rubare. They had understood how this Sister still had a lot to give. She had left part of herself there. Most of all her heart. “When I was informed, I could not believe it. It was like a gift straight from heaven”, she says happily.

On her return she again met Sr. Urbana, the colleague who had kept her alive and Sr. Present saw the old house damaged by the bombs and now rebuilt. Ten years is a long time in the missions and now there was an almost completely new community of African Sisters from DR Congo and Rwanda. The return of Sr. Present created excitement among the people. On her first day, she went to the dispensary at Rubare, her old place of work at the mission. Nobody had forgotten her and all was joy. The Parish priest of Rutshuru spoke while visiting one of the chapels of how, during the war, a short time before the ‘accident’, everyone fled. The only people who remained, ignoring the danger, were the Sisters and they were foreigners. “How could we leave the sick and the wounded who had no one else to care for them? Despite the risk involved, we knew we had to stay”, Sr. Present said, in the words of the priest.

After ten years many things had changed but, for Sr. Present, her return meant going back to the place she had known and lived in. There is still much fear and insecurity. It is not possible to travel between 6pm and 6am. There are still the armed militias and bandits, who attack people. There are army road blocks on the main roads with their inevitable Kalashnikovs at the ready. A road block is an ideal place to extort money from those passing through. Officially, the war is over but the violence continues in the whole of the region.Around Rubare things seem the same but the mission itself has continued to grow and develop. The little clinic has become a regional referral hospital. It has a laboratory, a blood bank, a pharmacy and a large maternity block. The Director is Sr. Francoise, a Congolese, assisted by Sr. Urbana and Elena, an expert theatre nurse. Furthermore, the Sisters continue to help with women’s development and many parish activities.

Seeing the children, Sr. Present said: “I always wanted to do something for the smaller children. The opportunity came when, after my accident, I received many calls from people offering to help in the DRC in some way”. Due to the efforts of some friends, a kindergarten was built for children from three to six years old, with the basic aim, apart from lessons, to combat malnutrition among children. Then a primary school was built under the direction of three Congolese Sisters, Sr. Dativa, Sr. Georgette and Sr. Clemence who, with the help of various teachers, see to the correct functioning of the entire complex. To keep the school going, a Development centre was started which produces bread, soap and sugar for sale. There is also a small but well organised farm producing milk, meat and eggs for consumption and for sale. The Centre provides almost permanent employment to around forty workers.
The seven women missionary Sisters present today in Rubare are going ahead with their work, convinced that what first seemed to be the end of their presence in Rubare – the destruction of the community and the attack on the lives of its members – has become the beginning of a new journey, a new phase, perhaps no less difficult but completely open to the horizons of hope.

Josean Villalabeita

 

 

 

The Niger River : From Drought To Floods And Pollution.

  • Written by:

The Niger River is the main source of life of large parts of West Africa. But owing to climate change and human activities, riparian populations face growing challenges.

Sailing down the Niger River from the Fouta Djalon Mountains of Guinea to the sands of Timbuktu, the pearl of the desert and to the mangroves of the Niger Delta, is a fascinating trip. The 4,200 km Niger River is the main source of life for the 100 million people of the Niger Basin, which covers an area of 2.17million square kilometers in the nine countries (Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroon, Chad, Côte d’Ivoire, Guinea, Mali, Nigeria and Niger), who are members of the Niger Basin Authority (NBA). Yet, a number of natural and man made factors is posing considerable challenges to the riparian ecosystems and populations.

The Joliba in the Manika language of Guinea and Mali, Egerew n-Igerewen as call it the Tuareg or the Oya as it is named by the Yoruba of Nigeria is a unique river with considerable fluctuations of its discharge which ranges from 500 to 27,600 cubic meters/second, according to seasons. This causes both floods and droughts, which pose serious problems for agropastoralists, fishermen and cattle herders in an area whose population is expected to double by 2050 in an unique environment. The Niger River is made of two ancient rivers which eventually merged together and has two deltas: the Inner Delta at the end of the upper Niger, from the source to the Timbuktu area
in Mali and the above-mentioned Niger Delta, between Timbuktu
and the Gulf of Guinea.

The river loses nearly two-thirds of its potential flow in the Inner Delta between Ségou and Timbuktu to seepage (infiltration) and evaporation. At the same time, sand storms and wind erosion contribute to sand silting in the area of Timbuktu. In this fragile context, some 100,000 fishermen supporting one million people, particularly the Bozo migrant fishermen who move along the river during the catching season, are faced with the challenge posed by the construction of dams. Under the NBA investment plan, large dams are due to be built, in Guinea (Fomi), in Mali (Taoussa) and in Niger (Kandadji).
They may increase up to 400,000 ha the irrigated areas but risk inevitably to have effects on the people downstream.

In a report published in the Water International Journal of London, researchers from France’s IRD development institute and from the Commonwealth Scientific and Indusrial Research Organisation (CSIRO) warn that expansion of the Office du Niger irrigation (ODN) project will result in a decreased flood in the Inner Delta, affecting traditional rice growers, herders and fishers, with a risk of 5 to 8 percent reduction of the fish production accordingly. In Nigeria, because of the higher demand of the inhabitants, fish populations are declining as they are being depleted faster than they are able to restore their number.
According to a report entitled, by the Tyndall Centre and International Alert, financed by US Aid, the presence of the dams in Mali has reduced peak flows of the river and increased the minimum flow but flood recession agriculture on the banks has declined downstream of the Markala dam, 250 km downstream of Bamako, since the land that is flooded has reduced in surface. Villagers downstream of the Sélingué dam, 150 km from Bamako, are happy that there is no longer a period of the year when the river runs dry, but rice farmers, downstream of this dam whose irrigated plots had been destroyed in 2001, faced difficulties to get compensations for their lost crops by Electricité du Mali (EDM), after the company opened the dam gates to avert a major disaster during a large flood on that year.
In 2010, many villages in the area experienced flooding, causing damages to houses and crops. The Lokoja area in the Kogi State in Central Nigeria has also suffered from the impact of climate variability. According to the Tyndall Centre report, the erosion of the banks and a shallowing and widening of the river channel has increased problems of flooding for the riparian communities.

Although scientists do not all coincide on the prediction of increased rainfall or on the contrary of decreased rainfall, all admit that the situation is very difficult to assess. Some predict drier conditions from the Guinea highlands to Timbuktu and wetter conditions from the Sahel until the mouth of the river. Scientists only agree on the fact that temperatures will rise and that rainfall is unpredictable.
Siltation of the river channel observed both in Mali and Nigeria as a problem for water resource management, claim the authors of the US Aid report. The pollution of the river by gold mining and textile dyes activities has been also mentioned as a cause of the reduction in fish catches, write the authors of this report.

All along the river, pollution poses many problems. Efforts to increase yields particularly in the cotton plantations of Mali which entail using more fertilisers, pesticides and machinery, are accelerating soil erosion. In the Niger Delta, IRD and CSIRO report about the slow poisoning of the waters and the destruction of vegetation and agricultural land by oil spills. Accordingly, since the beginning of of the oil industry in Nigeria, there has been no effective effort on the part of the government and of the oil operators, to control environmental problems associated with oil exploitation.  According to the Department of Petroleum Resources, 1.9 million barrels of oil were spilled into the Niger between 1976 and 1996. In a recent column, the Rivers States-based journalist, Odimegwu Onwumere, wrote that from 1970 to 2018, the Niger Delta region recorded over 10,000 oil spillages and affected communities have hardly been compensated. Neither the polluted area have completely cleaned up. Large parts of the mangrove forests have been destroyed. And the disaster is ongoing. Onumwere reminds that an incident occured the 17 May 2018, caused the destruction of 50 fishing settlements in the Bayelsa community, beside an oilfield operated by Shell. (F.M.)

Hotspots in Africa in 2019.

  • Written by:

From a security point of view, in 2019 in Africa there will be several hotspots. We focus on four of them: Central African Republic, Libya, Algeria and Nigeria.  

One of the factors that changed the security framework in Africa in 2018 is the new role played by Russia in two of the most unstable countries of the continent, Libya and the Central African Republic. These two countries will still be hotspots in 2019, also because competing world powers fight through proxies to maintain or expand their influence there. Russia has been a significant player in Africa for many years. What changed in 2018 was basically the attention the international media gave to Moscow’s politics on the continent and a sort of stepping up of these politics. On a general level, Russia entered the African theatre to counter the influence of its geopolitical rivals, first USA and China, and to get new opportunities to acquire natural resources or to sell its goods. The Russian leadership also aims to secure its access to major trade routes, like the one passing through Suez Canal.

In Libya, Moscow is trying both to gain a privileged access to the oilfields and to create bases (especially naval) for its troops. In this game the Russians, together with their ally (the Egypt ruled by Abdel Fatah al-Sisi), chose to support General Khalifa Haftar, leader of the Libyan National Army (LNA). The LNA is one of the militias competing for the control of Libyan territory. Thanks to aid from Russia and Egypt (but also other partners like France) Haftar controls large swathes of Libya and is succeeding in putting the internationally recognized Government, led by Fayez al-Serraj, into the corner. But Moscow must cope with different challenges, including Haftar’s health and the plans of countries (like Italy) that support al-Serraj.
At the Paris meeting in May 2018, heavily sponsored by France, the different participants agreed on holding elections in December 2018. But this plan failed, due to several reasons. First, the opposition of several militias and their sponsors, inside and outside Libya. After the Palermo conference on Libya, held in November with the support of the Italian government, the idea of elections by the spring of 2019 emerged.

Public opinion became aware of the presence of Russian officials and Private Military Contractors (PMC) in the Central African Republic in July 2018, when three Russian journalists were killed while they were investigating the presence of a Russian PMC firm (Wagner) there. In the Central African Republic, Russia succeeded in outmanoeuvring (at least temporarily) France, the former colonial power that used to hold sway on this African country rich in natural resources. Moscow is not only providing security to the president of the republic but is also trying to push the militias that are fighting for territory to reach some sort of ceasefire agreement. In its efforts, it is competing with the peace initiatives from Western countries (like France) and the international community. On 28th November 2018 Russia declared to have reached an agreement with Paris on some sort of cooperation for the stabilization of the Central Africa Republic. It is yet to ascertain if this cooperation will be productive and stable.

In February and March 2019 Nigerians will go to the polls. On 16th February they will vote for the next president of the republic (and his deputy) and will choose 109 senators and 360 members of the House of Representatives. On 1st March they will choose 29 state governors and 991 members state assemblies of the federation. The presidential elections in Nigeria will be centred around the rivalry between the incumbent, Muhammadu Buhari, and his main rival, Atiku Abubakar.  But the real problem is the political violence that is likely to occur at different levels. According to some Non-Governmental Organizations, in the 2011 elections about 800 people died due to episodes of political violence. In the run up to the 2015 elections, 50 people were killed. There is the risk that violence will return in 2019. And this in a country where major Jihadist groups (Boko Haram and the Islamic State in West Africa) operate, autonomist movements are still active in the south (and some of them created their own armed groups), rivalries between herders and farmers cause more deaths than jihadists and tension between Sunnis and Shias is increasing.

Another troubled election will take place in Algeria in April 2019. Even if this country is more stable than those analysed, nevertheless its stability cannot be taken for granted. During his tenure in power Abdelaziz Bouteflika (since 1999) succeeded in limiting the influence of the military in Algerian politics, basically playing off different factions of the security apparatus against each other. In this way he guaranteed his stay in power. But this strategy damaged the democratization process of the country, since Bouteflika and his party, the FLN, came to control the state institutions at the expense of their rivals. The economic problems, unemployment and a  widespread sense of frustration have helped to separate the population from the institutions. Even if they are weaker than the past, different Jihadist groups, especially those linked to Al Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb, are still active in Algeria. The order Bouteflika created started to crumble in 2013, when a stroke seriously damaged his health. Formally he is still in control, but many observers (both inside and outside Algeria) express doubts as to his real ability to rule the country.

Andrea Carbonari

 

Music and Dance. Tango, African Rhythm.

  • Written by:

Music and dance in Latin America has much of what is African. An example: the Tango.

The Tango was invented in the slums of European immigration in Buenos Aires a century ago; closely tied to an instrument such as the bandoneon (a musical instrument of the reed and bellows family, inspired by the concertina and accordion), from the Old World. It was adopted by Paris of the Belle Époque; immortalised by Hollywood in the Twenties: the tango may seem to be typically ‘white’. However, the name itself of this very popular genre of music and dance ought to suggest its African origin to those with a minimum of familiarity with that continent.

Does the name ‘tango’ not remind us of the ng consonant cluster? Is it pure coincidence that the ng consonant cluster goes back to the Bantu linguistic world and that it is the same one that we find, for example, in the name of that enormous region of Africa, the Congo. And also in the names of two musical instruments, the conga and the bongo, that originated on the American continent, more precisely in Cuba, out of the music of the peoples of African descent?
The word ‘tango’ was used in Spain with general reference to the dances of the blacks and with this meaning it seems to have appeared in Cuba, Uruguay and Argentina.  The latter country was substantially white and, in the past, Argentina was one great sorting house sending slaves to Chile, Peru, Bolivia and Uruguay. In the second half of the eighteenth century there were seven thousand blacks in Buenos Aires, most of them of Bantu origin.
In the region of Rio de la Plata, in past centuries, the word ‘tango’ indicated the head of the drum and also gatherings of black people. In fact, it was the people of African descent in Rio de la Plata who took to Buenos Aires forms of music and dance that would be of decisive importance for the birth of the tango. Their feeling for rhythm would influence the local declination of the habanera which, cross-bred in Buenos Aires with the milonga and the music of the pampa Creoles, formed the foundation of the tango.

As a result, we find direct black influence in the tango, that of the originally African populations of Rio de la Plata; but there is also some indirect influence, that called ‘Afro-Cuban’ which is expressed in the habanera. Then the tango became the music of the Italian, Spanish and Jewish immigrants and its role in black culture was postponed to more recent times.The case of the tango is especially emblematic, though not isolated. Many musicologists have sought to obscure or minimise black influence on Latin-American music, conferring on the rhythms and instruments from Africa an unfounded European or Amerindian origin. However, as the case of the tango shows, some of the contributions to Latin-American music which, in geographical terms, came from Europe, cannot truly be considered European, at least not in the ordinary sense of the word.The Spanish and Portuguese colonisers came from the Iberian Peninsula where there existed, also in music, traces of black African influence that was created in the Iberian culture through direct contact (the black slaves brought from Moslem Spain, through the relations of Spain and Portugal with black Africa through explorations, trade, colonial operations and the slave trade itself), and indirect contact, (the mediation of the Arab-Moslem world). It would be unfair to the Amerindian musical cultures not to mention that, if they did not have more influence in Latin-American mixed race music, this was also due to the simple reason that they followed the destiny of the peoples whose expression they were, peoples who were often almost completely destroyed. This is what happened in Cuba, an island that would have a crucial role in the creation and diffusion of new musical models, in which powerful African elements emerged. In Cuba the Amerindian civilisation almost completely disappeared over a brief period.
The extermination of the Indios left the field free for an encounter between European and African musical elements. It was the latter that made the difference in determining the strongly expansive, original and hegemonic character of many kinds of Latin-American music.

The African contribution did not only give something fundamental to the orientation of the forms of much Latin-American music: it has also permeated its spirit. The African element brought the sense of magic to Afro-Latin music, of the relationship between its body and its psyche and cosmic forces, and the mystery of the universe: a religious sense, broadly speaking. Thus, in the music of Latin America, it is hard to find a real border between the sacred and the profane. Not only do many of the musicians active in Latin American music –  as, for example, salsa music – have a background associated with originally African cults, but a ‘religious’ dimension is not completely extraneous to much Latin-American music which, to all appearances and at a superficial glance, would seem exclusively profane, like, again, salsa music.
Perhaps this is the real secret of the success in Latin America of the kinds of music that bear the mark of African origin (consider the success of music like the son, the mambo, the cha-cha-cha, the salsa, the samba, etc.): the element which, besides presenting attractive forms of original music, restores, even subliminally, to the experience of music, aspects which the West carefully expunged from its own official and dominant culture and which are, instead, strongly present in African musical practice.

In the case of Latin America (the same is true for North America with its blues, jazz and their effect on rock, and now rap) and paraphrasing the famous words of Horace about ancient Greece, we may say music has been the powerful vehicle – perhaps the most powerful – by means of which conquered Africa conquered its conqueror. The irony of this African contagion is that, little by little, it takes over anyone who subdues it and, perhaps, there is no more suitable image than that of the church bells which – as noted in his time by Fernando Ortiz, the great musicologist and student of the Afro-Cuban World – in Cuba, ended up ringing out black rhythms.

Marcello Lorrai

 

 

 

 

 

Russia Returns To Africa.

  • Written by:

In the new geopolitical context that is developing worldwide, Africa is increasingly seen as a nerve centre of interests.

Its natural resources and its strategic position have drawn the attention of Western countries (especially that of the combined efforts of the USA, Israel and France) and have provoked the interest of new actors such as China, India and Russia. The operations of the latter, in the medium term, could anchor Africa politically to the Eurasian continental land mass, and so create a third pole in the Euro-African-Asian space. Within this context, the relations between Russia and the African continent, once very active during the Cold war, have regained strength due to the profuse commitment of Vladimir Putin who planned to reposition the presence of the Russian Federation in Africa by renewing contacts with the states that once belonged to the old Soviet network. Putin’s repositioning, based upon relations at different levels – both commercial and military – is also attributable to precise strategic decisions closely related to Africa’s geographical position, to its immense mineral resources and the presence on the continent of other world powers like the United States, China and countries of the European Union.

In March 2018 the Russian foreign minister Sergey Lavrov went on a five-day tour to Africa visiting Angola, Namibia, Mozambique, Zimbabwe and Ethiopia. In June he attended a summit in South Africa and visited Rwanda, chair of the African Union this year. It was a clear signal that Russia is setting itself up to return to the African continent.
Africa is essential to Russian interests. Even though Russia does not need African raw materials, its presence could, nevertheless, condition other competitors and so represent a strategic objective, as well as a threat to be used in other scenarios. Within this competition, Russia, in order to gain ground with respect to the other actors, is aiming at providing political support to African governments at the UN – bringing pressure to bear as a member of the Security Council – as well as military considerations. The United States with its armaments industry is Russia’s main competitor. China, instead, is an economic competitor.

The USA and China have been well rooted in Africa for some time and it will therefore be difficult for Moscow, for the time being, to reach the same level or to restore the position it enjoyed up to 1991 given that, besides arriving late in Africa, it has not the same resources available as those of its main competitors. While, despite their harsh colonisation methods, the Western countries are still able to use their ancient ties to their advantage, the history of the Kremlin in Africa does not precede the nineteen hundreds and this unavoidably creates a disadvantage in their knowledge of regional dynamics and the rooting of interests. However, for Vladimir Putin, Africa is beginning to assume even greater significance. And Russia wants to play an important role on this new international chessboard. (F.R.)

 

Pope Francis. Sharing the Wisdom of Time. A new alliance between young and elderly to change world.

  • Written by:

Pope Francis in a new book is calling for an alliance between the young and elderly:  “Young people need the dreams of the elders so they can hope in a future. Older people and young people move forward together, and they need each other”.

In his Preface, Pope Francis writes: “Only the testimony of the elders will help young people look above the horizon to see the stars. Just learning that it was worth fighting for something will help young people face the future with hope”.

Sharing the Wisdom of Time is a collection of stories about elders from around the world. From over 30 countries, elders share their wisdom carved from lifetimes of experience. The stories are spread over five thematic chapters: work, struggle, love, death and hope, and each chapter begins with the Pope reflecting on each theme.  People’s stories are interspersed with the Pope’s own reflections on an individual’s story.

Bernard Njagi Mugwtwa, basket weaver from Kenya

Do you want to hear an interesting story? Once upon a time there was a bat.  He was so wise.  He attended an animal meeting on earth, and he got some teeth. He later attended an animal meeting in the skies, and he got some feathers. When he died, he was taken to the skies, but the animals there said they did not know him because he had teeth. He was brought back to earth, but the animals there said they did not know him because he had feathers. In the end, he was buried on top of the mountains, because he did not belong anywhere. You might lose everything as you try to belong. I am blind, but the eyes of my soul see the beauty around me. As l weave my baskets, l smile. Unlike the bat, I am happy where I belong and have accepted myself just as I am.

Pope Francis responds

I think about the mystery of everyone’s identity. We are who we are, and everyone has their own story. Some people do not accept their identity. They want to change it. They want to be someone or something else. But wisdom means bearing your own identity, accepting yourself through and through, being proud of yourself no matter what. Elders with many years behind them have lived into their own identities over a long time. They have to reckon with their lives and how they have lived. Elders carry this wisdom in their dreams: it is their history, their very own story.
Bernard is blind but he sees us clearly! How can that be? It is because he can see himself and behold the beauty all around himself. For him this means making beautiful baskets. I have met several older blind people. I realized that many of them are able to see better than those with physical sight. Sometimes it is not easy to accept yourself the way you are, but those who live long can come to peace with themselves and with their story, even if it takes many years. Some people, like Bernard, look at their story with pride. We all should do that.

Christine Nampande, gardener from Uganda

After my husband died in 1989, his relatives attempted to evict me from our family house and land. I decided to rent land for cultivation. I had to travel four miles from home to that land every day with a child on my back.  But I thank God that I reported the case and the judge was true and fair. Both properties were returned to me, and it’s where I am now.  I have tried my best to look for money to put up a strong house because the one my late husband left behind is not strong and might fa[[any time. However, I thank God because I went 10 years without steeping on a mattress and a bed, and now I have them and sleep well.  If it wasn’t for the love people showed me after the death of my husband, I don’t think I’d be alive now. My children are unable to support me, but it’s the support of others that has made me survive. Before, I had lost hope, but now it has been restored due to the love of others.

Pope Francis responds

Christine’s words make us pause and think: before, I lost hope. And now find it again thanks to the love of others. She lost her husband and had to face so many difficulties and injustices. But taking the next step toward what is important is how you get back on your feet.  I once heard a motto that I liked: “A man must never look at another from above, except to help him lift himself up.”
Christine met people who helped her lift herself up.  “Get up” is a word that launches new beginnings.  It is the command that God speaks to Abram: “Arise!” God says to him, “Look at the sky! Get up and see! Try counting the stars!” There are people who fall and stay down because they cannot find someone to help them stand up. Once you have experienced what Christine did, you learn the wisdom of getting help. You experience the solidarity that allows your heart to dream. Now Christine is helping others rise up. Her children are unable to help her now, but with her dreams for them they can envision a brighter future.

Pope Francis concludes the preface: “I entrust this book to the young do the dreams of their elders will bring them to a better future. To walk toward the future, the past is needed; deep roots are needed to help live the present and its challenge> Memory is needed, courage is needed, a healthy vision of the future is needed”.

Pope Francis & Friends, Sharing The Wisdom Of the Time, Messenger Publications, Ireland, 175 pp, 2018.

 

Advocacy

Maria Ressa. Information that gives hope.

“We want to create a federation of international journalistic organisations that collaborate in this effort, starting from the global South,” says Filipino journalist and 2022…

Read more

Baobab

The Leopard, the Dog and the Tortoise.

Once upon a time, there was a leopard. He had a huge walnut tree that was full of nuts. Stingy as he was, however, he forbade…

Read more

Youth & Mission

Mission. In the school of life and humanity.

Three young Comboni missionaries from three continents share their vocation stories and missionary experiences. Fr Victor Cunanan Parungao from the Philippines reflects on 15 years of…

Read more