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What causes Africa’s coups? That is the question.

The near unanimous condemnation of the mutiny in Mali followed by the forced resignation of president Ibrahim Boubacar Keïta
questions the consensus around unconstitutional changes of government in Africa.

In a rare alignment, various international peace and security actors condemned Mali’s 18 August coup d’état. They also called for a return to constitutional order, despite Keïta’s resignation and his dissolution of Parliament and government. The Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the African Union (AU) went even further with targeted sanctions to coerce the coup plotters out of power.

This new appetite for sanctions from African organisations seems surprising, given the AU’s tendency to criticise international sanctions against African states. Why has unconstitutional change of government become the red line of African statutory norms on democracy
and governance?

The Lomé Declaration of 2000 and the African Charter on Democracy, Elections and Governance of 2007 both define aspects of unconstitutional change of government. These include: a military coup against a democratically elected government; mercenary intervention to replace a democratically elected government; replacing a democratically elected government by dissident armed groups and rebel movements; or refusal of an outgoing government to relinquish power following defeat in free, fair and regular elections.

The systematic mention of ‘democratically elected government’ illustrates both the context and spirit behind the Lomé Declaration. At a time when democratic constitutionalism was new in Africa, the aim was to protect the authority of civilian political institutions from the ‘authoritarianism’ of military interventions.

Since 2000, the citizen debate on democracy and governance in Africa has evolved. Priorities have shifted to the quality of electoral processes, the value of term limits, but also legitimacy, performance and accountability in political and economic governance. Social discontent, largely expressed through protest, has been met with varying degrees of suppression, co-option and consolidation of the status quo.

On key governance issues, regional organisations have generally remained silent, despite the development of an African Governance Architecture (AGA) in 2011. With only 17 countries having signed and six ratifying the 2014 African Charter on the values and principles of decentralisation, local governance and local development, only ink-service is paid to core values like responsiveness, transparency, accountability and civic responsibility.

In 2014, the AU Peace and Security Council (PSC) noted that unconstitutional changes of government originated from ‘deficiencies in governance. Greed, selfishness, mismanagement of diversity, failure to seize opportunities, marginalisation, human rights violations, unwillingness to accept electoral defeat, manipulation of constitutions and their revision through unconstitutional means to serve narrow interests, and corruption are all major contributors to unconstitutional changes of Governments and popular uprisings.’

The council’s call for ‘a zero tolerance’ for government policies and actions that may lead to a resort to unconstitutional means to overthrow oppressive systems’ has not changed the dominant norms and actions. Despite the clarity provided by the PSC, in practice the AU and regional organisations have reduced democracy to the holding of elections and selective respect for term limits.

Meanwhile the quality of electoral processes is a recurrent trigger point, as was the case with Mali’s delayed and allegedly rigged March 2020 parliamentary elections. On elections, the AU and regional organisations routinely resort to observer missions.
Their conclusions rarely challenge official results, even though emboldened civil society and judiciaries identify rigging. Recent elections in Kenya and Malawi are reminders.

On governance monitoring, the relevance of the AU’s African Peer Review Mechanism can legitimately be questioned. Despite being around for two decades, its impact on the evolution of governance is
hardly visible.

Against this backdrop, the concept of unconstitutional change of government has become AGA’s main focus, while all the other dimensions of legitimate and responsive governance have been systematically scuttled by member states. In places like Mali, prioritising a symptom – i.e. the coup – over addressing root causes such as dubious legitimacy and corruption, makes the AU and ECOWAS’s response look like a protection of incumbency.

Both organisations have been silent about government inertia on inequality, the rule of law and fair electoral governance. The African and international approach seems to privilege the ‘legality’ over the legitimacy of sitting heads of state. This approach systematically puts intergovernmental organisations at odds with those countries’ citizens.

Africa’s peace, security and governance norms and instruments will increasingly be tested by complex challenges. Reports from early warning systems and civil society organisations often correctly predict governance failures. Without political commitment to conflict prevention, the AU and regional organisations will increasingly react rather than pre-empt crises. It then becomes politically expedient to condemn a coup rather than take bold political steps to address the causes of
social discontent.

The focus on unconstitutional changes of government reflects simplistic approaches to governance crises. Urgent calls by international parties for elections to restore constitutional order are questionable – particularly when constitutions or voting systems could be part
of the problem.

Mali’s recent history shows that expediting the electoral timetable can reproduce weak governments. Such solutions favour existing political elites, who are often complicit in nurturing the crisis of confidence. Hasty elections often hamper negotiations that stand a better chance of reflecting a country’s socio-political dynamics.

The political crisis in Mali is an opportunity to review African conflict prevention instruments, particularly regarding governance issues. Instead of focusing on elections and unconstitutional changes of government, other dimensions such as mediated dialogue and inclusive crisis management should be given greater attention.

In the absence of a more holistic concept of democratic governance, banning unconstitutional changes of government risks being misconstrued as a bonus for sitting presidents who want to stay in power. The challenge for the AU and regional organisations is to build bridges with civil society and develop effective capacity to prevent political crises.

Paul-Simon Handy, Senior Regional Adviser, ISS Dakar,
Fonteh Akum, Programme Head, ISS Lake Chad Basin
and Félicité Djilo, Independent Analyst

Africa. Unsafe roads.

The continent has the highest percentage in the world of deaths in road accidents which kill many more people than viral infections. The causes are many with bad roads, insufficient policing, drunkenness and old vehicles. 

In Africa, the increase of mobility with automobiles, people moving from place to place, and roads under construction, brings a corresponding increase in fatal accidents. Roads kill more people than tuberculosis or HIV/AIDS.  At least this was true before the Covid-19 pandemic.
The Sub Saharan continent is the one with the highest rate in the
world of road deaths.

It amounts to 26.6 deaths per 100,000 inhabitants as compared with 9.3 in European countries. This is more than 20% of the world total. This means – the Africa Transport Policy Program reveals –  that there are 650 deaths every day,  half of which concern pedestrians (39%), cyclists and motorcyclists. The negative effect on the economies of the states must also be taken into account. It is calculated that many countries have lost (and will lose) up to 3% of GNP as a result of road accidents.

Reasons for unsafe roads
The latest world report on road safety also underlines another fact: the relationship between the risk of dying in a road accident and the economic level of countries.  The lower the income (and GNP) the greater the risk. These are the main reasons: failure to implement norms and controls; a fleet of cars that lacks even the most elementary services (vehicles are often imported second or third hand from abroad). Some countries, like Ruanda, have set up inspection centres to check the condition of cars.  The state of the roads, the shortage of adequate first aid, ambulances and centres for assistance and rehabilitation must also be taken into account.

The World Health Organisation (WHO) notes that Africa is the second worst geographical area of the world (after South East Asia) as regards medical workers –  something that obviously does not facilitate any rapid response when accidents happen.
A study carried out and published by the WHO indicates that, of 44 countries studied, only 16 have a national emergency number. Furthermore, the WHO notes, the African continent has only 3% of the world’s medical personnel with an average of 4.5 doctors for every100,000 inhabitants.
Nevertheless, road transport is still the means most used due to the shortage of railways. Obviously, transport movement is easy or difficult (and relatively safe) depending upon whether the area is rural, or urban. The problem is complex and involves various factors.

Implementing the Road Safety Charter
The question is where to start.  By implementing the Road Safety Charter adopted by African countries in 2016, affirms the Commissioner for Infrastructure and Energy of the Africa Union Commission (AU), the Egyptian Amani Abou-Zeid.  To come into force, the document must be ratified by at least 15 of the 55 countries of the AU.  To date, there are only 13 signatories.

The 31 articles of the Charter are a reference framework which, among other things, requires the member states to reinforce preventive measures and post-accident hospital services.  This plan of action is proceeding very slowly. Similarly, it is clear that the goal set by the 2030 Agenda for Sustainable Development, which plans to reduce by 50%, before the end of 2020, deaths and injuries due to road accidents, will not be met.  Paradoxically, it has been found that the number of properly registered vehicles in Africa amount only to 3% of the world total.

Demographic explosion in the cities
What will happen in the future with the pace of urbanisation we are witnessing?  It is estimated that, by the end of 2040, there will be at least an increase in half a billion in the urban population.  Only a handful of countries have norms – in agreement with the discipline established by the WHO  –  that regulate speed limits on urban roads; the same is true for the use of helmets and safety belts. More tragically, there is a widespread tendency to break all such laws in the certainty that there will be no prosecution. In some countries, it is not hard to bribe the police, even if road checks are continual and organised.

The problem is that ‘an agreement’ is often reached and so cars, lorries and public transport vehicles are stopped, ‘checked’, and then allowed to proceed, even though they are a danger to everyone. Another factor that increases the number of deaths in road accidents is drunkenness for which no country has regulations – except Burkina Faso, which has laws according to standards set by the WHO  –  or the total lack of safety measures for children who are travelling (only Angola has laws aimed at the protection of children in cars and it is forbidden to have them sit in the front). With such complicit or futile checks, it can happen that one may drive around without a licence. In the month of May alone last year, in Lagos, there were 60,000 cases of people driving without a license.
Apart from personal responsibility, much of the problem of road safety is connected to the state of the roads and the lack of road maintenance. There are in the pipeline, at present, as many as 391 large road construction projects with an investment value of 467.6 billion dollars. Others are also being planned. The realisation of such infrastructure is therefore experiencing a boom in almost all Sub Saharan African states. The projects are being financed by governments (with the help of investment programmes of the World Bank), the African Development Bank (AfDB), and China, which is investing an amount equal to 23.8% of the total, and also agencies, institutions and countries with close bilateral agreements.

Antonella Sinopoli

Rely on one own strength first.

We are in Pikine, a Dakar suburb, Senegal. Father Armel Duteil, is the one telling the story. He is an 80-year-old Spiritan missionary. French by origin, he spent much of his life in Africa – Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast and finally Senegal. Many missionaries do not believe in emigration as the answer to Africa’s poverty.
The solutions are to be found there.  With imagination, goodwill, and collaboration of all, one does not always need to flee for a peaceful, happy and dignified life.

When I arrived at Pikine, there were three problems. For most people, the Parish Caritas was an organization to distribute money, food, clothes or medicine. The purpose of Caritas, for them, was to help Christians.
The parish, the members of Caritas, like Christians in general, were centred on themselves and little involved in the neighbourhoods
and civil society.

Our first step was to make people understand that Caritas was not a Church’s activity to help Christians, but Christians were to help every needy person and family, Christian as well as Muslim. The second was to stop counting on donations from outside, which create dependency, begging, and lead people to seek solutions from outside. Relying on our own strengths first and seeking to act on our own with our small means and projects, was the third step.

It was therefore necessary to review the composition of Caritas. We moved from a small team of generous people who used to gather only by themselves without any impact on the parish and Christian life, to the CEBs (Communautés Ecclésiales de Base in French) the grassroots Christian communities. Each CEB would choose a delegate in charge of a parish Caritas and the same would do each of the various parish groups and movements (scouts, choirs, servers and readers of mass, Catholic women, youth groups, etc.).

At the meeting of the parish Caritas, the delegates bring the problems from the grassroots and the concrete cases worthy to be helped. In the other direction, they bring directly from Caritas into their groups, the reflection and the proposals for actions.

The parish receives many requests for help of all kinds: food, clothes, medicine, housing, work, etc. They are passed on to CEBs where people are known to be in real need or not and where they know what to do to help them effectively. If ever the needs were too great, for example for an expensive surgical operation, the parish would collaborate or send the issue to the diocesan Caritas. However, each time the CEB must do something first: Christians thus learn to welcome, support and help each other in their neighbourhood.

In this way, each CEB had a call to start even a small community project, such as cultivating a vegetable garden, raising chickens, goats or ducks and all that is possible in a courtyard or on a terrace, in town. The parish supports the production projects – animal husbandry, gardening, crafts, etc. -, but the business ones only for groups of poor women or widows. The parish also tries to find work for the needy or to provide them with the means for a living activity, which allows them to support themselves.

Alongside material support, Caritas provides moral support. It helped widows, for example, to come together so they can get to know, meet, advise and help each other. Caritas supported them to start activities and launched a reflection, at the parish level, on customs concerning widows. In most ethnic groups, widows suffer from injustice: often they are abandoned, frequently chased away with their children from their husbands’ house, sometimes subject to numerous interdictions.

These experiences pushed the parish to work at the formation level. To make people understand first that we have to help everyone, because Jesus Christ said, you are the salt of the earth (not only of the parish), you are the light of the world (not only of the Church), you are the leaven in the dough, therefore immerse in the neighbourhood and in society and not just in the parish.

At this level, Caritas works in conjunction with the Justice and Peace, and Ecology reflection committees. It also promotes concrete actions such as the neighbourhood cleaning, tree planting at home, having trashcans and washing them when they are emptied, not throwing dirty water in the street and garbage in the gutters, which clogs them and leads to flooding in the rainy season.

This work has come to involve the Pastoral Youth Coordination of the Parish, the SOPPI JIKKO association, which helps people abandon drugs, and civic training on Decentralization, which is the basis of the parish’s action in civil society and collaboration with municipalities.

To conclude, Caritas encourages and supports, together with the association of Catholic women, technical training in dyeing and the manufacture of artisanal soap and, in connection with the Pencum Mariama group, sewing and meal projects especially when religious and civil festivals approach.

John Paul Pezzi, mccj
VIVAT International NGO
with consultative special status at UN

 

 

 

Herbs & Plants. Lantana camara. A Therapeutic Plant.

Plants have been a source of effective therapeutic agents for various diseases. Globally, there is a growing interest in the development of drugs of plant origin. Lantana camara (Family Verbenaceae);
common name lantana, is one of the plants known to have great therapeutic potential.

It is an erect or subscandent, vigorous shrub which can grow to about 2-3 m in height forming a dense thicket in a variety of environments. The leaf is simple, ovate or ovate oblong, and arranged oppositely along the stem. The leaves are bright green, rough, finely hairy, with serrate margins and emit a pungent odour when crushed. The flowers are in clusters consisting of numerous small tubular flowers.
These flower clusters are borne on stalks and can be in a wide variety of colours (white, cream, yellow, orange, red, pink, and purple) and are usually made up of three circles of florets with each one commonly of a different colour. The fruits are fleshy, ovoid, purple or black when fully ripe and about 5 mm long.

Despite its tendency as an invasive plant species, Lantana camara is known to be an important medicinal plant with several medicinal uses in the traditional medication system. Its preparations are used in folk medicine for the treatment and management of numerous disease conditions including skin itches, leprosy, rabies, cancers, chicken pox, measles, asthma, ulcers, swellings, eczema, tumours, high blood pressure, bilious fevers, catarrhal infections, tetanus, rheumatism and malaria. The infusion of the whole plant is used to cure bronchitis. In parts of its native range, Lantana camara is used as a source of medicine for treating stomach disorders.

The stem bark of Lantana camara is astringent and used as a lotion in leprous ulcers and other skin eruptions. The freshly harvested leaves are boiled and applied externally to alleviate body swellings.
The leaves are aromatic with a minty taste, they have a cooling nature, are antiphlogistic (have potential to reduce inflammation), anti-dermatosic, diaphoretic, febrifuge, pectoral, stimulant, tonic, and vulnerary. An infusion of the leaves and flowering tops is used in the treatment of fevers, constipation, tuberculosis, and bronchitis. Furthermore, the leaves  are also used  to  treat  cuts, rheumatisms,  ulcers, catarrhal  infection,  tetanus,  malaria,  cancer, asthma,  swelling,  tumour, sores,  cold  and  high  blood  pressure. Combined with the leaves of Cymbopogon citratus, the leaves are used as an infusion to treat colds, high blood pressure and malarial fever. Externally, the leaves and stems are used as a wash to treat dermatitis, eczema, pruritus, measles and chickenpox rashes. They are applied as a poultice to treat sprains, wounds and contusions. As a douche, they are used to treat inflammations of the uterus.

The root is sweet and bitter tasting, refrigerant, antifebrile. The decoction of the root is used to treat influenza, cough, mumps, incessant high fever, malaria, cervical lymph node, tuberculosis, asthma, toothache, headache, inflammation, gonorrhoea and leucorrhoea. The  powdered  root  in  milk  is given  to  children  as a cure for stomachache and as a vermifuge. Similar to roots, the flowers also have a sweet taste, mildly cooling and haemostatic. The decoction of the dried flowers is used in the treatment of haemoptysis and pulmonary tuberculosis.
Lantana camara oil is used in the treatment of skin itches and as an antiseptic for wounds.  The oil decoction is externally applied to treat and manage leprosy and scabies. It is applied as a poultice on rheumatic joints. The oil is spread  on  leaves,  warmed  over  low  flame  and  applied  on  the affected  part.

The Lantana camara plant has been observed to possess antimicrobial, fungicidal, insecticidal and nematicidal activities. The medicinal potential of Lantana camara may be attributed to some of the chemicals in it, including Lantanoside, linaroside and camarinic acid, caryophyllene-like bicyclic terpene, lantanine, and verbascoside.
The aromatic leaves are used to make tea. The sweet tasting drupaceous ripe black fruits are eaten in handfuls especially by children as a snack. However, some reports mention the toxicity of the unripe fruits. The plant stalks are used as raw material for paper pulp. It is  used as  a  hedge  to  contain  or  keep  out  livestock and the twigs  and  stems  serve  as  useful  fuel  for  cooking  and  heating in homes.

 Richard Komakech

 

How history shaped Oman.

During its history, Oman has been known by different names. Arab tribes, who emigrated from the territory of ‘Uman in Yemen for agriculture or fishing, which boasts an ancient civilization, are likely responsible for the current name of ‘Oman’.

And Oman was well known in antiquity. Sumerian tablets describe a land like that of Magan, a name that refers to copper in antiquity. And Sumerian navigators could have settled in ancient to extract copper and to build boats. Mezoun, another name reported for Oman, is a derivative of the word muzn which designates overflowing and abundant water. Indeed, a millennial irrigation system, known as falaj is still in use. In classical Arabic, the term means “to divide in parts”.
In Oman the falaj allowed water to circulate from houses to cultivated land through an ingenious system of channels dug in the ground, drawing water from phreatic or wadi sources.

Falaj irrigation system.

The name befits the land of Oman, which has remained to this day more fertile than its neighbors.  Cyrus the Great, founder of the Persian Achaemenid dynasty, conquered Oman in 536 BC, naming the land Mazoon. The Arabs of Oman then took refuge in the interior and the coast south of present-day Muscat. In the middle of the V century AD, the Arab tribe of Azd, led by Malik ibn-Fahm, expelled the Persians from the country in 640. But, almost 1,000 years of Persian domination have certainly left their mark on the territory.Oman is thus one of the first nations of the peninsula to embrace Islam, and this just before the death of Mohammed in 632.
Oman has often been dominated by foreign powers. The famous Arab historian Ibn Batuta traveled there in the 14th century during the period of the Nabhanid dynasty. The young explorer in his twenties described a land of “pretty mosques” and “beautiful markets” and ports.

Al Jalali Fort. It was built by the Portuguese under Philip I of Portugal in the 1580s.

Following the fall of the Umayyad dynasty in 751 AD, Oman was an imamate, which lasted until the mid- 17th century. Oman’s appetizing geographical position drew Portuguese invaders in 1507, a decade after Vasco da Gama navigated around the Cape of Good Hope. Portugal used Oman as a base from where to control its naval traffic toward India.
The Portuguese conquered Muscat in 1508 and proclaimed it the capital. They settled on the coast, where they built many forts and some of these have survived. In the second half of the 17th century, Portugal lost control of Oman to the ascending Omani sultans.
The Portuguese are said to have both failed to establish good relations with the local populations, and failed to exploit the commercial advantages they had along the Indian route against other emerging European trading powers. The next centuries were marked by periods of great prosperity for Oman. In 1625, Sultan Nasir bin Murshid was the first of a series of enlightened Sultans.
They drove out the Portuguese invaders, and became themselves invaders taking over parts of East Africa including the port of Mombasa, Zanzibar, parts of present-day Iran and Pakistan. By the advent of the 18th century, the Sultanate of Oman dominated naval traffic in the Strait of Hormuz. Disputes over succession weakened the Sultanate, allowing the Persians (Safavids) to briefly control Oman between 1737 and 1738. The Omanis repelled the Safavids and in 1749 Ahmad bin Sa’id Al Bu Sa’id became Sultan of Oman. He would be the founder of the dynasty that has controlled Oman until the present day.

During his reign, Oman expanded again, but ran into the British, who by the 19th century had accumulated significant commercial interests in India, making them determined to control trade along the route linking India to Europe. There are important patterns that emerged in the period from the 17th century to the present day. The most notable is the competition between the coast and the interior. The Sultanate of Muscat, concentrated its power along the coast and had a large naval fleet, while the interior was under de-facto control of local Ibadi imams.
In the 1820s, the sultanate on the coast lost most of its territories in the Persian Gulf which became part of the Trucial States (now known as the UAE) under British protectorate. With the advent of steam power, the Omani fleet was unable to compete with the British and Oman lost control of the trade routes with South Asia.
But the British managed to interfere in Omani politics, and after a dynastic vacuum left when Said bin Sultan died without an heir in 1856, it was the British who suggested appointing two al-Said rulers. The first Thuwaini bin Said would rule over the interior imamates. The second would rule over the Sultanate of Zanzibar.The resulting historical division between coast and interior would last for much of the 20th century.

Nizwa, pictured in 1957, was Oman’s capital at one time.

The discovery and extraction of oil in the Persian Gulf in the 1920’s exacerbated the dispute between the Sultan of Muscat (coast) and the imams (interior). The last of the Ibadi imams, Ghalib Bin Ali, sparked a revolt to protest the Sultan’s decision to grant the Iraq Petroleum Company an important concession in the Imamate region. The conflict led to the Jebel Akhdar rebellion, defeated by Sultan Said bin Taimur with continued British military support. Meanwhile, Iraq Petroleum, founded Petroleum Development Oman and eventually merged into the entity now known as British Petroleum, which has played no small role in drawing British government military missions to defend the Sultan since the 1950’s. In 1957, after the outbreak of yet another Ibadi rebellion – backed by Saudi Arabia – British forces bombed Nizwa, capital of the Imamate, overthrowing the Ibadi imams who ruled over it. The Seeb treaty ended the Imamate of Oman. (A.B.)

 

The Water-Buffalo and the Tiger.

Once there lived a hard-working farmer in a small village who had a water-buffalo. Every day, with his plough on his shoulder, he led his water-buffalo to the field. In the month of July there was heavy rain and because of this the mud in the field was soft and sticky. The buffalo was up to his belly in it and he had great difficulty in pulling the plough. In fact, it took him a long time to plough a little
piece of land.

This made the farmer very angry and with a stick he beat him, and cursed him, screaming that he was as slow as a snail. He told the poor buffalo that he should be as strong and quick as the tiger was. The buffalo was quite indignant and asked his master what was so special about a tiger. He wanted to see such an animal.
He challenged his master saying that if he took him to the tiger he would show him who was better.

Next morning the farmer took the water-buffalo to a tiger’s den. When the tiger scented the buffalo he rushed out and was about to spring upon him but the water-buffalo shook his sharp horns and said quite calmly to the tiger that he had come to tell him that his teeth were blunt. He asked him to sharpen them for three days and said that he would sharpen his horns. Then they would have a duel.

With a frightening roar, the tiger agreed and went back to his den. In this den the tiger started sharpening his teeth and continued it for three days. After three days, his teeth were as sharp as the edge of a razor. The water-buffalo sharpened his horns only for one day, and spent two days wrapping his body with layer on layer of straw, until his whole body was covered with a thick padded armour. After that he had a good roll in the mud, so that he was covered with a fine, smooth layer of black mud and no straw could be seen.

The day of the duel arrived. The water-buffalo and the tiger came to the appointed place at the appointed time. When the tiger saw the water-buffalo covered all over with mud, he asked him the reason for it. The buffalo replied that it was his habit to have mud bath for several times a day when it was too hot.

The tiger examined the water-buffalo from head to foot, but could not find any fault with him. He thought to himself that the water buffalo had grown fatter in the last three days and was happy that he was going to get a good and heavy meal.

When the buffalo found the tiger staring at him, he said, “Listen you tiger, you may be able to bully pigs and sheep but you will see! You will not be able to hurt even a hair on my body!”

Hearing this the tiger was furious and told the buffalo that he was ready to kill him. Now that his teeth were as sharp as a razor edge he could kill him with a single bite. Then the buffalo told him that he would lie down on the ground and would let him bite three times. After that the buffalo would butt the tiger three times with his horns.

The tiger agreed because he thought it was an advantageous offer. He accepted it readily, sprang upon the water-buffalo and started to tear and rend him.

After three bites the tiger thought that the buffalo should be mortally wounded, but it was not. The tiger’s teeth had only torn the straw into shreds, leaving the water-buffalo unscratched.

Now it was the buffalo’s turn to strike. He got up calmly, lowered his head and butted the tiger three times in succession. At the first blow, the horns pierced the tiger’s stomach; at the second, they broke the tiger’s back; at the third blow, the tiger’s intestines came out on the buffalo’s horns, and the tiger lay dead on the ground in a pool of blood.

The farmer saw all this with his own eyes and greatly admired the wisdom and courage of his water-buffalo. From that day onward he treated his water-buffalo with love and tenderness, and never again abused him as a stupid animal. Since that day, people respect water-buffaloes for their wisdom, though they may not be able to plough or pull a cart as fast as a horse or run as fleetly as a deer.

Folktale from Chuang People – China

Nine Challenges Facing Young People in Syria.

For over nine years, violence and displacement have devastated opportunities for youth across the country. Here are nine of the most pressing challenges facing young people in Syria today.

1. Damaged schools. School buildings across Syria have not been shielded from the conflict. Many classrooms have been severely damaged and, in some cases, only rubble remains. The buildings which remain are often used for other purposes, such as shelters for displaced people. In addition, school staff have often been forced to flee themselves, and there is now a significant lack of qualified teachers. This makes it difficult for children and young people to access education or learn in an effective way. It has devastated the educational experience of millions of young people across Syria.

2. Lack of documentation. Many young people in Syria, including those who have been displaced, lack the required documentation required to prove their educational achievements and to re-enrol at the appropriate level. A significant proportion have had tochange curriculum during the conflict, and their previous studies are often not recognised in their new location. Even for students who have stayed within the same governorate or city suffer from changing curricula as lines of control shifted. Checkpoints regularly inhibit students from continuing their education or attending exams safely.

3. Cost of schooling. In areas where school buildings remain standing and the students have access to appropriate documentation, the cost of schooling is still a barrier. Families are often unable to afford school fees, uniforms or travel costs.

4. Young people having to work. The instability the Syrian people have felt over nine years of protracted conflict has led to crippling levels of poverty, only further exacerbated by the recent economic crisis. According to the United Nations, over 90 per cent of the population in Syria lives below the poverty line. This has forced many children and young people to drop out of education to assume adult responsibilities. They are compelled to work to help feed their families.

5. Child marriage.In conflict settings where poverty rates are high, child marriage tends to increase. It is often a desperate response to extreme circumstances. Prior to the conflict, child marriage existed in Syria, but to a much lesser degree. According to Girls Not Brides, 13 per cent of Syrian women aged 20 to 25 were married before the age of 18. New research by World Vision International revealed an alarming increase in child marriage; adolescent girls and boys as well as their families note that child marriage has become more common since the start of the conflict as families face added vulnerabilities brought by instability and economic hardship.

6. Trauma. Witnessing prolonged conflict can have significant consequences for mental health. Many young people in Syria suffer from the trauma of war, experiencing nightmares and struggling to focus in school. The period of late adolescence and early adulthood is a key stage for developing important life skills such as critical thinking, problem-solving and socialisation. Having to deal with trauma and insecurity at this crucial stage can cause significant psychological stress that affects young people’s development.

7. Conscription. Young men in Syria face the prospect of mandatory military conscription, which if avoided, can affect their ability to move freely in the country. Some drop out of education and miss work opportunities.

8. Unemployment. When young people are unable to complete their education, their future employment options and earning potential are compromised. Fifty-five per cent of the working population in Syria is unemployed, and youth unemployment is even higher. Female youth are suffering the highest rate of unemployment, with 84 per cent of girls aged 15 – 24 unemployed, according to The World Bank.

9. Lack of hope. Young people in Syria dream of a brighter future for themselves and their country. They have the commitment and drive to make this happen, but the barriers can often seem insurmountable. As many await peace to return to Syria, it is impossible to set goals for the future. In these circumstances, all hope can be lost.The young people of Syria need and want pathways that provide them with the knowledge, skills, and support required to build a new future. These pathways should help them prepare for the decades to come when they can stop focusing on day-to-day survival and start working towards fulfilling their hopes and dreams.

Rebecca Crombleholme
Norwegian Refugee Council

Pope Francis. Listen to the call to mission.

This year World Mission Day will be celebrated on Sunday, 18 October. In his message, Pope Francis writes: “The missionary journey of the whole Church continues in light of the words found in the account of the calling of the prophet Isaiah: “Here am I, send me” (6:8), A synthesis of his message.

Il his message, Pope Francis said: “ In this year marked by the suffering and challenges created by the Covid-19 pandemic, the missionary journey of the whole Church continues in light of the words found in the account of the calling of the prophet Isaiah: “Here am I, send me” (6:8).  This is the ever new response to the Lord’s question: “Whom shall I send?” (ibid.).  This invitation from God’s merciful heart challenges both the Church and humanity as a whole in the current world crisis.”

Pope Francis continues: “We are indeed frightened, disoriented and afraid.  Pain and death make us experience our human frailty, but at the same time remind us of our deep desire for life and liberation from evil.  In this context, the call to mission, the invitation to step out of ourselves for love of God and neighbour presents itself as an opportunity for sharing, service and intercessory prayer.
The mission that God entrusts to each one of us leads us from fear and introspection to a renewed realization that we find ourselves precisely when we give ourselves to others.”
Once again Pope Francis reminded that “The mission, the ‘Church on the move’, is not a programme, an enterprise to be carried out by sheer force of will.  It is Christ who makes the Church go out of herself.  In the mission of evangelization, you move because the Holy Spirit pushes you, and carries you. God always loves us first and with this love comes to us and calls us.  Our personal vocation comes from the fact that we are sons and daughters of God in the Church, his family, brothers and sisters in that love that Jesus has shown us.  All, however, have a human dignity founded on the divine invitation to be children of God and to become, in the sacrament of Baptism and in the freedom of faith, what they have always been in the heart of God.”

“Life itself, as a gift freely received, is implicitly an invitation to this gift of self: it is a seed which, in the baptized, will blossom as a response of love in marriage or in virginity for the kingdom of God.  Human life is born of the love of God, grows in love and tends towards love.  No one is excluded from the love of God, “The Pope pointed out.
Pope Francis asked: “Are we prepared to welcome the presence of the Holy Spirit in our lives, to listen to the call to mission, whether in our life as married couples or as consecrated persons or those called to the ordained ministry, and in all the everyday events of life?  Are we willing to be sent forth at any time or place to witness to our faith in God the merciful Father, to proclaim the Gospel of salvation in Jesus Christ, to share the divine life of the Holy Spirit by building up the Church?”

In his message, Pope Francis said that: “Understanding what God is saying to us at this time of pandemic also represents a challenge for the Church’s mission.  Illness, suffering, fear and isolation challenge us.  The poverty of those who die alone, the abandoned, those who have lost their jobs and income, the homeless and those who lack food challenge us.  Being forced to observe social distancing and to stay at home invites us to rediscover that we need social relationships as well as our communal relationship with God.  Far from increasing mistrust and indifference, this situation should make us even more attentive to our way of relating to others.  And prayer, in which God touches and moves our hearts, should make us ever more open to the need of our brothers and sisters for dignity and freedom, as well as our responsibility to care for all creation.  The impossibility of gathering as a Church to celebrate the Eucharist has led us to share the experience of the many Christian communities that cannot celebrate Mass every Sunday.

“In all of this, God’s question: “Whom shall I send?” is addressed once more to us and awaits a generous and convincing response: “Here am I, send me!” (Is 6:8).  God continues to look for those whom he can send forth into the world and to the nations to bear witness to his love, his deliverance from sin and death, his liberation from evil (cf. Mt 9:35-38; Lk 10:1-12).”
Francis concluded: “The celebration of World Mission Day is also an occasion for reaffirming how prayer, reflection and the material help of your offerings are so many opportunities to participate actively in the mission of Jesus in his Church.”

Cameroon. Football versus alcohol.

A soccer championship is useful in order to keep hundreds of young people of the Baka ethnic group in Cameroon far away from alcohol consumption.

The sun is going down in the town of Mintom, in southern Cameroon, one of the regions of Central Africa with the highest concentration of pygmy population.
The sky is turning orange and red and dozens of boys and girls have come together to play several simultaneous games, sharing a small soccer field next to the town’s Primary School.
The first day of the Baka Alcohol Free Championship has just ended, a football tournament that serves as a background for a project that aims to young people of the Baka Pygmy ethnicity to the dangers of alcohol consumption and offer them a healthy alternative for their leisure time.

Alcohol has become a serious problem among young Baka people. And even more serious since, a few years ago, small plastic bags containing 5 ml doses of whiskey, gin or vodka popped up on the market. Their low price, equivalent to € 0.15 per dose, makes them very accessible and widely used among the members of this community, who have replaced their traditional drinks with alcohol in sachets.
In 2014, the Cameroonian Government passed a law prohibiting the importation, production and sale of alcohol sachets as they contributed to serious health problems. The reasons for the ban followed the observation that the drink contained in sachets was not produced according to norms, as producers were using methanol instead of ethanol, hence the alcoholic content was very high and detrimental to the human system, causing even death due to respiratory failure. The Cameroonian Government’s decision included a moratorium of 24 months (which would expire on 12 September 2016), in order to enable the distillers sell their old stocks and ensure their production too should comply with the new standard.

But the reality is that the sale of alcohol sachets on the street has not stopped. “The government knows who produces the alcohol sachets and where they are sold, but  it does nothing to prevent it”, says a local seller, adding that “in practice, after the ban, nothing has changed”.
The production of affordable alcohol in sachets was well received in Cameroon, since it opened to many the consumption of a product until then reserved to those who had the means to afford it. Its availability and cheap nature often led to carefree intake. The consumption of these products became a real social scourge, a danger to the population’s health especially among young Baka people, who, by drinking, find an accessible way to escape from reality and forget their problems. This high consumption of alcohol leads them, in many cases, to suffer serious health problems, school drop-out, or unwanted pregnancies.
Alcohol addiction also reduces their ambition to improve their personal and collective situation.

However, “Football has become a catalyst, a way to reach young people and raise awareness of how harmful alcohol can be in their lives”, says Hippolyte Akono, president of the organizing committee, head of the NGO Near and Far and promoter of the Baka Alcohol Free Championship. “Thanks to football we have been able to get in touch with this sector of the population, which is usually very difficult to  reach”.
For a week, 120 boys and girls from different villages in the region, divided into eight teams, participate in the tournament, which this year celebrates its fifth edition. The objective is to be able to carry out an in-depth work with young people by analysing the causes and consequences of alcohol consumption. This is done in a sports setting characterized by the experience of living with other ethnic groups and the sense of sharing and participation.

In the mornings, soccer players attend conferences and workshops in which various topics regarding the promotion of health and the problems caused by alcoholism are discussed, and in the afternoon, girls’ and boys’ teams participate in the soccer competition. For years, this tournament has become a benchmark in the area, and hundreds of people attend the event, singing and dancing to cheer their teams.
“Things are changing little by little”, says Mirabelle Assampele, player of the Ax-Dja team, “in the first edition you could see the spectators themselves consuming alcohol while watching the games. Today everyone is sober and enjoying football matches”.
The championship, after the first two editions, has started to draw the attention of local authorities and the country’s media to the Baka community and their young people’s consumption of alcohol, a reality that was unknown in the large cities of Cameroon.
“Quitting drinking alcohol has been one of the most important decisions of my life”, says Romeo Kombo, player of Ax-Congo, who has participated in all previous editions, “I can work better and be more helpful for my family now, and besides, I have stopped being a troublemaker at home”. For several years now, Romeo has been working to help young people in Akom, his hometown, to give up alcohol and fight to build a better future for the young people of the Baka group. He adds smiling, “The situation will change, if we carry on with our initiative: promoting healthy leisure activities as an alternative to drinking”.

Xavi González Rodrigo

Cote d’Ivoire. A clash of dinosaurs dominates the presidential election race.

After the crisis that followed the presidential election of 2010, the country is facing another duel of dinosaurs during a campaign where ethnic and nationality issues might spoil the debate.

The death, on the last 8 July of Prime Minister Amadou Gon Coulibaly has completely changed the political game in Cote d’Ivoire. Indeed, ten years after the presidential election of 2010, won Alassane Ouattara (now 78 year old) against 75 year old Laurent Gbagbo, the elections of the next 31 October might again be focussed on the vexed issue of “ivoirité” or national preference, promoted by his rival.
At the time, the fights which followed Gbagbo’s proclamation of victory, after a massive fraud, caused some 3,000 deaths during clashes between the national army and the “new forces” rebels who were supporting Ouattara and ethnic cleansing operations by pro-Gbagbo forces against Northerners and Muslim civilians. This prompted The Hague-based International Criminal Court to prosecute Gbagbo for war crimes and crimes against humanity.

Ivory Coast’s President Alassane Ouattara.

Despite his promise not to run for a third presidential mandate, President Ouattara announced he would again be candidate, on the last 6 August. The decision was not apparently easy to take since it could provoke diplomatic tensions. On the one hand, it ignores the Economic Community of West African States’ recommendation to set a limit of a maximum two mandates. Then, it came at the moment, France and United States are urging President Alpha Conde of Guinea, not to run for a third mandate. It embarrasses particularly President Emmanuel Macron of France who paid tribute last March to Ouattara’s ‘historical decision’ not to run again.  It seems however that Gon Coulibaly’s death left Ouattara with no other choice than run himself to fill the vacuum. Both men were very close.
They both belong to families of Northern chiefs who have been allied for generations: Gon Coulibaly’s family from Korhogo and Ouattara’s family who founded the Kong empire. They both represent the Muslim vote and are supported by the Senoufo and Dioula tribes. The problem was that except Hamed Bakayoko, the Defence Minister who was appointed Prime Minister to replace Gon Coulibaly,  on the last 30 July, there were not other potential candidates to win the Northern vote, whom Guillaume Soro, the former leader of the New Forces, who split with Ouattara a few years ago was threatening to capture.

Former Ivory Coast president Laurent Gbagbo. Under house arrest in Belgium.

Yet, Bakayoko lacks Ouattara’s charisma, say many Ivorians. Besides, Ouattara’s party, the Rally of Houphouetists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP) wanted to avoid a succession war which might have weakened it in front of the big rival, Henri Konan Bédié, the leader of the Democratic Party of Cote d’Ivoire (PDCI) founded by the Independence hero and first president of the nation, Félix Houphouët Boigny, who comes from the same central Baoulé region.This time, the competition looks harder for Ouattara than in 2010 and 2015, when he won with the PDCI’s support. Indeed, the former allies, RHDP and PDCI split in 2018, when Bédié considered that Ouattara had not respected a deal consisting in supporting his own candidacy in 2020, in exchange for his support to Ouattara on the previous elections.
Moreover, there could even be a shift of alliances. According to Gbagbo supporters, there is an agreement between the pro-Gbagbo faction of his party, the Ivorian Popular Front (FPI) and the PDCI to support Bédié during the presidential campaign.
Gbagbo who was acquitted by the ICC in 2019 has asked formally the Abidjan government to be allowed to return home. His supporters want him to run. But it is unlikely he will come back before the election and register as candidate. Until end June 2020, he was still living under house arrest in Belgium after his acquittal, pending from an appeal by the ICC prosecutor, Fatou Bensouda. Eventually, the prosecutor’s office admitted it had been unable to come up with enough evidence during the trial and the appeal is likely to be rejected. In the end, Gbagbo has been authorised by the ICC to move out of Belgium, provided that another country accepts to host him.

The obstacles for his return are in Cote d’Ivoire, where his return risks to spark disorders. Indeed, at the beginning of June, a group of victims expressed its determined opposition to his return. An additional problem is that Gbagbo might be arrested at his arrival to Abidjan airport. His acquittal by the ICC has no legal influence on the 20 year prison sentence he must serve after an Ivorian court ruled that is decision to seize control illegally of the Ivorian branches of the West African States Central Bank between December 2010 and April 2011, was a criminal offence. Gbagbo must also face the divisions inside his FPI party, whose legal leader, the former Prime Minister Pascal  Affi, N’Guessan has put an end to negotiations on the reunification of the party in June 2020 after the opening of discussions without his consent on a possible alliance between Gbagbo and Bédié.
The problem is that such an alliance between the so-called “socialist” Gbagbo and the conservative Bédié has only one common ground: ethnicity. Both claim to defend the rights of the “true Ivorians”, the owners of the land and try to portray Ouattara as non-Ivorian who defends the interests of foreigners, in the name of a restrictive concept of Nationality Law which denies the rights of one fourth of the 23 million inhabitants who were born in the country but whose parents were born in another country, to the Ivorian citizenship.

Another burning issue is the legality of Ouattara’s candidacy. The constitution of 2000, under which he was elected in 2010 and 2015 and the constitution of 2016 make both limit the maximum number of subsequent mandates to only two. But Ouattara’s supporters argue that since the country is ruled since the 30 October 2016 national referendum by a new constitution, the limitation does only apply from that date. The preparation of the election is sharply criticised. The African Court of Human and Peoples Rights estimated on the last 15 July 2020 that the composition of local electoral commissions in Cote d’Ivoire was unbalanced in favour of Ouattara’s party. The PDCI called for a complete reshuffle of the Independent Electoral Commission. But the Abidjan government is not prepared to make concessions It no longer recognizes the competence of the African Court since April 2020.

The situation for Ouattara is far less comfortable than in 2015, when he won at the first round by 83%, owing to Bédié’s support. He’s now facing the opposition of the former spokesman of the New Forces and former National Assembly speaker, Guillaume Soro, who lives in exile in Paris and was sentenced in April 2020 to 20 year prison, for an alleged involvement in the embezzlement of public funds. And Soro is now having talks with Bédié’s friends, his enemies of yesterday.
An RHDP politician says such kind of alliances is potentially dangerous, because these unusual bed fellows don’t share a common project but only a wish to topple Ouattara. Yet, the anti-Ouattara alliance is not easy to form. Esmel, a University teacher from the Dabou area, at some 60 km from Abidjan, is convinced the authorities and preparing a massive rigging of the election, because they fear that it cannot be won otherwise. Accordingly, RHDP party teams are distributing free of charge identity cards to the peasants who can hardly afford to pay
the eight dollars they cost, and even distribute some among
Burkinabè or Malian foreign workers or the nearby rubber plantations, against a vote for Ouattara.

Accordingly, it is difficult for the opposition to campaign in the Northern part of the countries, which is Ouattara’s stronghold, which should influence the results. But RHDP officials dismiss the accusation. They remind that the government declared Northern Cote d’Ivoire a military operational zone in order to prevent new jihadist infiltrations, after the attack on military barracks at Kafolo, on the last 11 June, which killed 14 Ivorian soldiers and injured six.
The opposition accuse Bakayoko and the younger brother of the President, Téné Birahima Ouattara, who is in charge of the intelligence services to arm so-called commandos of “hooded men” in order to intimidate opponents in case the rigging plot does not work. Amnesty International suspects that arrests of Soro supporters since end 2019, are politically motivated.  But RHDP officials dismiss these accusations and urge those who make them to come up wit evidence.

François Misser

.

Amid the Covid-19 pandemic, Pope Francis advocates for poor countries’ debt crisis.

In his Easter Urbi et Orbi message, Pope Francis urged all nations to “meet the greatest needs of the moment through the reduction, if not the forgiveness, of the debt burdening the balance sheets of the poorest nations”.

While poor countries face a double threat – the COVID-19 pandemic and the debt crisis, it is of the utmost importance to find a long-term plan to restructure the debt beyond the pandemic. Allowing debt payments this year will help in the short term, but the economic and social consequences of the pandemic will not end soon.

The COVID-19 pandemic caused and is causing diseases and deaths all over the world and is pushing several people into poverty. The coronavirus crisis is turning into an extended debt crisis for many developing and less developed countries.

In order to help the poorest states to concentrate their resources in their fight against the coronavirus pandemic, on 15th April 2020 the G20 decided to temporarily suspend the debt service for 76 low-income developing countries eligible for funds from the World Bank’s International Development Association (IDA), which includes all least developed countries. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) also offered further debt service relief to 25 of the poorest countries.

Private creditors did not take part in the debt moratorium decision, even if they were invited by the G20 to join the initiative. The Institute of International Finance, which includes over 450 banks and investment funds, has made known that private creditors will comply to the proposal, but on a voluntary basis.
It will therefore be necessary to ascertain whether they will suspend their credits, in order to prevent the risk that the beneficiary states may use the freed-up resources for the repayment of the private creditors, instead of tackling the coronavirus crisis.

At the moment, just Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Ethiopia and Senegal have asked for assistance and the majority of the eligible states have not yet requested a debt moratorium, since they fear to be viewed as high-risk borrowers in the future and to be punished by rating agencies.

In any case, the G20’s decision to suspend debt payments is a first step in the achievement of the goal of the international solidarity, but much more is needed. Temporary actions or simple declaration will not suffice to avoid defaults. A comprehensive debt restructuring process managed and coordinated by an independent international body (and therefore not the International Monetary Fund or the World Bank) is needed. Moreover, a particular priority should be debt transparency, since the arrival of new and non-traditional creditors has exposed flaws in the data collection and information about political activities of the beneficiary countries.

The debt relief is, of course, an important goal to achieve justice and equity within the international community, but also economic and political stability in developing and poor countries is decisive, because it guarantees more trade opportunities and fewer fiscal risks and conflicts. For these reasons, it is time to raise citizens’ awareness of this crucial issue and make political initiative able to promote, at the same time, the stability of the international economic system and the development of the poorest countries.

John Paul Pezzi, mccj
VIVAT International NGO
with consultative special status at UN

 

African Youth Sowing Seeds Of Peace.

Starting afresh from children to build a peaceful future in Africa. Rely on their energies to transform the continent into a better place.

This is the sense of a virtual meeting, the first of a long series, organized online by the Arrupe Jesuit Institute (AJI) in Ghana, awaited by hundreds of young people from various countries including Kenya, South Sudan, Uganda, Congo, Ghana , Zimbabwe.  Evocative title of the web-conference was: “African youth sowing seeds of peace” and was
led by Father Augostine Edan Ekeno, a Kenyan Jesuit who works
in Rumbek, South Sudan.

Father Ekeno explained the genesis of the initiative and future developments: “Over 200 young people from many parts of the continent connected recently in the first meeting.
Immediately afterwards, working groups have been formed that will meet in Jesuit social centres, scattered in various African countries, to promote actions and return to connect for the next meetings.”

Father Ekeno continues: “In Africa, more than half of the population is under 25 years old: children represent a precious resource yet they are either forgotten and considered a problem or exploited by the lords of war and violence for their dirty interests. Let’s not forget how widespread the phenomenon of child soldiers is, or the recruitment of poor children, who are easily manipulated by acts of terrorism or to create tensions. On the contrary, we know that their enormous presence can be a very powerful instrument of peace and for this reason we aim to involve them by transforming them into real operators and protagonists of reconciliation and development in their contexts”.

In various countries – noted the Jesuit – there are serious crises or situations of real conflict. Individuals learn from childhood, to contrast and grow with the myth of confrontation or war: “Many young people find themselves with a rifle in their hands or are used to create chaos – as in Kenya in the pre and post-election periods or in South Sudan or in other areas – for a handful of money, but they do not even know what or who they fight for. Some feel rivals to others but do not know why, they are seriously manipulated by the enemies of peace.”

“In reality, if accompanied and trained, they unleash a great potential for peace. We put the culture of encounter at the base of our meetings and encourage peaceful conversations that help to exchange experiences. They are spaces for involving children and sharing their problems. We hope to multiply this type of meeting in all our centers across the continent, to use small communities or parishes to encourage new civic education and a positive role for young people”.

It is urgent to overturn the culture of social, tribal and ethnic hatred by unmasking its inconsistency and its profound groundlessness: according to Father Ekeno, this is the point on which to change the face of Africa. “There are places where you grow up thinking that others are always a danger to your survival. And when, due to problems related to famines, wars, lack of work, the population is in serious difficulty, rather than looking for alternatives, one thinks of finding scapegoats, an enemy. This is why we are creating conditions to encourage work alternatives, methods of cultivating the land where it is no longer possible to deal with livestock for example, and help young people to be employed in activities that create the good of their own country”.

The Jesuits in Africa mobilize to spread peace and start from the young. A second meeting will take place in the next few weeks while the circle of young people involved is widening.

“Everyone has taken the initiative very seriously and is taking steps to create an agenda that must focus on politics. We Jesuits stand by their side to guide and accompany them. During the conversation which has just ended, the serious problem of the proliferation of weapons emerged; all agreed that too many weapons of all kinds are circulating in different societies and nations. Our goal, therefore, must be to involve governments and ask for new policies. In the meantime, we aim to expand our network,” Fr. Ekeno concludes.

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