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Sami. An indigenous European people.

The Sami have always lived in the far north of the continent. Historically oppressed and assimilated, they are today fighting to keep their culture and traditions. All despite advancing modernisation.

The Sami are an indigenous people numbering around 75,000. They are divided by the borders of four countries – Norway, Sweden, Finland and Russia – and live in an area they call Sami. It has its own flag whose colours identify its different zones: red for Sweden, green for Finland, yellow for Russia and blue for Norway where most of the Sami live. The natives of this area are commonly known as ‘Lapps’.
In 1989 a Sami parliament was set up by Norway in recognition of Sami rights, located in the city of Karasjok. The establishment of a Sami parliament is especially relevant in that the natives of Sami have suffered what, historically, has affected many native peoples: ‘Norwegianisation’.

Forced assimilation
The fact is that, between 1850 and 1970, the Sami people were subjected to ‘Norwegianisation’.
During that period, the Sami residents in Norway were forbidden to speak their native language and were forced to assume Norwegian surnames in order to buy land and become integrated with the rest of the Norwegian population. The adults were assimilated according to life in the West and it was only with extreme difficulty that some of them, especially the Sami of the tundra, continued to work with the reindeer and keep their traditions.

Children born during the Norwegianisation period often did not learn their own language. In order to protect them and ensure their integration into the Norwegian people, their parents only spoke to them in the new language. Today, many of them are adults who feel they have lost their roots.One of the distinctions to be made when speaking of this people is that between the ‘Sami of the Sea’ and the ‘Sami of the Tundra’. The first group, who live along the fiord-dotted coasts, were among the first to be subjected to the process of Norwegianisation. The percentage who do not speak Sami is very high among them. On average, people between the ages of 30 and 60 years do not know their mother tongue.

To correct this, there are now a number of initiatives aimed at identity recovery: the Sami parliament has, to this end, reintroduced the Sami language in the schools where the children also learn their traditions and history. There are also specific courses for adults who wish to learn the Sami language.The Sami of the Tundra, as nomads involved in rearing their reindeer, were less affected by Norwegianisation and, in Norwegian cities like Karasjok and Kautokeino, 85% of the inhabitants speak Sami as their first language.

The nomads of the tundra
The Sami of the Tundra have as their main occupation the rearing of reindeer and this causes their nomadic life since they have to follow their movements. From childhood, their parents initiate them into this work which involves constant and complete contact with nature.
The reindeer are completely free and people have to conform to their movements. In practice, the animals move from the coast to the tundra, according to the seasons and have followed the same paths for thousands of years: the movement has followed this route ever since the Sami began to live off this activity and the movement is closely connected with the search for food by the reindeer.

The Sami follow the reindeer. In former times, they used to travel on sleighs drawn by reindeer or on skis; today, the reindeer are fitted with a GPS collar and a special App enables the Sami to know exactly where the animals are going. Obviously, this has greatly simplified the work of the Sami: before the introduction of the GPS, it was necessary to keep a constant watch on the herd. Whole Sami families would live for months constantly erecting and dismantling their ovvo as they followed the movements of the animals.
When the herd paused to rest, so too did the family, but if the animals started to move, the family immediately had to follow them. The last reindeer drive using sleighs was made in Norway in 1976.
Today, thanks to modern technology, the Sami have built cabins (small wooden shelters) along the route followed by the reindeer and, with powerful snowmobiles in the winter and quads (a four-wheeled moped) in the summer, they can quickly reach the herds.

In the depths of the fiords
The name ‘Sami of the Sea’ might suggest a fishing tradition but, in fact, their livelihood was, in the past, mostly sheep-rearing and wool-weaving. Fishing was not their main source of food but it was part of the economy which depended mostly on barter. Ties between the Sami of the Sea and those of the tundra were, and still are, very strong. The first roads connecting with the rest of Norway were not built until the seventies, and therefore, up to that time, for reasons of necessity, the economy was based upon exchange between the two Sami populations.

While the first group produced wool, textiles and objects in wood and bone (objects that are usually called duodji and items such as knives, woollen socks, blankets, all of which were strictly hand-made), the second one provided the Sami of the Sea with reindeer hides (an excellent protection against the cold of those areas above the Arctic Circle), and with meat.
Today, the Sami are involved in a great variety of works: perfectly integrated into the fabric of Norwegian society, they no longer live by forms of barter but work as teachers, doctors and cooks.

The nature of the language
Both groups of Sami live in close contact with nature. This leads them to extreme respect and rigour. Even though they have to hunt and raise animals, no Sami will find fault with, for example, fishing or hunting for sport. For these populations, respect for Mother Nature is the basis of all action. Before hunting or fishing, at the start of the pasturing season, Mother Earth is thanked and permission is asked of her to continue one’s activity. Another singular aspect that shows how complicated and, at the same time, how difficult the Sami culture is and how closely tied it is to environmental questions, is their language.

Catalogued in eleven different dialects, one of which became extinct in 1800 and another in 2003, only six of them have any literary history. It is very difficult to understand and learn to speak this language since one word may sometimes have 100 different expressions. One concrete example is the word for snow. Living in the Arctic, where the snow, ice and dim light dominate for six months of the year, it is necessary for the Sami to define precisely this essential component that determines their ability to move and work in such a difficult territory as the tundra. So, to describe snow when it is dry, brittle, floury or frozen, completely different words are used.

Modernity and tradition
In today’s world, it is increasingly difficult for the Sami to continue with their traditional way of life due to various factors that concur to render difficult a life that is nomadic and ‘at the service’ of natural rhythms: climate changes, the reduction of lands assigned to them for rearing reindeer, as well as tourism that often reaches destinations that, up to a short time ago, were off limits to tourists since they were set aside for rearing and pasturing the reindeer, are all elements that make
it hard to preserve tradition.

In cities of Norway and Sweden there have been protests, even some that have prevented the opening of new mines, and some heads of the Sami of the Tundra community have tried to make their voices heard by their governments. Despite all this, it seems inevitable that progress will go ahead, and with it, as often happens, the sacrifice of minority situations dedicated to a life far removed from the frenzy of the modern world. What is hoped is that, in the community, the tenacity, strength of will, and attachment to their roots will enable the younger Samis to continue their traditions, even at the cost of hard work and sacrifice.

Valentina Tamborra/MC. Text and Photos

Asia. 2021. Uncertainties and ambiguities.

How to confront the consequences of Covid-19 as they affect the countries of Asia. China will continue its domination on the various international chessboards. India joins the Security Council. Meanwhile, the Olympics are to be held in Japan.

The management of the first phases of the epidemic and the ambiguity that followed it concerning the causes and the reality of the contagion, filtered by censorship and the opportunities of the moment, have contributed considerably to feed scepticism towards the People’s Republic of China. A contributing factor to this is the increasing intolerance of the Beijing authorities towards criticism of any kind, with a growing emphasis on the repressive potential and ability to wage war proposed by president Xi Jinping, himself, during the final months of the year.Consequently, Asia has seen a drive towards rearmament and strategic realignment, with the development of QUAD, a four-sided alliance: the United States, Japan, India and Australia and renewed and re-found relations of alliance in the Asia-Pacific with Washington, which has as its target that which to an increasing degree is seen as the expansionist ambitions of Beijing in the geographic scenarios over which it claims a historic ‘right’ of control.

With these strategic factors, there are the associated problematics connected with productive revival, of exports and the Chinese initiatives abroad in the second semester of 2020, that have activated suspicions of a certain form of ‘crisis planning’ to launch the People’s Republic into a dominating position in an economically prostrate world in prey to a variety of difficult social problems. Thus leaving the governments with the obligation to mediate between emergency management, democratic fundamentals and the rule of law.
However things turn out, Asia will have to lead the revival of global exchange in 2021. Here, greater use of e-commerce may become structural, acting as a flywheel, especially in the area of consumer goods. During the same period, however, there will be an increased risk of social tensions in a continent where the pandemic, from India to Japan, has reduced the rights of workers and partly silenced civil society. Politics ought to inevitably take these factors into account, with the concrete danger of the withdrawal of human rights and civil liberties, but also – where governments will have failed to limit the damage and guarantee the prospects of renewed growth and development – of significant social changes. One can only guess whether this will be progressive or regressive.

Parliament House of Thailand.

Thailand, from this point of view, is an almost unique example in that the grave situation created by the pandemic, in addition to an acute structural crisis, motivated the prolonged demonstrations in the second half of the year that have created an opening for the restoration of democracy or a deeper submission to military and power interests, like the monarchic or oligarchic monopolies that rely on them.
The year opens with India’s role as a non-permanent member of the UN Security Council, for a term of two years during which the great Asian country will have a positive role in giving greater weight to the developing world and will also relaunch its own influence as a demographic, economic and military giant, increasingly confronting the interests of one of the permanent members of the same institution, namely China, which India confronted last year, running the risk of open conflict, something that had not occurred for a number of years along the 3,000 kilometres of their common border.

With the brief though bloody conflict with Pakistan a half-century ago, India, led by Indira Gandhi, assured the creation of independent Bangladesh at the end of a war of independence fought from 26 March to 16 December 1971. It was one of the bloodiest wars of the modern era and an independence that opened the way to a difficult situation marked by underdevelopment and natural disasters before the country could, as in the last ten years, become one of the more emerging countries in Asia. In 2021, this reality will have to face up to its structural limits, the density of its population and its often repressive management that justifies itself by the need to contain radical Islamic pressure and its foreign influence.

Protesters gather during a rally against the police’s use of tear gas in Hong Kong (AP/Vincent Thian)

In the continent of Asia, from the point of view of politics, the panorama of 2021 has little to offer, following 2020 which was electorally intense, despite the limits imposed by the new coronavirus. A notable event is the elections planned for 5 September in Hong Kong to elect the local parliament (Legislative Council, Legco). This is an important event coming a year after the imposition on the former British colony of the national security law and the postponement of a year of consultations; officially to avoid the further spread of the epidemic but with obvious political and public order implications. The situation imposed on the population and pressure on opposition movements is unlikely to allow seats to be gained with substantial modifications to electoral laws (as demanded by the ‘umbrella revolution’ of autumn 2014 and after the crushing victory of the democrats in the district elections of November). The trial of strength between the parties and the tensions or solutions that derive from it will, in any case, mark the year 2021.
They will also mark Taiwan, seen by many Hong Kong dissidents as a place of refuge or temporary base before expatriating for good. The evolution of the strategic balance of the region, Beijing-Washington relations and pressure from the continent on the leadership of the island will certainly be of interest and under worldwide scrutiny. Even more so with the approach of 25 October, which in 1971 marked the assignment to the People’s Republic of China of the seat for the whole of China, formerly given to Taiwan. The theme of reunification demanded by Beijing will still be a ‘hotly-disputed’ topic after the obvious failure in Hong Kong of the theory of ‘one country, two systems’.

Myanmar. State Counsellor Daw Aung San Suu Kyi.

In 2020, South-East Asia has suffered more from the economic, rather than other, consequences of the pandemic. Almost everywhere, the number of victims has been relatively low despite the difficulty in managing the crisis. The highest number of infections and deaths in proportion to the population occurred in Singapore, a well-developed country and well prepared in the area of public health, but characterised by high levels of immigration. In the area, the year 2021 will be a difficult one with possible consequences for social stability. Besides Thailand, the more uncertain situation may be that of Myanmar. The substantial victory on 8 November last, of the parties of the National League for Democracy led by Aung San Suu Kyi, has opened the way to the perhaps definitive decline of the control exercised by the armed forces ten years (on 30 March) from formally relinquishing of power after a half century of dictatorship, but the role of Nobel Prize-winner Aung San Suu Kyi and her party may well help towards profound renewal.
The fronts opened in Rakhine (with the unresolved questions of the Rohingya now largely refugees abroad and the accusation of genocide due to their persecution), and also against minorities of different origins and faiths, prevent pacification and development as well as alienating from the country both moral support and essential investment. On the level of strategy, the opening of dialogue with New Delhi is leading the country to a position that is more equidistant between the two neighbouring powers of India and China, in a broader framework of interests and alliances to which the countries of the region are called during a difficult wellbeing and economic contingency.

In Japan, the coming year will be rich in topics and unknowns, starting from the decade of a double catastrophe caused by an earthquake and a tsunami, of 11 March 2011 which created the crisis of the reactors at Fukushima nuclear power station which is still far from being resolved. It was an event that reignited fears and reflections connected with the use of atomic energy after having recovered in 2020 the memory of the two atomic bombs dropped on Hiroshima and Nagasaki on the 75th anniversary of the event and 50 years after the signing of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty.
Closely connected with these themes, also due to the high level of US bases and the possibility that, if there were to be heightened regional tensions, they may become essential to US strategy based upon the nuclear deterrent, here will also be, in June, the fiftieth anniversary of the definitive return of Okinawa and the Ryukyu Islands to Japan after being under allied administration after the war. This anniversary, precedes by a month the planned opening of the Olympics and Paralympics postponed from last year. For the country of the Far East, this sporting event will be an opportunity to recuperate investments, tourists and its image. To mark an improvement in relations between Japan and South Korea – both countries with a relatively low rate of infections and deaths due to the Covid-19 pandemic but with dire economic situations and consequent unemployment – there may be, during the year, a negotiated solution regarding the forced labour imposed on hundreds of thousands of Koreans during the Japanese occupation.

Stefano Vecchia

East Africa. Lake Victoria, a threatened wonder.

Lake Victoria, Africa’s largest freshwater surface and a touristic marvel for its fauna, its landscapes and its rock art paintings and a large provider of food and water for the riparian populations is under threat by pollution, overfishing and climate change.

In many ways, Lake Victoria is a jewel of Creation. The Lake which was named, after Queen Victoria in 1858, by John Hanning Speke who correctly identified it as the source of the White Nile is with a surface of 69,484 square kilometres, the second largest freshwater lake in the world after Lake Superior in Canada.
Lake Victoria’s biodiversity is particularly rich. It is home to over 500 species of fish, which is more than anywhere else worldwide except Lake Malawi. It also hosts a sanctuary for chimpanzees on the Ngamba Island in Ugandan waters. The shores of the Ssese islands and of the Ugandan coast are also the home of impressive Nile crocodiles and hippos. Over 230 species of birds have been identified including the famous grey crowned crane which is Uganda’s national emblem.
Besides, the Mfangano Island in Kenyan waters is hosting a 4,000-year-old site of rock art paintings.

Yet, this paradise is facing several threats. The first is overfishing. Since the 1960s, when the Nile perch was first introduced, a tenfold increase of the catches occurred up to about one million tons at present (half of it are « dagaa » or freshwater sardines while the amount of Nile perches is around 230,000 tonnes). This amount is four times higher than sustainable exploitation levels, which were estimated at 250,000 tonnes by Professor Richard Ogutu-Ohwayo from Uganda’s National Fisheries Resource Research Institute. Unsurprisingly, the number of fishermen trebled from 70,000 to 210,000 between 2000 and 2017.
According to studies carried out by the University of Kenya’s Department of Fisheries and Aquatic Sciences and by Uganda’s Lake Victoria Fisheries Organisation (LVFO), overfishing triggered also a decrease of the quantities of other fish species including tilapias and cichlids which was accelerated by the carnivorous Nile perches’ predatory behaviour.
Such observations have been confirmed by the FAO which reports an alarming fall of sardine stocks by 41 % between 2014 and 2017 and a 9.5% decline of Nile perches.

The decline of fish stocks is also caused, according to a 2008 study of the Bergen (Norway), Waterloo (Canada), Wageningen (Netherlands) and Minnesota (United States) universities and the Lake Victoria Fisheries Organisation, by the eutrophication of the Lake waters. This phenomenon is provoked by the dumping of fertilisers which have even worse effects than overfishing because of the proliferation of water hyacinths and algae which causes the depletion of fishes.
The decrease of the stocks worries the Kenyan authorities which encourage aquaculture as an alternative. The Dunga Beach Management Unit (Dunga BMU) for instance is raising tilapias in cages in the Lake. But scientists and say that faecal material from fishes grown in cages and dead fishes are causing a lot of pollution in similar environments such as Lake Michigan Pollution is the second plague of the Lake whose riparian population has increased tenfold since the 1930s up to 40 million inhabitants today. The pollution is particularly a threat for the fish stocks because of the lack of wastewater sanitation installations, deplores Richard Abila, a researcher at the Kenya Marine and Fisheries Institute.

Beside aquaculture and fertilizers, pollution is also caused by pesticides, herbicides and plastic bags. One of the most dangerous ones is the mercury used by the gold panners of the Olini region in Kenya, close to the Tanzanian border which contaminates the local rivers and ultimately the Lake. “If nothing in the next 50 years if nothing radical is done, Lake Victoria will be dead because of what we are pouring into it”,says Peter Nyong’o, the governor of the Kisumu County.
Beside this pollution, the threat of an oil spill is increasing, owing to the project by Total and the China National Offshore Oil Corporation (CNOOC), Tullow Oil, the Uganda National Oil Corporation (UNOC) and the Tanzanian Petroleum Development Corporation (TPDC) to build a 1,445 km long pipeline between the fields of the Lake Albert area in Uganda and the Tanzanian terminal of Tanga on the Indian Ocean.
The East African Crude Oil Pipeline (EACOP) will cross several rivers of the Lake Victoria basin including its main tributary, the Kagera River and run along the Lake for over 450 kilometres. This raises the concern of several environmental NGOs and Oxfam International which accuses the promotors of the pipeline project to have selected a construction method which is the cheapest and the not safest one accordingly.
According to Oxfam, 12,000 families who live either on the shores of Lake Albert or along the pipeline may be negatively affected.
The risk is also to contaminate the White Nile, downstream since Lake Victoria is its main reservoir.

An oil spill would be a catastrophe for the fauna of the lake and the riparian populations which get their water supply from it, either to irrigate fields or provide drinking water to the Uganda capital, Kampala and to the cities of Kisumu (Kenya) and Mwanza (Tanzania). Moreover, in August 2019 the Tanzanian government announced plans to build a 135 km long water pipeline to bring drinking water to 263,000 people who live in 136 villages in the the North of the country.
In a letter published in November 2016, by the Science magazine, 70 researchers from 17 countries warn against the danger of oil exploitation for environment and the local communities of the Great Lake. In the case of Lake Victoria, Sixtus Kayombo from the Prospective College of the University of Dar es Salaam and his danish colleague Sven Jorgensen from the Royal Danish University of Pharmaceutical have established that the flushing time (the time required to replace the freshwater) of the lake is 123 years. This means that the negative effects of an oil spill could be felt during more than one century.
The illegal exploitation of the sand of the banks of the lake by construction companies are provoking their collapse and degrade ecosystems, in particular on the Ugandan coast. It has provoked changes in the stream speed and an acceleration of the erosion in the White Nile, downstream, and also an increase of sediments and perturbations in the development of aquatic fauna which reduce the penetration of light and reduce thereby the breeding opportunities among the fish populations.

Climate change is the ultimate threat for the lake, its fauna and flora and its riparian populations. Scientists predict that temperature will rise in the region by 1° C to 5°C within the next hundred years. As a result, evaporation is expected in increase which may lower the lake levels, especially if lower rainfalls occur at the same time, warns Emily Beverly professor at the Department of Earth and Atmospheric Science of the Houston University.
Emily Beverly and her team say that in the worse case scenario, within ten years, the lake could stop to flow into the While Nile which is the only outlet of its waters. Consequences could be disastrous for downstream countries since Lake Victoria is the largest provider of water of the Nile River, except during the rainy season on the Ethiopian highlands between July and October. The large Jinja hydropower plant on the While Nile would stop operating.

François Misser

 

Africa 2021. Security and Elections.

Clouds appear on the horizon in Sahel and forthcoming elections in several parts of the continent may contribute alongside with
the economic crisis aggravated by the Covid 19 pandemic
to raise tensions.

The deteriorating security situation in the Sahel region and more particularly in Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger is the main concern in West Africa. The challenge for the region and the international community is considerable, even if one considers only the humanitarian situation. According to the UNHCR the number of people internally displaced in the three above-mentioned countries increased from nearly 300,000 in 2018 to almost two million by mid-2020. During 2021, a number of other time-bombs will continue ticking. One is the upsurge in bloody interethnic conflicts exploited by the jihadists. The second is the economic decline caused by increased insecurity and the spread of the COVID-19 pandemic. And the third is the recession of Lake Chad which exacerbates tensions between the riparian communities.
A presidential election is scheduled in Benin in February 2021. For the first time, there are fears that the race may not be free and fair in this country which has been seen since 1990 as a paragon of democracy
in West Africa.

Benin president Patrice Talon.

The problem is not so much a risk of rigging the election but rather an impossibility for the challengers of the incumbent, President Patrice Talon, to run against him. The roman catholic bishops conference called specifically for inclusive elections on the 21 October to warn against a controversial system of sponsorship of the candidates who need the support of at least 16 MPs or mayors to be able to run. This quota is difficult to meet since opposition parties were not allowed to present their lists at the last parliament elections in 2019 and they boycotted the local elections in April 2020. The risk is that Talon may find himself as the sole candidate unless the President’s supporters approve another candidate of their choice to allow a pluralistic election. The main opponents may not be able to run since several have been sentenced to prison by courts who are suspected to have been politically biased. In Cape Verde, a new president will replace the incumbent, Jorge Carlos Fonseca whose second and last mandate expires on the 20 October 2021. The former Prime Minister Carlos Veiga who belongs like Fonseca to the ruling Movement for Democracy has announced that he will run for a third time. Against him, the main opposition party, the African Party for the Independence of Cape Verde is likely to present a candidate. Despite speculations that he might use the coronavirus pandemic as an excuse to postpone it, the Gambian President Adama Barrow assured in his State of the Nation address of the 18 September 2020 that the presidential election would take place as scheduled on the 4 December 2021. After a draft constitutional bill that was supposed to be submitted to a national referendum was defeated in the National Assembly, it seems that President Adama Barrow should run again for a third term. The defeated bill was setting indeed a presidential two terms limit. In East Africa, Somalia will hold presidential elections on the next 8 February since the collapse of Siad Barre’s Somali Democratic Republic in 1991, after an agreement between President Mohamed Abdullahi Farmajo’s Mogadishu-based Federal Government of Somalia and the Federal Member States to hold the ballot.
The deal also stipulates the formation of a national conflict resolution committee to settle electoral disputes.

Bobi Wine to run for Uganda president in the February general elections. (AFP)

In Uganda, the presidential election will take place on the next 14 January 2021. Eleven candidates are running, including the incumbent president Yoweri Museveni. His main contender is 38 year-old music pop star Bobi Wine, whose real name is Robert Kyagulanyi. The other aspirants for the top job are former army commander General Mugisha Muntu, former Security Minister General Henry Tumukunde, Norbert Mao, Joseph Kabuleta Kiiza, Patrick Amuriat Oboi, Fred Mwesigye, Willy Mayambala, John Katumba and one lady, Nancy Kalembe. The campaign should not be easy for the challengers. Bobi Wine was arrested briefly on the 3 November 2020 amid violent scuffles between police and his supporters while Patrick Amuriat was arrested at the headquarters of his Forum for Democratic Change party after accusations that he defied restrictions on the number of supporters accompanying him to the electoral commission where he submitted his nomination.

In Central Africa region, 2021 will also be a crucial year in the Central African Republic. Indeed, it may take several days before the results of the first round of the Presidential election and of the legislative elections, held on the 27 December 2020 are known. If necessary, the second round will be held on the 14 February 2021 and the new President, should be sworn in on the 30 March 2021. The question is whether the ballot can be credible in a country where two thirds of the territory are in the hands of 14 rebel groups or more.
One of the rivals of the incumbent President, 63 year-old Faustin-Archange Touadéra, the chairman of the Christian Democratic Party, Aristide Reboas, complained in October about the confusion in the registration of voters. Some voters were missing indeed on the lists. Ten other candidates have announced plans to run, including former Presidents, Gen. François Bozize and Catherine Samba-Panza and former Prime Ministers Anicet Dologuélé and Martin Ziguélé.
During the second semester 2021, a presidential election is also due in São Tomé e Príncipe. The main competitors are expected to be the incumbent, Evaristo Carvalho and the leader of the main opposition party, Patrice Trovoada, Ação Democrática independente which has currently 25 seats in the national assembly out of 55.
In Chad, on the 11 April, President Idriss Déby will try to be re-elected for a sixth mandate, whereas the first parliament elections since 2011 is scheduled for the 24 October.

President Idriss Deby of Chad.

The latter have been postponed several times for a variety of reasons including growing jihadist activity by Boko Haram, the COVID-19 pandemic, the refugee crisis and an insurgency in the north. The fall of the oil price which increased the domestic financial crisis has created a context which could favour the opposition if it stands united. So far, it has been fragmented but the chairman of the National Union for Democracy and Renewal Saleh Kebzabo is actively promoting the idea of a single opposition candidate.
In many African countries the government is planning severe budget cuts for 2021. A case in point is the Democratic Republic of Congo where the government has proposed a  23.2% decrease compared with 2020, following instructions from the international Monetary Fund, which is considering the first formal loan program with Congo in eight years.
It remains to be seen whether the civil servants including the military will accept such sacrifice in a country where salaries are among the world’s lowest. In Southern Africa, all eyes will focus on Zambia where the incumbent President, 63 year-old Edgar Lungu is running for a second term. Presidential and parliament elections will be held on the 12 August 2021. The race looks tight since the opposition United Party for National Development (UPND) and small parties have formed an alliance against the ruling Patriotic Front. Five years ago, Lungu’s victory against his rival 58-year-old businessman Hakainde Hichilema, leader of the UPND, who is running for the sixth time, was indeed narrow.

President Edgar Lungu of Zambia.

The coronavirus pandemic which contributed to depress copper prices has created a context of economic crisis in Zambia’s mining-heavy economy which could turn Lungu’s re-election difficult. But the President is trying to avert the scenario of his possible defeat with an attempt to amend the Constitution in order to enable the first candidate at the first round of the election to form a coalition with another candidate if none of the candidates gets more than 50% of the total votes cast before the second ballot. Last October the much-criticised amendment, known as Bill number 10, failed to garner the support of the mandatory two-thirds of Members of Parliament. It got 105 votes out of the required 111 votes. The opposition is also accusing Lungu to prepare a massive rigging by abolishing the current voters’ register and replacing it with a new one.

François Misser

Comboni Lay Missionaries. Getting involved.

It is more than 30 years since the Comboni Family has been enriched by the presence of lay people, both single and married who decide to dedicate a period of their lives to work in the mission. Alberto de la Portillas, the general coordinator of the Comboni Lay Missionaries explains  what it is about.

The call of the laity is a call to the service of humanity, a call which, for some, will involve service within our Church. But the Church is called to go out, to go out into the roads with Jesus, to go from village to village, helping in things great and small.  We are called to be the salt that gives taste, the yeast in the dough. We are called to be in the world and contribute to it in a meaningful way. We must not stay at home where we are comfortable, where we all understand one another.
We are called to go out. The Church is not born for itself but to be a community of believers who follow Jesus and serve the neediest. It is for this reason that we feel called to help the growth of human communities (including Christian communities).

For us Comboni Lay Missionaries (CLM), having our bags packed is part of our vocation. We are called to accompany people and communities for a given length of time, and then we leave, since our leaving is an essential part of our life. We are called to leave our homelands and travel to other countries and other cultures; we are called to carry out new services, to return to our original homes and to assume new commitments. These are all part of our vocation. We respond to this call, not only as individuals, but also from within a community. We do not travel alone. As Comboni Lay Missionaries, we are called to respond to the needs of our poorest brothers and sisters. This response is so necessary and complex that we are not called to give it individually but as a Church.

As lay people, we are called to create networks of solidarity and relationships that link up society by means of families and communities. We are creators of great networks of relations, collaboration and work. We live as people involved in all these networks and we are called to animate them, to give them spirituality so that they may be at the service of people, especially the weakest. We are called to include all people.
Our gaze must be fixed on the poorest and most abandoned of whom Comboni spoke, on those excluded from society. It must be a gaze that urges us to be present in the peripheries since things are seen differently from below.
We must not be content with a society where not all people have a dignified life, with a society where ‘having’ and not ‘being’ is rewarded, together with ‘consumerism’ that is devastating this wounded planet that cries out, proclaiming our global responsibility.

Our Response
How, as Comboni Lay Missionaries, do we respond to the call we have received? We have lay missionaries who work among the pygmies and the rest of the population of the Central African Republic, a country where we have been present for more than 25 years.
We are in the midst of people who are considered servants by the majority of the population, acting as a bridge of inclusion or assuming responsibility for a network of primary schools in a country which has suffered a number of coups and has been in a state of war for years which prevents the regime from providing these services.

Comboni Lay Missionaries, Aitana, Andrea and Paola in Peru.

In Peru, we accompany the people in the outskirts of the great cities and in the abusive settlements where those coming from the country take a piece of land from the city so as to have a home without electricity, water or sewerage. There are many families struggling for a dignified life, people who have left their small towns to go to the city to find food and give their children a better life.
In Mozambique, we collaborate in the education of the youth, both boys and girls who, leaving their distant communities, hope to gain an education and rebuild their country. They need schools for professional training and hostels where they can live during the school year, since their homes are so far away.

We are also present in Brazil, in the struggle with large mining companies who banish the communities from their lands, pollute the rivers and the air, cut communications and isolate communities with their long trains that carry away the minerals of the area, caring nothing for the environment or the people. Besides all this, in many European countries we are involved in receiving immigrants. We are called to welcome those who flee from poverty and war, those in search of a better future for their families and who, on their arrival, find themselves up against a wall, made not just of concrete or barbed-wire but also of fear and lack of understanding by the population.

New Lifestyles
The way of life in countries with the greatest resources is draining this squandered planet. International commercial relations are impoverishing many for the benefit of the few.
Promoting a new lifestyle is fundamental in changing the paradigms and values that are seen to be the only ones that are valid for a social outcome and for happiness. In a society where ‘possessions and consumption’ are seen as greater than ‘being’, it is necessary to propose new lifestyles. In Europe, we propose new lifestyles of commitment, responsible consumption, a responsible economy, etc.
By doing so, we shall follow activities connected to: education among the excluded of our cities; consideration for the sick, showing them the face of God who accompanies them and the hand of God who heals them; consideration for the homeless, the addicts and others.

As missionaries, we are aware, and we must also make others aware, of the situation of this globalised world that requires joint action in which all our little grains of sand create little hills which we can climb to survey and dream of a different world.
We aim to climb up with the people with whom we live daily. We feel we are called to do so especially with those who are immersed in their inability to see the horizon, to emerge from their difficulties; we are called to look up and go forward, to animate and accompany these communities. We are called to be present where nobody else wants to be. At the centre, we place Jesus, the person who changed our lives. Every man and every woman has a right to God. We feel a duty to make known the Good News, to present a living God who is in our midst, who walks with us and, as Jesus of Nazareth has shown us, never abandons us but is with us always.
Within every person, in the poorest and in the community, God awaits each one of us, to transform our lives and to fill them with joy, a joy that is deep. God is waiting to give us living water, the water that quenches the thirst of every human being.
May the Lord give us the strength to be always present and accompany others, to be instruments that lead others to meet Him and to be always close to Him on our journey.

India. Experiencing Silence in India’s Ashrams.

A Dominican friar shares his experience of spending his yearly vacation in an ashram in India. Under the guidance of a guru and following an exigent daily schedule, the retreatants embark on an inner pilgrimage of contemplation and self-knowledge.

One of my habits, which fortunately I have been able to practice recently, is to spend my yearly month of vacation in an ashram in India (after having lived there for three years). I usually go to the same ashram called Anjali Ashram, which is a Catholic ashram in Mysore in the state of Karnataka (Southern India). The word ashram (or ashrama) in Sanskrit, means “effort” in the sense of continued spiritual practice.

Father Rui Manuel

By extension, an ashram is a spiritual community united around a guru (or teacher), where the common practice of spirituality is facilitated in the everyday life.
Most of the participants are Hindus, but there are also Christian ashrams who join the community for an experience of inner pilgrimage in silence, of self-knowledge and of discovering that person who is “beyond-all-the-Name” (both aspects are interconnected).

Demanding schedule
Life in the ashram proceeds in a simple way. Usually, ashrams are surrounded by Nature, although some of them may be located on the outskirts of cities or a few kilometers from them, as is the case of the one that I usually visit.
The best way to understand what happens inside is to know the plan of activities, according to a demanding schedule. In this Mysore ashram that I attend (Anjali Ashram), we start the day’s activities at around 5:30 am with one-hour meditation (pratah samdhya) in silence (preceded by a brief introduction by the guru, in this case, a Catholic priest totally dedicated to ashram life). This meditation (dhyana) is done amidst trees.

For Indians, Nature is sacred; it is God’s creation, as if it were His “body.” It is then interesting to watch the sunrise, to move from darkness to dawn, sitting silently without moving, in contemplation, and become aware of the noise of animals that begin to appear. Of course, the most complicated thing is not so much the exterior silence but the inner silence, the quietening of our usual “monkey mind.”
The morning Eucharist follows at around 6:30 am in the ashram chapel. A Eucharist in the Indian style (sitting on the floor) with local rites—including elements from nature, fire, water—full of liturgical and spiritual-cosmic symbolism. It lasts approximately an hour. Next we go for breakfast (7:30 am), always in silence, again sitting on the floor together. Food is always simple, vegetarian and Indian.
Then we go to our rooms to do our personal hygiene and, right after, we proceed with manual work (seva ashram): cutting the grass, watering the trees and plants, preparing some gardens, doing our own laundry and other practical works that might be needed.

APA Program
The APA program (Atma Purna Anubhava) consists of a nine-day program called Upadesa, with spiritual conferences in the morning and afternoon which develop various topics. The program is attended by about fifty people, normally, novices, students of religious congregations, lay people, seekers, and even Hindus and Muslims.
At around noon, there is another meditation: madhyan samdhya. Lunch is at 12:30 pm, also in silence, sitting on the floor, followed by siesta and another meditation around 3:30 pm. After tea (4:00 pm), there is again the seva ashram. Thereafter, there is usually hatha-yoga (5:00 pm), typical of ashrams. An upadesa (spiritual talk) follows, plus an hour-long meditation in the chapel around 6:30 pm (saayam samdhya).
Dinner is at 7:30 pm. Around 8:15 pm comes the satsangh, a community meeting where each one shares his/her experiences of the day, with the Guru’s comments. From then, normally at 9:30 pm, we retire to the room. The bed is simple, usually without a mattress. Fridays are days of silence and fasting (usually partial fasting, but one can also do a total fast) and on Sundays there are some small changes in the schedule.

We may say that contemplation is the practice of this day-to-day life done with mindfulness, with seriousness and capacity for community service, with a lot of self-observation and offering the day to Someone Who is within us and permeates us in this space of the ashram in the midst of nature.
The important thing, however, is to practice a dynamic ashram wherever you are, in India, Asia or Europe. Because contemplation is, above all, a state of mind, an inner attitude which can have this institutional support or not, but which permeates our entire life. Contemplation is more about being than doing. From being we proceed to doing. It is about seeing and “tasting” the meaning of things in full and actual delight.

Rui Manuel

Herbs & Plants. Psorospermum febrifugum Spach. A medicinal plant for skin diseases.

Medicinal plants continue to play vital roles in primary health systems globally. A number of plants have the ability to synthesize a wide variety of vital phytochemical  compounds  as  secondary  metabolites that have the ability to effectively treat various ailments
affecting mankind.

One of such potent medicinal plants is Psorospermum febrifugum Spach (Hypericaceae Family} which is commonly called Christmas berry. It is a many-branched shrub or small tree widely distributed in tropical Africa. It grows in open woodland over a wide range of altitudes. This plant grows to about 1-6m in height with bark peeling or flaking, often corky. Stems are terete, glabrous to densely rusty-tomentose. The leaves are opposite, sessile or with petiole rarely more than 2 mm long; leathery, with conspicuous reticulation, very variably pubescent, and always much paler beneath. The inconspicuous flowers are fragrant, and creamy-white in colour. The fruit is a small berry of about 6mm in diameter and bright red when mature. Psorospermum  febrifugum has a long history of use in folkloric medicines.

Most of the species of the genus psorospermum including Psorospermum  febrifugum have been used for a long time in the ethno-medical folk traditions of indigenous African population as febrifugal, and as antidote against poisons. The plant is mainly harvested from the wild for medicinal purposes but also for its edible fruit and it provides wood for domestic use. The harvested medicinal parts are often sold in local markets for use in traditional medicine. It is employed in the treatment of a wide range of conditions including leprosy, insomnia, anxiety, and subcutaneous wounds. Its best use is related to its potential to treat fevers and skin problems. In some communities, they use the sap to treat inflammation and worm infections. The decoction of Psorospermum febrifugum is taken for syphilis treatment. The decoction made from the stem bark is also used against epilepsy, skin sores in HIV/AIDS patients, treatment of acne, and ethno-medicinally used to cure brain diseases.

The bark decoction is used in the treatment of various skin problems including  scabies, eczema and insect bites as well as a parasitic disease, craw-craw; an itching skin disease produced by the larvae of the filarial worm causing onchocerciasis that migrates into the subcutaneous tissues. The bark decoction is taken internally in the treatment of dysmenorrhoea, dysentery, tuberculosis and whooping cough. Additionally, in some communities, the stem bark-ash is mixed with castor oil and applied for the treatment of scabies after scarification, and the sediment after decocting the bark, is used on dry eczema of allergic or fungal origin. The stem bark is also used in the treatment of malaria and diarrhoea in some communities.

The powdered root is used topically on parasitic skin-diseases. The powder obtained by grinding the root bark is mixed with oil and topically applied to alleviate pimples, and hasten wound healing. The root is also used as a mouthwash and gargle to treat tongue diseases and tonsillitis. The root-bark is used in some communities to treat skin-itch and jiggers. Furthermore, the root bark of Psorospermum febrifugum have also been reported for use in traditional medicine for the treatment and management of anaemia.
The effectiveness of the root bark in treatment of diseases may be attributed to the phytochemicals in it including catechuic tannins, steroids, and terpenes. The dried flower-stalks are powdered, mixed with some medicinal plants and used for wound dressing.
The bright to dark red fruits carried in clusters on the plant have a sweet flavour and are usually eaten by children and travellers. In some communities, the yellow dye obtained from the bark of Psorospermum  febrifugum is used in craftwork. The wood is used to make tool handles and for fuel.

Richard Komakech

 

Ethiopia. The Guji. A people in transformation.

The Guji are an ethnic group of southern Ethiopia. They belong to the great family of the Oromo. Traditionally semi-nomadic, today they live more from agriculture than cattle-raising. A glance at some aspects of their life and culture.

They are around five million people scattered around the most southerly area of the immense territory called Oromiya (‘land of the Oromo’). They are very close to nature, to the traditional market and to their cattle. They are tenacious workers who greatly sacrifice themselves to protect their territory and their traditional network. Among the Guji, the good is everything that fosters fecundity, wellbeing, and ethnic and hierarchic identity; evil is all that is opposed to these. Their vision of the world, their religious beliefs and their customs are greatly influenced by the pastoral and agricultural life they lead. In their symbolism, children are compared to small calves, the head of the family to the bull and the mother to the cow. The most important times in family and social life are marked by the sacrifice of cattle to the divinity and solemnised by elaborate religious ceremonial.

The Guji religion may be defined as cosmic. Rather than absolute transcendence, the divinity is perceived as a constant desire for immanence, in that it manifests itself in natural things and rhythms, closely connected to all that is called vitality and fertility. All visible reality is the fruit of the union between a feminine and a masculine principle. All creation is seen as a product of the generative power of a ‘father-god’ (Waaqaa; the term means both ‘god’ and  ‘sky’), who renders the earth fertile by means of the rains.

Time is understood as ‘eternal return’, which comprises, first of all, the alternation of day and night and of the dry and rainy seasons. But there is also a sequence of eight years. Unlike other Semitic peoples who tend to follow septennial periods (7 is the perfect number: the ‘male’ 4 plus the ‘female’ 3), the Guji follow the number 8 (two times 4), consequently, the ceremonies of the gadaa recur every eight years for the renewal of the fertility of the entire cosmos. The initiation of male individuals, with all their strength and vitality, is believed to be the greatest blessing for the Guji nation.

The Gadaa, a constitutional government
The traditional social, political, administrative, and religious order of the Guji has its roots in the mists of time. It consists of the subdivision of the entire ethnic group into classes of power, which produce a system of democratic institutions called the gadaa, considered by experts to be one of the most ancient and complex social structures ever conceived
by human beings.

The gadaa is renewed every eight years by free elections among adult males. It is really and truly a ‘constitutional government’. The supreme head is the abbaa bohu or abbaa gadaa, a post comparable to that of president or prime minister: he has the task of calling and presiding over the chaffee (legislative assembly) and of promulgating approved laws. He is assisted by the salgee (supreme council).
The abbaa duula, on the other hand, is comparable to a head of the armed forces and is responsible for a military organisation which, for centuries, has provided for defence against external enemies in the struggle to defend the pastures, water courses and the integrity of the territory.The gadaa government is based on popular democracy and equality of representation.
Leaders who are seen to be corrupt or dictatorial may be suspended from their posts before the end of their mandate.
The  gadaa also includes the siqqee, an institution for the purpose of the defence of the rights of the women.

The family
The Guji do not live in villages but their dwellings are scattered about the highlands. A space around the main hut is fenced off for the animals, a small plantation of the false banana, a field of barley and a grove to provide firewood. The lush meadows along by the rivers are instead, common property devoted to grazing. The animals are taken there in the morning and left there for the whole day.

In the evening they are taken to the compound at the house for milking. We may, therefore, speak almost of an economy of a sort that is self-governing. Each family group is independent. It is only during the harvesting of cereal crops that the members of different families may get together to help one another.
The Guji have no real village or clan headmen. Authority rests with the head of the family, who also fills the role of ‘priest’. It is he who presides at the sacrifice of animals and the offering of food on the occasion of all the main events concerning the life of the family. His, too, is the responsibility of interpreting the zayyo, the portents regarding the family, and to protect it from evil influences.

The Guji woman
Even though Guji society is essentially male-dominated, the Guji woman enjoys considerable room for autonomy in running the house and she is honoured as the source of life. Her day is filled with hard work. She is the first to rise in the morning, while it is still dark. She revives the fire, milks the animals, goes to collect firewood and draw water, grinds or roasts maize and barley, kneads the false banana pulp and makes it into portions. Having swept out the hut and the courtyard, she goes to cut grass for the calves. She then prepares breakfast for the other members of the family who, meanwhile, have also got up.

In the evening she is again at the fire cooking the supper. She then heats water to wash the feet of her husband and then oils them with butter. Lastly, she prepares the bunks for everyone, spreading cowhides on wooden frames. After washing and anointing herself, she, in turn, may lie down and rest.Besides these daily duties there are other occasional tasks such as hoeing the fields, building huts or guarding the animals while they graze. She often goes to the market to sell vegetables, butter, or containers for milk. By doing so she earns a little money to buy berberé (a small hot pepper), salt, tobacco or, when possible, some clothes, perfume for herself and her daughters and small items of ornaments for women.

The traditional culture of the Guji, with its connected values and its environments rich in forests, water courses and natural resources is today seriously threatened by the modern world. The number of Guji people doubles every 25 years. There is the danger that overpopulation and the increasing demand for arable land and firewood may transform their fertile lands into semi desert, like many other areas of the Ethiopian lowlands. Deforestation and the progressive degrading of the environment are the major threats the Guji must face. The new Guji generations, the first to be completely secularised, will also have the difficult task of establishing collaborative, rather than conflictual relations with their neighbours.

Pedro Pablo Hernández (text and photos)

 

 

Middle East and North Africa 2021. COVID-19 and Oil.

Socio-economic tensions rise but the COVID Pandemic buys time for governments under pressure. Tension between Ankara and Cairo.

There are two lenses through which to frame prospects for the Middle East in 2021: the results of the U.S. election and the Abraham Accords that established the framework for diplomatic relations between Israel and the Persian Gulf States starting with the United Arab Emirates and Bahrain. And both these factors are contained within the wider context of the COVID-19 pandemic and the financial and socio-economic effects it has had over the region and the world.

Women wearing face masks walk at a bazaar in Tehran, Iran. (Xinhua)

As far as the latter is concerned, the pandemic has meant that demand for oil will not recover in 2021, and prices will remain stagnant. While oil prices have recovered from the unprecedented dive in March 2020, they will likely continue oscillating between $35-45/barrel. And that is about 40% less than they were in the latter half of 2019 and early 2020. Fears of more lockdowns, and reduced industrial production, suggest demand for energy will remain low, as will prices.

Low Oil Prices and Negative Growth
The governments of most Middle Eastern oil-producing states need prices closer to $70-80 per barrel to balance the budget based on IMF projections for 2021. Given that, higher oil prices represented the best hope for an economic recovery of the oil exporting countries (with the exception of Qatar and possibly Oman, which have been changing focus to natural gas) Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Bahrain, Libya and Algeria Bahrain and Kuwait will likely continue to experience an economic contraction. Cheap oil combined with the much lower migrant remittances will put pressure on all governments of the Middle East, which will struggle to maintain subsidies on basic products and already strained social services.

In July, the IMF expects GDP For the Middle East-Central Asia area to contract by -4.1% in 2020 – last April it expected a drop of 2.7%. Subsidy cuts on items such as flour, bread, sugar or rice have proven their ability to trigger anti-government demonstrations and riots. Higher prices for basic goods were among the principal factors that prompted the protests that the media ended up describing as the Arab Spring. The pandemic has exasperated conditions beyond any pre-Arab Spring level, given that tourism, one of the region’s most important non-hydrocarbon sectors of the economy, has collapsed. Nevertheless, that same pandemic has also served to contain unrest.

 COVID Keeps Demonstrators at Home
The violent demonstrations that built up in Iraq and Iran in late 2019 and early 2020 lost much of their momentum as fears of COVID spread and government-imposed lockdowns. And almost all Middle Eastern regimes have used the coronavirus factor narrow room for dissent.
On October 25th 2020, thousands of Iraqis protested in Baghdad
to mark the anniversary of the demonstrations of 2019, which left several hundred dead.
But those protests waned largely due to the Covid-19 pandemic, even if the heightened tensions between the United States and Tehran – which reached a peak in January 2020 after the assassination of General Suleimani – might also have played a role. Lebanon also experienced a period of turbulence in 2019 and 2020 in the wake of economic instability and anti-corruption protests against the government after a massive devaluation of the Lira. The anger was widespread and had the effect of uniting the various confessional groups, Shiites, Christians and Sunnis alike after Prime Minister Hariri wanted to impose new taxes.
The protests quelled in the wake of the pandemic, even as a new government was formed in April.
An explosion at a port storage facility in August, which killed 200 people, also served as a trigger for anti-government sentiment and the formation of a new government. But, despite some outbreaks of violence, the pandemic ensured demonstrations would not regain the strength of the last weeks of 2019.

The Hirak movement has profoundly changed the political landscape. (Middle East OnLine)

Similarly, in Algeria, the pandemic related lockdowns managed to stop even activists of the Hirak popular movement, which led intense, if relatively peaceful, anti-government demonstrations since the spring of 2019, which led to the resignation of President Abdelaziz Bouteflika. The protesters have achieved minor political gains, securing the resignation of key figures, but they have not succeeded in removing the political-military elite, which continues to occupy the highest levels of power. The Hirak protests have no reason to stop. The December 2019 elections failed to change the system, delaying substantial changes with the Abdelmadjib Tebboune’s victory. Tebboune represents the very system that the protesters want to demolish. The pandemic lockdowns, however, have given the government the room to increase repression both in the streets and in the media. In Algeria, as in Iraq, Lebanon and elsewhere, the pandemic has confined activists to their homes; even as malcontent continues to spread. This suggests, that as pandemic measures ease, demonstrations will intensify in various parts of the Arab world, potentially resurrecting the ‘Spring’ of 2011-2012.

US Policy in the Middle East Will not Change
Meanwhile, even as protests are prevented from spilling over into the streets, governments in the Middle East and North Africa in 2021 will have to come to terms with a waning American presence in the region. Since the end of World War II, the United States made the Middle East a priority. Washington provided security for a handful of monarchs ruling over vast mineral resources in exchange for unlimited access to those resources, which represented the engine of western industrial capitalism. Yet the United States has become far more energy independent, exploiting its own oil and gas deposits, using new techniques. It no longer needs the oil of the Persian Gulf.

And it does not matter when Joe Biden replaces President Trump this January, Washington’s retreat from the region will continue. After all, Trump merely continued the policy initiated by Barack Obama, who launched the so-called ‘leading from behind’ policy, marked by Washington’s gradual redeployment of troops away from the Middle East (Obama focused on Iraq), leaving its Middle East ‘vassals’ with more responsibility for their internal and regional stability. Obama presented the Iran nuclear deal, halting Tehran’s pursuit of nuclear weapons as a way assure Israel and Saudi Arabia (The Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action – JCPOA, signed in 2015), while pushing for a two-state solution in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and for reforms in the Gulf as the pillars that would help support greater Middle Eastern autonomy.

Obama’s plans were thwarted by his insistence on interfering in regional crises in Syria, while failing to extricate US troops from Afghanistan. Trump’s major change was in removing any pretense from US policy. His administration has stopped pushing for reforms. It has also put less pressure on Syria, and almost completely relinquished any claim in the future of Libya. Rather, his policy has focused on improving ties between Israel and some of its Arab neighbors, such that Tel Aviv now has diplomatic relations with Abu Dhabi and Manama. However, the Abraham Accords, given the dire socio-economic framework in the MENA region, made all the worse by the effects of COVID, could produce the kinds of political changes Washington would appreciate without the need for military intervention.

The Abraham Accords Could Change the Region
More States could open negotiations with Israel simply as a way to secure better ties to the United States and in the hope of obtaining greater economic support from the West and some of the Gulf States themselves. Even Iraq or Lebanon would find it convenient to establish ties to Israel. Indeed, Biden  might pursue diplomatic openings with Iran, lifting sanctions, as in the JCPOA, in exchange for Tehran applying less direct pressure on Iraq or Lebanon – and in turn for Israel to provide greater assurances of renouncing the full annexation of the West Bank and even the establishment of a Palestinian State – from pursuing relations with Israel. Of course, such a process would take longer than a year, but it’s clear that the Abraham

The flags of the US, United Arab Emirates, Israel and Bahrain are screened on the walls of Jerusalem’s Old City. (Photo: Yonatan Sindel/Flash90)

Accords will have significant ramifications in 2021. It’s also clear that the cause of Palestinian independence, much less statehood, has lost its cachet in the Arab World. In 2020 it became clear that the Palestinians’ best friends in the Middle East are Iran and Turkey. The Gulf monarchs have become too busy seeking ways to protect their lifestyles in the wake of energy market changes, while the once Arab nationalist republics have been trying to recover from the deep traumas of invasion and occupation (Iraq) and vicious civil /proxy war (Syria). And it’s no longer clear for how long Iran will be able to pursue the ideological priorities of the Islamic Republic, as it faces its own crisis of legitimacy – one kept in check by the pandemic related social distancing restrictions.
Finally, it should be noted that the Arab States have become more concerned about Turkey than Israel. Turkey’s neo-Ottomanism presents a deeper threat in the Islamic context to the likes of Saudi Arabia. Erdogan has made significant symbolic moves to present his government as the true protector of Islam.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Turkey is a position to continue occupying parts of northern Syria while keeping Kurdish nationalism in check. Turkey has thwarted the ambitions of Egypt in Libya, supplying important military support for the Tripoli based and Muslim Brotherhood affiliated government, led by Fayez al-Serraj against the UAE/Egyptian backed government effectively led by Gen. Khalifa Haftar. In that sense, apart from Saudi Arabia and the UAE, it is Egypt that considers Turkey a threat – and war between the two almost broke out in Libya. A September 2020 truce in Libya has quelled tensions, but there are few assurances it will last, and tensions between Ankara and Cairo could yet flare up in 2021.

Alessandro Bruno

 

 

 

Bolivia. Water: source of life in the Andean Pacha.

The Andean peoples preserve their ancient wisdoms with great care in order to lead a good life. Wisdoms that have been transmitted for hundreds and thousands of years. The wisdom of water.

We Andean people consider our Pachamama as the Mother of  the universe, as the Mother of the Pacha. The name Pachamama is made up of two terms: Pacha and Mama. The term Pacha, in the Andean languages, Qhishwa and Aymara, expresses the totality of time and universal space, and it refers to the existence of life. The term Mama, the best known word in the languages of all different peoples, means Mother. So Pachamama is the word that refers to the Mother of the universe, to the Mother of life.
The ancestors narrated that yaku, unu, uma (terms meaning water in the Quechua language) was born from the love between Tata Chijchi (Father Hail), and Mama Para (Mother Rain). This is the water family.

The main sources of water are considered Qucha Mama. Thus, water is seen as the Mother of life. Water is a vital part of the Pachamama. It is its blood. Human beings are supposed to take care of water or else they get sick and die. If water dies, all living beings in the Pacha will die too.
Water is the element that gives life to the Pacha. Water is vital for plants, animals and human beings. No one can live without it. Every living being lives thanks to water. Water is considered as the blood of the Pachamama, the blood that gives life to everything that exists in the Pacha. Water is everywhere, in the pampas, in the rivers and in the mountains. Water is like the blood of the human body, water is the blood of the mountains and it gives them life.

Water wisdom
Water has its own wisdom, the wisdom to live. Water knows what to do in order to live. Water lives and gives life through its cycle. Water flows into the veins of Mother Earth and comes to the surface giving life to every living being. Water can reach the sky, it reaches the Milky Way, which is known as Mayu or the firmament river. From there it turns into rain and comes back to the earth to give fertility to Mother Earth and maintain the flow of the waters of the Pacha.

Following its wisdom, water re-creates itself through its never ending cycle, and it guarantees the flow of life through the rivers and seas of the Pacha. The rainbow helps water to reach the firmament to later become rain. Similarly, the moon is closely related to water and it is represented as a young girl who pours water on the earth from a pitcher, this picture is connected with the concept of the fertility of the land.
The movement of the sun itself is related to water. In Andean theology, the sun is a symbol of Pachakamaq (the ‘Earth Maker’, creator god), who determines the cycle of the provision of water to irrigate the Pacha. For example, in the month of December water has all its vital force to fertilize the earth. In contrast, water in dry weather is weak, it can’t feed or fertilize the earth. During its cycle, water passes through different places in different times and can take different forms, it can become snow, ice, rain or hail for instance. Water is what is supposed to be in the right place at the right time.

Yaku Mama: the sacred nature of water
Water is considered a sacred being in the original Andean spirituality. In fact, according to the Andean creation myth, ‘In the beginning, Ticci Viracocha, prince and creator of all things, emerged from the void and created the earth and the heavens. He rose from Lake Titicaca
at the dawn of life…’.
We can see as the same deity Ticsi Viracocha or Wiraqochan is closely linked to water, and he was not considered, as the Spanish thought, just a creation deity but the invisible vital force (kamaq or sinchi) that animates life, a vital force that exists in everything. This deity is associated with the snow-capped peaks (called pacha wira) that reach heaven and, through their roots, descend to the underground world.

The spirit of water is in the lakes, in the lagoons, in the rivers, in all water sources and in the sea. It gives life and nourishes all other beings.
Symbols, myths and ritual celebrations concerning water are part of our spiritual experience, of us the Andean people. Water is never seen as a separate element in the Andean cosmovision, but as a living being that forms part of the weaving of life within the community of nature. Therefore, water is one of the constituent beings of the territory, together with human beings and the community of deities.
It is family, and that is why we native peoples consider every source from which life emerges as sacred.

We natives know that rivers, lakes and forests generate rain, hail and snow which are part of both the spiritual life and the daily life of our peoples. Thus, we ask for rain to the  protective spirits, and make offerings to springs and lagoons in case of lack of water. Water is sacred to us. When you drink from a spring, a well, a river, or any other source of water you  drink the life that is generated by the Pachamama. Furthermore, these water sources are related to the life of our ancestors. Therefore, drinking  water means also entering into communion with them.

Víctor Bascopé Caero

 

GGW. Resources insufficient.

It is not easy to juggle the various interests that revolve around the GGW, and it is just as difficult to trace the nature of the funds that have flowed to back the Project, which started out as African, but ended up becoming international.

“Economic resources are a problem”, said Abakar Zougoulou,  Agency’s scientific director of GGW. This is due to the fact that investments have so far concentrated mainly on projects outside the priority area of intervention. The Pan-African agency’s members Senegal, Niger, Chad, Burkina Faso, Nigeria, Mali, and Ethiopia have contributed financially to support work in their respective territories and within the limitations of their budgets. In fact, not all member countries have a dedicated GGW national structure to implement the Project.

The UNCCD said that some $8 billion has been mobilized overall in support of the initiative. Over the course of three phases, the Global Environmental Facility (GEF) has funded soil regeneration and climate change projects administered in part by the World Bank and the United Nations Environment Programme totaling over $700 million.
From 2011 to 2014, the EU allotted EUR 20 million to fund the initiative; and from 2014 to 2018 it allocated 7.0 million Euros to support the Fleuve project: a series of micro investments in Burkina Faso, Mali,
Chad, Niger, and Senegal. The World Bank, for its part, allocated about $2.0 billion in total.

France and Ireland also donated (smaller sums totaling about one million Euros) to the Project. The AU is not believed to have offered any funds while individual countries are said to have allotted very little compared to large donors. Turkey and China have also joined the international lenders with their own individual allotments. Still, the project has also targeted private sector donors. In 2016, FAO published a document aimed specifically at private individuals, indicating the areas of greatest need and related investment opportunities. Meanwhile, a World Bank and GEF document published in August 2019 has reiterated the need for financial support. The two organizations estimate an annual need per country ranging from $40 million to $130 million, to achieve significant impact. Therefore, the resources mobilized so far are insufficient. The document calls for the involvement of Development Banks, The Green Climate Fund, bilateral partners, civil society and the private sector. (M.G.)

 

 

Fratelli Tutti – Africa’s call for an “a civilization of love”.

The new encyclical of Pope Francis, Fratelli Tutti (Brothers All) draws attention to social consciousness of the common responsibility toward building solidarity, social friendship, global citizenship and fraternal economy.  How the encyclical speaks to the continent, and how Christians and people of good will ought to respond to the social concerns of our society today.

In Nairobi where I live, one witnesses a social dichotomy that is found in most major cities in Africa, and some parts of the world – affluence and opulence alongside poverty and desperation; the majority youth population desperate for employment alongside political and economic predators focused on exploiting the young people’s despair; leaders committed to social change alongside corrupt leaders bent on amassing wealth at the expense of the poor.  The paradoxical situation of Nairobi draws one to question the extent of the effectiveness of an inherited capitalistic system embedded in democratic aberrancy that falsely reflects the perfect progression to a ‘developed society’, an imported acquisition of the western definition of ‘development’.

It is indeed sad that the growing middle class in most African capital cities is fast moving into a capitalistic lifestyle that threatens Africa’s communitarian heritage, and embraces wholesale what Francis has persistently termed “globalized indifference”, false security in self-independence. In fact, in most of these cities, the wealthy suburbs have developed a “culture of walls” (FT 27) – physical walls that keep out the perceived ‘dangerous’ poor, robbers and thieves – and at the same time, social walls that make clear distinctions between the poor and the rich, politicians and citizens, the ruling class and the ruled class, the dominant and minority or marginalized ethnic groups, the employed
and unemployed.
This dichotomized society runs parallel to the ‘economic progress’ clearly indicating that there is a need to review the current structures of social organization in Africa. These economic structures deceptively create false comfort on a fragile foundation that can only be termed as a ‘time-bomb’. Francis deplores that many people feel “more alone than ever”, (Ft 19; 28; 29; 33) with the world economic system confining the majority of the population to tools of work, under the disguised criteria “of market freedom and efficiency” that privatizes the common good to a specific economic class.

New forms of poverty
The paradoxical reality of the disparities between economic growth in Africa and increased poverty in the continent is a clear reflection of the dysfunctionality of the inherited economic systems that Pope Francis strongly condemns. He states that “Some economic rules have proved effective for growth, but not for integral human development.” (FT 21). He adds that while perceptively wealth has increased, inequality has concurrently increased, and new forms of poverty have emerged, perpetuated by persistent corruption that diverts public funds
to private individuals.

It is important that any economic system takes into account the needs of the poor and marginalized while considering the fact that a large unemployed population is vulnerable to human trafficking, child abuse, recruitment by violent extremist groups, popular insurrection and disguised slavery in the form of paid labour. Francis strongly condemns these forms of modern-day slavery that treat vulnerable persons as objects “…whether by coercion, or deception or by physical or psychological duress.” (FT 24).  In Africa, women tend to be more vulnerable to human trafficking and modern-day slavery. More and more there are reports of African women searching for jobs and ending up trapped in bonded labour in Arab and European countries. Francis emphasizes that “women possess the same dignity and identical rights as men” and should therefore not be treated in a manner demeaning their rights and dignity.

Communitarianism is strongly emphasized in Fratelli Tutti, with a warning that the world is fast losing the sense that we are a global community, echoed in Francis’ call in Laudato Si, in which he reiterated that the world is our common home. (LS 13).
The Pope states that the COVID 19 experience has shown the world that “we are a global community, all in the same boat” (Ft 30) and mutually experiencing each other’s problems. Africa has often been characterized as a communitarian society where shared socio-cultural values enhance social cohesion, and bind the people together. While the communitarian attitude and social solidarity are still strongly appreciated in Africa, there have been a lot of social pressures that have threatened the sense of shared communal values.
These have largely been due to growing urbanization, increased capitalism and reduced communitarian economic resources that hitherto sustained economic support to those most in need.

Diminished communitarianism has created a sense of “loneliness, fear and insecurity”, trapping especially the youth into “a false communitarian mystique” that generates “bonds of dependency and fealty” under the control of the propagators of violence. A good number of youth in Africa have been used by politicians to fan violence against political opponents or rival ethnic groups, leading to loss of life and the destruction of property. The ethnicization of politics and politicization of ethnic identities have rendered the continent prone to conflict.
These tendencies have propagated violent conflicts that have led to social, ethnic, political and religious divisions and these situations have threatened the African ‘ubuntu’ theological wisdom that underlines the interlocking and intertwined nature of human life – my humanity is defined by your humanity and vice versa.
In other words, a human person is only human through another human person.  This calls attention to respect for human dignity and appreciation of a broader sense of fraternity defined in a magnanimous sense of love of one’s neighbour.

Who is my neighbour?
In a classical theological reflection on the Good Samaritan, (Lk 10-37; Ft 56-86), Francis makes an elaborate reflection on who is indeed my neighbour and draws attention to the busy fast-moving life that often leaves no time for social friendships. As a result, there tends to be a predetermined distinction of who deserves to be one’s neighbour, and who ought to be automatically disqualified and termed as ‘minority’ group, immigrant or migrant, refugee or trafficked person.
The concept of neighbour is reduced to persons in closed circles of relationships. Francis calls for a broader conceptualization of neighbour to include persons most in need.  Hence, the story of the Good Samaritan calls back humanity to a kind of love that “shatters the chains that keep us isolated and separate.”

To address conflicts and divisions, such as those in Africa, Pope Francis proposes a call to a courageous review of past crimes and injustices with a long-term view of reconciling divided communities. In fact, in this particular section of the encyclical, Francis uses very blunt language and does not mince his words on what the reconciliation process should entail. The Pope calls for a bold encounter with the reality of hate and revenge, tying mediation and dialogue to sincere acknowledgement of past wrongs, seeking to forgive without necessarily forgetting the wrongs, but being open to reconciliation in order to build a new future together. He calls on previously fierce enemies “to speak from the stark and clear truth” (FT 226), while learning to cultivate “a penitential memory” open to exploring a new future together.

Social friendship
There have been several attempts in Africa to address the past wrongs through transitional justice processes. These have either taken a justice approach that seeks to prosecute crimes or a reconciliation approach that aims at reconciling individuals and communities in conflict. Truth commissions in South Africa, Kenya, Nigeria, Ghana, Sierra Leone and Liberia, among others, have focused on bringing the victims and perpetrators of violence together in a search for truth. These commissions, to some extent, have attempted to address historical injustices, despite diverse contextual limitations. One of the major limitations has been the lack of political will to pursue the reconciliation agenda, reducing transitional justice processes to political theatrics meant to calm emotional expectations.

Like in many parts of the world, democracy in Africa is in a crisis, and politics has largely been sectarian. There are a number of African countries that have subjected democracy to mockery through constitutional coups that create life presidencies or political manipulation of electoral results to remain in power. Francis laments that “For many people today, politics is a distasteful word” and the world is “suffering from grave structural deficiencies” that need to be addressed comprehensively through inclusive approaches that take into account the needs of all sectors of society FT 126).
Politicians have tended to use the masses as stooges, giving “free rein to ideologies” aimed at advancing political power, to the extent of inciting them to violence (FT 77).

Francis regrets that any political “victory consists in eliminating one’s opponents”, dominating the other and paying no attention to the common good that binds society together (FT 15).  As a result, competitive politics has been manipulated by the rich and powerful, reducing democratic practices to political tools for the advancement of power, control and the accumulation of wealth.  Pope Francis thus appeals for good politics that is “built upon respect for law and frank dialogue between individuals”, initiating bridges across the different social-political divides of society within a communitarian framework.
In conclusion, Fratelli Tutti makes a strong appeal on the need to form “social friendship” advanced by fraternal economy that goes beyond individualistic attitudes sustained by parenthesized solidarity. Social friendship is founded on “social love” as the encyclical insists, making it possible to move towards achieving “a civilization of love” beyond the walls of separation and discrimination.

Fr. Elias Opongo, sj

 

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