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Ivory Coast. Contemporary art in the city of Abidjan.

The pandemic forced it to close just a week after it was officially opened and did not allow it to reopen until last August. The people’s district of Abobo hosts the first Ivorian museum of contemporary art.

The democratisation of art was taken into consideration when the famous Ivorian architect Issa Diabaté was charged with designing a modern and ambitious building so that the citizens could contemplate and share the various contemporary disciplines.
The imposing structure, a space covering two exposition halls, a conference hall, a dance hall, a media centre, a library, an archives centre and various workshops, was for some time ready to be inaugurated and its doors were opened on 11 March last year.
MuCAT was born but, that very day, the Ivorian authorities confirmed the first case of Covid-19 in the country. Precautions were imposed
and the museum closed.

The million or more people of the working-class district of Abobo – known for having been the hiding place of the pro-Ouattara rebels who, in 2010 and 2011, fought against the forces of former president Laurent Gbagbo, and for having looked after a considerable number of street children – had to wait a further four months to see sculptures and paintings for the first time in their lives.
Sixty per cent of the population are under twenty and schools and institutes lost no time in booking visits to the museum which soon recorded an average of 200 visits per day.
“By constructing the first museum in the country dedicated to contemporary culture, my father corrected an anomaly”, said Bintou Toungara last year to the daily Le Monde. The artistic director Yacouba Konaté, who is also director of the festival Market for African Performing Arts (MASA), is committed to reopening the museum and, right from the start, to providing creative assistance to visitors to understand the exhibits and collections of the museum.

Adama Toungara (whose initials make up the name of the Contemporary Museum, MuCAT), former minister of Oil and Energy, who is one of the major collectors of the country and was mayor of Abobo for twenty years, decided to leave his collection to the inhabitants of the district.
As his descendants emphasise, “Abobo is a nest of artists who deserve to be recognised”. This is the intended purpose of the workshops which provide new creative artists with opportunities to develop their talents. Despite living in a large city, they lack the means to go to the financial district to visit the Museum of Civilisations of Ivory Coast, the largest in the country and where exhibits of their history and traditions are preserved.

Passion for art
Adama Toungara left his passion for art to a community which believed it was worthy of it and this is why his family members have realised his dream – to bring art to everyone interested in new forms of expression – without skimping in the construction of a building with 3,500 square metres of space, with multifunctional sections that make the museum much more than a place of exhibits but also one of encounter and creativity. It is an edifice dedicated to art which will eventually become a bridge between the visitors and the world of culture.

During the first month after it was opened, it was students and researchers who first appreciated that space which is in no way inferior in its structures and media to any European cultural centre whatsoever. This was evident in the social networks of the country where artists and spectators praised every last corner of the MuCAT. This place, centred both upon entertainment as well as education, has as the start of its tour a workshop of storytelling for the younger visitors and a display of portraits of families and anonymous people of the city district which helps visitors to take possession of the space and feel that the MuCAT belongs to them.

Culture as the order of the day
The Ivorian government has given due importance to the MuCAT with the presence, on the day of its presentation, of Dominique Ouattara, wife of the President of the country who made a detailed tour of the exhibitions and saw the possibilities that the spaces in this exceptional centre have contributed to the culture of the citizens. The MuCAT, in fact, is located in front of the Town Hall of Abobo and, in the first months of its existence, generated murals created by spontaneous artists, some of whom were supported by the MuCAT; these can be seen on the facades of many nearby buildings.
The idea is to spread interest in contemporary art, which is not limited just to painting or sculpture but also allows the artists to liberate their imagination in a very limited environment. For this reason, entrance is free and regulations have been established with centres of education to make sure art is available to all.

“People said my father was mad and some tried to dissuade him from opening a museum in this part of the city”, Bintou Toungana explains, recalling the determination with which his father had spoken of the project, and of the need to carry it out.
Ivory Coast is following the example of other African states which have important contemporary art museums that have a strong artistic tradition. The idea behind this museum is that those Ivorian artists who had to go abroad for their artistic education and have developed their careers, may have the opportunity to return home and exhibit their work in public places – not only in private galleries – that are accessible to the vast public who feel that art is capable of transmitting experience.

Carla Fibla García-Sala

 

 

 

Israel. From the Semien Mountains to Mount Sion.

The difficult journey of the Ethiopians of Jewish origin towards complete integration. Unifying music may help avoid discrimination.

Hidden among the Semien mountains in the north of Ethiopia, north-east of Gondar in the Amhara region, the Beta Israel or Falashas – as Ethiopian Jews were known – remained hidden from the rest of the Jewish diaspora until 1950. It was not until after the state of Israel had been created that they first heard talk of Zionism. Their isolation not only separated them from what was happening around them but the rest of the world had not even heard of them, which generated various theories as to their origin. On the one hand, the Christian version says that the Beta Israel are descendants of Melenik I, son of the Queen of Sheba and King Solomon. The Jews, on the other hand, believe they come from the tribe of Dan, one of the twelve tribes dispersed after the destruction of the second temple in 70 A.D. The Beta Israel were not officially recognised until 1975 after intensive research by the great Rabbi Ovadia Yosef.

Memorial to the Ethiopian community on Mount Herzel, Jerusalem.

From that moment on, the Mossad and the Jewish Agency began to consider how they could save them from the drought and civil war that was then devastating Ethiopia. The first large-scale operation, known as Operation Moses, was organised in 1984. Due to Soviet influence in Ethiopia which forbade any aid from Israel, the rescue was carried out in absolute secrecy between the government of Israel, the United States and the Sudanese security forces where thousands of Ethiopian Jews were waiting in refugee camps.

Roni Akale, director of the Ethiopian National Project (ENP).

Over 45 days, 6,364 people were moved from Sudan to Israel. A further 1,000 were left in Sudan after the Arab countries rebuked the government of Khartoum for helping Israel and around 4,000 of them died during the journey from Ethiopia to Sudan.
Operation Moses was certainly the largest epic migratory movement ever, even though it was not the one that moved the largest number of people to Israel. According to the Jewish Agency, since 1948 around 92,000 Falasha took part in initiatives such as Operation Solomon (1991) or Operation Alas de Paloma (2010-2013). At present, there are 150,000 Jews of Ethiopian origin in Israel.

Integration and education
To narrow the gap between the Ethiopian community and other Israelis, in 2001 the Ethiopian National Project (ENP), an organisation whose main aim is education, was set up.
“About 80% of the Ethiopians in Israel are under forty years of age. We are a young community and education is the only way to change our situation so we can contribute to the development of our new country”, states Roni Akale, director of the ENP and of Ethiopian origin.
However, the struggle for equality is not confined to educational and professional matters but also concerns culture and religion. In their isolation in the mountains, the Falasha remained anchored to their ancient Jewish customs and were not aware of modern celebrations. “The first time in my life I heard any mention of Hanukkah – known as the Festival of Lights – was in Israel”, explains Daniel Sahalo, who together with his family left his village in Ethiopia and went to Sudan.

A Kessim explains to young Ethiopians the origins of his community and the journey to reach Israel.

It is also true that the Falashas have retained some of their feasts which, after much trying, they succeeded in introducing to Israel. In 2008, the festival of Sigd, during which the Ethiopians renew their devotion to God, was recognised, followed in 2018 by the figure of the kessim, equivalent to that of a rabbi.
Despite everything, the gap between the Ethiopian community and the rest of the Jews is still evident. Some Falasha born in Israel feel discrimination because of their colour. Their main complaint is that the police use unnecessary force against them which has led to many protests in recent years. Racism is clearly present in Israeli society. Sahalo believes that “young Israelis do not understand that this is the first time that such a large number of Africans are welcomed in the West as brothers and not as slaves”.

To the rhythm of the music
There are, nevertheless, some things common to all. Such as the fact that other Israelis know very little about their community and the change that could help to eliminate racism. Atakilt Tesfame, from Gondar, believes that all they know is some stereotypes that do not correspond to reality, while Roni Akale complains that people only talk about Ethiopians when there are disturbances or when they appear in the newspapers. Nevertheless, some changes are taking place. Gastronomy – Ethiopian restaurants are to be found everywhere in the streets of Israeli cities – and especially music are creating ties between the two groups. Whereas until recently Ethiopian artistes were barely able to make a living on the Israeli musical scene, today they are among its leaders.

Yael Mentesnot, a 28 year-old singer.

“The first generation of people coming from Ethiopia occupied a very marginal niche in Israeli society but that very difficult situation, as well as the cases of racism that we suffered for years, made us all the stronger. The second generation has succeeded in carving out a very broad niche in the world of music”, explains Yael Mentesnot, a 28 year-old singer. He is just one of the many artistes of Ethiopian origin such as Gili Yalo, Aveva Dasa and ADL who became stars in Israel in general and especially in their own community. “Ethiopian children and youth regard us as their idols and have great respect for us. They know all our songs and want to make it themselves”, Mentesnot says. Despite this, he insists on the fact that his music is not aimed at the Afro community but the whole world because “my movements follow different styles and my lyrics speak of everything: the body, money, love … and the world can identify with them”.
In the same vein, the singer explains that even if some composers use music to condemn the situation of Ethiopians in Israel, she prefers to sing about love and to get everyone to dance. Her aim is to create ties and establish contacts between the two sides and this seems to get results: Israeli society seems to become daily more receptive to hearing Ethiopian performers.

Irene Ramírez

The War and its Protagonists.

On 6 March 2011, a group of teenagers wrote anti-government graffiti on a school wall in Dara’a, a Sunni-majority city in the south of the country, suffering from a long drought and poor harvests.

During the following days, the regime reacted with arrests and one of the students was found dead. But instead of fear, the opposition spread throughout Syria. On March 15, 2011, protesters organized in the capital Damascus to demand “a Syria without a dictatorship”. The protesters were bold enough to destroy a statue of President Hafez al-Assad, which had been an unthinkable act just a few days earlier. The protesters replaced the statue with a banner demanding an end to the regime, and they set the local Ba’ath party headquarters on fire.
To quell the protests, Bashir al-Assad announced the release of some 200 political prisoners in the hope of quelling the wave of protests. The move failed. Tensions continued to rise and calls for the overthrow of the Ba’ath regime in Syria proliferated on ‘Facebook’ and other social media. The violence in Syria escalated quickly. In May, the government deployed the army in the streets.  Many troops started to desert. The deserters joined the rebels to form the first armed militias. The civil war had begun. In July, a deserting officer who found refuge in Turkey announced the creation of the Free Syrian Army (FSA). The FSA would also include some Islamist groups.

2012: Damascus under Fire. In July 2012, the rebels attacked Damascus. The government would keep control of the capital, but it would lose control of peripheral areas such as Ghouta.

2013: Hezbollah. In April 2013, Hassan Nasrallah, general secretary of Hezbollah (a key ally of Syria and Iran) deployed some of his guerrilla warfare-trained military units in Syria to back the al-Assad government against the increasingly radicalized Sunni rebel forces. In August 2013, an alleged chemical weapons attack against two rebel bastions in Ghouta (in the outskirts of Damascus) killed some 1,400 including rebels, civilians and children. The United States threatened to retaliate directly against Damascus. But Moscow manages to thwart the attack by guaranteeing Damascus’s willingness to destroy its chemical arsenal. Meanwhile, Kurdish fighters established an autonomous territory in the northern areas of Syria: Rojava

2014: ISIS. During 2014, Islamic State in Iraq and Syria (ISIS), which had gained control of Mosul and key areas of northern Iraq, crosses the border into Syria, establishing its capital in the city of Al-Raqqah. The presence of the Islamic State turns Syria into a global proxy battlefield, attracting overt interventions (direct and indirect) from the United States, Saudi Arabia, the UAE, Qatar, France and Turkey.  By September 2014, President Barack Obama organized an international coalition to challenge Isis. The US relies on the Kurds to carry out ground operations, which were successful against the Islamic State. The Kurds would take Kobane in 2015. But, in 2014, the various rebel forces start to inflict significant defeats at the expense of the Government especially in north-central Syria and around Aleppo, while ISIS continues to dominate in the north.

2015: Moscow Intervenes to Rescue Damascus. In September 2015, Russian aircraft launch attacks against ISIS as well as other Islamist Groups. The Russian raids would prove indispensable in helping Damascus take back the country.

2016: Turkey Makes a Direct Move. Ankara, which backed the Free Syrian Army and facilitated the transfer of various fighters to join the militias fighting against Assad in Syria, makes a direct move. In August, following a series of terror attacks in its territory, President Erdogan orders the deployment of troops to target the Islamic State as well as Kurdish fighters, which Ankara claims are affiliated with the Kurdistan Workers’ Party or PKK.

Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

Meanwhile, thanks to Russian help, the Syrian army advances north from Damascus. In the autumn, it lays siege to Aleppo, Syria’s second-largest city. And by Christmas of that year, Syrian regular forces break through to take the eastern part of town. The various rebel groups shift to the western side or start moving north. Turkey does not view the fall of Aleppo with favour, given it had backed many of the rebels there. But, at the end, Ankara, Tehran and Moscow agreed to allow for an evacuation of both civilians and militiamen. Most would go to the area of Idlib. The Aleppo evacuation marks a major turning point in favour of Damascus. The rebels have suffered a significant blow, and they are in retreat.

2017-2018: ‘Peace’ and Chemical Weapons. ISIS is weaker, but it continues to fight and control much of northern Syria. The Russians – and the other militias and foreign armies – focus on Al-Raqqah, the ISIS capital. By April 2017, Syria has gained back key areas of the country under its control. The fighting and attention shift to Idlib where many rebels from Aleppo have found refuge. But, a chemical weapon attack once again – as in 2013 – threatens to draw in direct military intervention from the United States. On April 4, The Americans accused Syria (and Russia) of launching rockets with sarin gas from aircraft against a medical facility in the village of Khan Shaykhun, near Idlib.
This was the second most serious chemical attack in Syria
after that of Ghouṭa in 2013.
On April 7, 2018, believing the accounts of the White Helmets, the Americans accused Syria of having launched another chemical attack. Once again, the attack took place in Douma, a peripheral area still under partial rebel control, outside Damascus. In the alleged attack – many have expressed credible doubts about it – the Russian and Syrian air forces were targeting Jund al-Islam, one of the radical Islamist factions that were hiding in the outskirts of Damascus from where they launched missiles and mortars against the capital. On April 14, the United States France and Great Britain bombed Syria with cruise missiles, targeting the facilities alleged to have developed and produced the chemical agents.

2019-2021: Partial Peace and Idlib

Syria witnessed major developments in 2020. Among some key developments, however, were the Idlib deal with Russia and Turkey agreeing to share security control, even while the respective strategic goals remain different. Turkey wants to obstruct the Kurds, while the Russians and Syrians want to capture those still hiding.
On March 5 2020, President Recep Tayyip Erdogan met Russian President Vladimir Putin at the Kremlin to discuss the situation in Idlib. They announced a ceasefire and joint Turkish-Russian patrols along the M4 highway. Meanwhile, Trump decided to withdraw the majority of the US troops from the war-torn country. Russian troops replaced the U.S. troops in some of the military bases in north-eastern Syria.
As for Russia and Turkey, they have an agreement to challenge the remaining ISIS fighters. But, Turkey maintains forces in the north, which support Hayʾat Taḥrīr al-Shām – HTS (which in turn is fighting against ISIS) and other rebels in Idlib, against the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) to cut them off from potential attacks in Turkey.

2021:
Biden is sending US troops back to northern Syria. In his inauguration speech, Biden said that the United States needs to take on a “protagonist” role in the world. (A.B.)

Mexico. Taxco. An inspiring Holy Week.

Holy Week in Taxco involves one of the most moving and impressive liturgical ceremonies to be found in Mexico. A fascinating and creative religious syncretism.

The crowd observed total silence as they waited for the imminent arrival of the procession. The frightening, uneasy silence was gradually broken by an impressive staccato noise.
In the distance, one can hear the terrifying sound of chains being dragged along the dismal, stone-paved streets of Taxco, stained once again by the sweat and blood of the penitents.
This is Taxco, a city in the north of Guerrero State in central-southern Mexico, now trembling and vibrating with the overflowing and overpowering faith of its penitents. Holy Week in Taxco involves one of the most moving and impressive ceremonies to be found in Mexico.

The city of Taxco in the north of Guerrero State in central-southern Mexico.

During Holy Week, an event lasting from Palm Sunday to Easter Sunday, as many as ten processions are held, four during the day and six at night. Holy Week in Taxco has been celebrated this way since 1598.  It is thought to have originated in its celebration in Cadice, Spain. It seems that the indigenous Mexicans, used to celebrating the great sacred feasts of their ancient religions embraced with extraordinary energy and fervour the public representations of the Catholic Church, combining them with their rites and beliefs, thus producing a fascinating and creative religious syncretism. Monday, Tuesday and Wednesday of Holy Week are dedicated to the processions performed by three great religious confraternities:

The Bent Ones (Las Animas), the Crucified Ones (Los Encruzados) and the Flagellators (Los Flagelentes) whose members spend the week doing penance and therefore are called ‘penitentes’, inflicting themselves with pain.
All the penitents wear long black robes tied at the waist with a horsehair belt, and a black hood with slits for their eyes. The penitent Animas have chains tied to their ankles which they drag along as they walk. Bent 90 degrees at the waist, they carry small crosses and lighted candles. For this reason, the members of this confraternity are called ‘bent’. The Encruzados carry in procession a bundle of canes tied across their bare shoulders. The bundles may way from 40 to 50 kilos. The Flagelantes walk bare-chested a carry a large wooden cross in the crook of their arms.

Along the roads
Starting from the church of Tehuilotepec (a town near Taxco), the Taxqueños and the Tehuiltecos bring a donkey with an image of Jesus Christ to the parish of Saint Prisca and Saint Sebastian, in the centre of Taxco. The schedule of the first Sunday of Holy Week begins at 6 am with the so-called Procession of the Palms, from the church of Tehuilotepec and along the road that joins the two towns as far as the arches marking the entry into Taxco where they are joined by 12 people representing the twelve apostles. The procession then continues until it reaches the parish church of Saint Prisca and Saint Sebastian. At around 11am, the solemn Mass of Palm Sunday is celebrated.
On Monday of Holy Week, at around 9.30 pm, the so-called procession of the Virgins begins, preceded by the image of the Virgin of the Nativity venerated in the church of Guadalupe. The Virgin is carried from the church to Saint Nicholas Tolentino Square where the procession proper begins, passing along the so-called ‘Via Corta’. The Virgin Mary presides over the procession while the white image of Saint Michael the Archangel, dressed in white clothes, takes the lead and opens the way. Other statues from the other Taxco churches also join the procession: The Virgin of the Candelaria, the Virgin of Fatima, the Virgin of Lourdes, the Virgin of the Conception and the Virgin of the city of Tanda. Each statue is accompanied by a group of women dressed in white (the more common colour) or in black, barefooted and wearing lace veils on their heads, carrying candles and swinging thuribles to purify the air.

Animas penitents. Animas must walk in silence, carrying candles and dragging chains, while bent at the waist. (RNS photo by Irving Cabrera Torres)

On Tuesday of Holy Week, the procession of the chained ones is held with both men and women allowed to take part. It begins around half past nine in the evening and is dedicated to the ‘Souls in Purgatory’. It is presided over by the image of San Nicola Tolentino. The confraternities of the Bent Ones (Animas) and Crucified Ones (Encruzados) also take part. On Wednesday of Holy Week, at about three in the afternoon, in the parish of Saint Prisca and Saint Sebastian, the ‘Garden of Olives’ is constructed using laurel branches, flowers, caged birds and a statue of Jesus. At around nine-thirty, the Procession of the Holy Trinity commences. The procession is led by an image of the Most Holy Trinity. It sets out from the Square of Saint Nicholas Tolentino and follows
the ‘Vía Corta’.

The Liturgy of the Passion
Holy Thursday begins at around nine in the morning with Jesus in the Garden of Gethsemane. During the course of the day, the Taxqueños and their guests visit Gethsemane. At mid-day, there is the reception of ‘Los Cristos’ (the ‘Christs’) in GarÍta Square. The ‘Christs’ are images brought from nearby towns such as Sochula, Landa, Tehuilotepec and Zacatecolotla. The images of the churches of Taxco such as those of Chavarrieta, Ojeda, Pedro Martín, Huizteco, Los Plateros and Los Encruzados are also received.
At around five o’clock in the afternoon, in the parish of Saint Prisca and Saint Sebastian, the Solemn Mass of the Last Supper is celebrated with the ‘Washing of the feet of the Apostles’.

The brotherhood of the Flagelentes. (RNS Photo: Irving Cabrera Torres)

At seven o’clock, there is the ‘March of the Roman Soldiers’ led by Judas Iscariot who is seeking Jesus on the main streets of the city. At eight o’clock, a Solemn Holy Hour is held in the parish church of Saint Prisca and Saint Sebastian. At nine, the ‘Arrest of Jesus’ by the Roman soldiers takes place at the entrance to the church followed by the Procession of the Divine Prisoner, which goes from the church to the chapel of San Nicola Tolentino where the prison where Jesus is represented in prison, has been set up. An all-night vigil is held to venerate the ‘Divine Prisoner’. At eleven o’clock, at the church of Santa Veracruz, there is the Procession of the Christs of the various churches, with the Christ of Santa Veracruz at its head. It takes the so-called ‘Vía Larga’ and arrives back at its starting-point at four.

The church of Saint Prisca in Taxco.

This procession is joined, at the quarter known as Los Jumiles, by the Christ of Huizteco, the Christ of the Specchio, Guadalupe, San Miguel, the Christ of Landa, that of Cazahuates, of La Cima and that of Minas Viejas, which will return to their original chapels at about six in the morning. The confraternities of Las Ánimas, Encruzados and Flagelantes take part in this procession.
On Good Friday, at about six in the morning, there is the Sermon of the Flagellation of Jesus at the chapel of Saint Nicholas Tolentino. At eleven o’clock, the Procession of the Three Falls starts at the same chapel of Saint Nicholas Tolentino. At mid-day, there is the Sermon of the Three Falls in Borda Square and then the procession continues as far as the church of the former convent of Saint Bernard of Siena.
At three in the afternoon, there is the solemn liturgy of the passion and death of Our Lord Jesus Christ at the parish church of Saint Prisca and Saint Sebastian  followed by the adoration of the Holy Cross.
At five in the afternoon, at the church of the former convent of Saint Bernard of Siena, there is the sermon of the Descent of Our Lord Jesus Christ followed by the Procession of the Sacred Burial, which follows the path of the ‘Via Corta’ and is joined by the penitents and flagellants.

Encruzado penitents processed through the streets of Taxco, Mexico, during Holy Week. ( RNS Photo: Irving Cabrera Torres).

At eleven in the evening, at the former convent of Saint Bernard of Siena, there is a solemn Rosary and a sermon of condolences to the Blessed Virgin of Sorrows. At midnight, the solemn Silent Procession starts, led by the Blessed Virgin of Sorrows. This is followed by an all-night vigil at the church of Saint Bernard.
On Holy – or ‘glorious’ – Saturday, people bring containers of water to be blessed (the water of glory), which will later be sprinkled in the form of a cross at the entrance to houses to keep away the wicked and the drunks. At ten in the evening, there is the Great Paschal Vigil at the parish church. At midnight, the solemn Mass of the Resurrection of Our Lord is celebrated in the parish church of Saint Prisca and Saint Sebastian. On Easter morning, at the same church, another Mass is celebrated and Our Lord Jesus Christ is dressed in white. After this Mass, there is a children’s procession along the ‘Via Corta’. At five in the afternoon, the solemn Procession of the Resurrection is also held along the ‘Via Corta’, starting at the convent of San Bernardino de Siena and ending at the church of San Miguel. This celebration marks the end of the great event of Holy Week.

Pedro Santacruz

 

 

Philippines. The Black Nazarene. A Question of Quiapo Faith.

Even though the grand procession of the image of the Black Nazarene has been canceled this year due to coronavirus, the devotion to the centuries-old icon of Jesus Christ is unique in the world. We trace the origins and developments of such deeply-rooted Filipino tradition.

The devotion to the Black Nazarene started in a sort of accidental way. According to a popular tradition that cites the Cronicas de la Provincia de San Gregorio by Fray Juan San Antonio, the Black Nazarene arrived in the Philippine shores on May 31, 1606, during the time of the Galleon Trade (1565-1815).Back in 1578, Quiapo itself was only part of the Franciscan mission town of Santa Ana de Sapa (literally St. Ann of the Creek), which extended all the way to the south of the Pasig River.

Quiapo got its name from the water cabbage called kiyapo which abounded in its estuaries and rivulets that ran through the islets. The district became a town on its own right on August 29, 1586, when Governor-General Santiago de Vera granted the petition of the Franciscan Prelado Superior Pedro Bautisa (who was later martyred in Japan in 1596) to make Quiapo a separate town.
The Prelate designated Antonio de Nombella as the first curate of this new parish dedicated to the Sweetest Name of Jesus. Its first structure rose in 1592, made of nipa or thatch and bamboo.
In 1598, the Franciscans relinquished control of this extramuros parish (that is, outside of the walled city of Manila proper) to the Archbishop of Manila, who turned it into its Secretariat and made St. John the Baptist
its titular saint.

Artistic excellence
Trade picked up partly as an offshoot of evangelization initiated by the Franciscans, succeeded by secular priests, then for three years by the Jesuits, and henceforth carried on by diocesan priests. Religious sculptures, paintings, engravings, and books were produced by the people in the vicinity, building a reputation for artistic excellence and prestige. Other inhabitants of Quiapo also became wage-earners in Intramuros across the Pasig River, imbibing its culture and sharing
its economic fruits.

Minor Basilica of the Black Nazarene or also known as Quiapo church façade.

Centuries have seen the church rebuilt as a sturdier church of stone after the thatch and rattan structure was gutted by fire. But this too was demolished in a major earthquake in the 1880s.Three more calamities saw it rebuilt, like the one by Philippine National Artist for Architecture Juan Nakpil in the early 1900s after another fire. Nakpil also donated the canopy or baldachino over the Black Nazarene. The present structure, renovated in 1987, has had its nave expanded designed by Architect Jose Maria Zaragoza, a disciple of Nakpil. The church is now also designated asthe Minor Basilica of the Black Nazarene.

 Augustinian Recollects
The Black Nazarene came on May 31, 1606, from Mexico. Again, popular stories have it that when a galleon ship got stranded in Mexico due to inclement weather, its officers and crewmen (Spaniards and Filipinos alike) prayed in a church where the Black Nazarene was. But since it was hard to convince its crew to sail back over the Pacific Ocean, the captain asked the parish priest of the church to allow his men to bring with them the statue of the cross-carrying Christ so they would be accompanied through the squalls and dangers of the Pacific Ocean.
The church could have been entrusted to the Order of Augustinian Recollects (OAR) as ten or so friars from that order brought the Black Nazarene officially. Upon reaching the ports of Cavite, the Augustinian Recollects took care of sheltering the statue in what was to be their initial evangelization territory, Cavite Puerto, where the galleon ships docked and where trade was brisk.

When they brought it to Manila, it first found its niche in a church dedicated to St. John the Baptist just outside Intramuros in Bagumbayan (now Luneta). After two years, it was transferred to the OAR’s grander church inside the walls dedicated to San Nicolas de Tolentino.
The Recollects were also recorded to have brought other images from the stations of the cross, like the Agony in the Garden, the Scourging at the Pillar, and the Crowning with Thorns. But apparently, the Nazareno or this Cross-carrying Christ is the one that got popular attention and devotion.
The Black Nazarene is a life-sized statue of Jesus Christ usually genuflecting on his left knee, with his right shoulder bearing the cross. He is robed in brocaded maroon (or even the intricate estofadong burda, literally stuffed embroidery) or velvet with collar and sleeves accented with white or yellow ruffs reminiscent of the court of Philip II.
On his head is a crown of thorns with three potencias of beaten gold suggesting divine radiance. The image is of dark hardwood made even darker through years of wiping with rose oil and perfume. The original image could well be of dark mahogany or ebony (ironwood or kamagong), or black mesquite, which was prevalent as material for sacred images in South America.

One of the more dubious claims is one from a website on Philippine festivals and Wikipedia that it was of ivory when it sailed from Mexico but got to Philippine shore as black as it is now after supposedly surviving a ship fire. The statue is not of ivory but of dark ironwood like the Philippine kamagong.
Within two decades of its arrival, the Recollects had promoted such a lively devotion to the cross-bearing Christ. On April 20, 1621, Pope Innocent X authorized the veneration of the Black Nazarene. In 1650, the Pope subsequently recognized the Confraternity of Our Lord Jesus of Nazareth (Cofradía de Nuestro Santo Jesús Nazareno). On January 9, 1787, Bishop of Manila Basilio Sancho de Santas Junta y Rufina had it transferred to Quiapo Church or Parish of St. John the Baptist.

Nazarene in Quiapo
One of the legends that went around was how the Black Nazarene “chose” Quiapo church for his shrine. According to some devotees, in one of the New Year processions, the people were bearing the image when it rained. They waited inside the church for the rain to subside. But when they were about to resume the procession, the bearers were surprised to find the image unbearably heavy. Devotees concluded that the image refused to leave the church.
But of course, it was just one of those legends, almost as improbable as the ivory turning ebony black in a fire. Another recent discovery is a claim that the Black Nazarene in the Quiapo Church is but a replica and not the first one that accompanied the agitated galleon crew on the trip back from Mexico.
The Recollects supposed to have ordered a second Black Nazarene from Mexico, also of mesquite carved by a Mexican artisan, in order to leave one to the St. John the Baptist extramuros church in Bagumbayan. This was to be the one that would be transferred to Quiapo Church, which also happened to be dedicated to St. John the Baptist.

Celia M. Bonilla

Africa interprets “Fratelli Tutti” for the world. As sweet as Ubuntu.

“If I am because we are, then true fraternity leaves no one behind, because we are saved together and are responsible for the life of all”. Africa has something unique to offer to help reverse the ill-fated drift of modern world.

Fratelli Tutti, (“Brothers [and Sisters] All”) is the latest open letter of Pope Francis to the Catholic Church and the world. The Encyclical, as these official papal documents are called, is an effort to explain for everyone what is certainly the most fundamental principle of human and Christian existence: the requirement of love. Love constitutes a prerequisite of human survival. As such, it seeks and deserves constant interpretation and application in different contexts.

Sometimes, the process is rendered easier and more accessible to the human mind through systems of language, symbols, and ways of living (or cultures) of particular times and peoples. The route towards appreciating the mysteries of God, of which love is one, for the sake of meaningful human existence always takes this form of clarification.

Inculturating love
The process of translating the imperative of love, therefore, must continue with different cultures, supplying what is unavoidably lacking or defective in previous renditions. Such is particularly the case in our day. For Christians, as faith in Jesus Christ spreads and takes root in different parts of the world, the challenge of deciphering the concrete demands of Christian charity becomes more and more obvious. In Africa, the undertaking is needed for the benefit of the continent itself, but also for the rest of the world.

An important reason for this requirement in contemporary Africa immediately comes to mind. More than anywhere else, African Christianity is rapidly growing in numbers, and its contribution to the process of clarification of Christian faith dictates, therefore, is increasingly vital. For too long, lack of integration of African accounts into the official reception and expression of the faith has been detrimental to the Church globally.
The current critical question that the Pope is addressing in Fratelli Tutti – one that concerns the Church and the world at large – involves how the obligation of love can be transformed into action for the survival of the universe. In view of the current global political, economic and social environment that is destructive of love and, consequently, of human existence, what concrete forms should the call to love take?

Global fraternity
The Pope’s reflection has as its central goal to spell out the practical meaning of what he calls “social friendship”. His conviction is ultimately that sincere communion and companionship – or what he describes as global brotherhood and sisterhood, leading to collective friendship – is the only hope for the survival of humanity and the universe. This shared ethical stance of togetherness and mutual appreciation is what alone enables the moral attitude “that allows us to acknowledge, appreciate and love each person, regardless of physical proximity, regardless of where he or she was born or lives” (FT 1).

The Pope notes that current trends in the world forecast disaster, unless immediate action is taken to reverse them. He explicitly lists several indicators whereby the requirement of friendship as the hallmark of global survival is being radically eroded by routine behaviour hostile to mutuality. Included in the drift is the rising predisposition to senseless waste of resources, due to un- bridled consumerism. But there is also the related and more serious tendency toward disrespect or disregard of the humanity and dignity of some persons.
Implicated in this trend is the phenomenon of social neglect of certain categories of people: the old, the poor, women, children, the disabled, migrants, and strangers. In many ways, these people’s rights are being eroded, despite certain rhetoric to the contrary. Citing Jesus’ allegory in the parable of the Good Samaritan (Luke 10:25-37), Pope Francis notes that these groups represent the man attacked by robbers and left for dead. These classes of people are literally abandoned “by the roadside” of modern life. They embody the ever-expanding gulf between the privileged and the poor in our societies.

Africa’s unique gift
Given this current scenario, Africa has something unique to offer to help reverse the ill-fated drift. Although for too long overlooked, in the Church in particular, there has been a serious review of this regrettable oversight in recent times. Since the end of the Second Vatican Council in the mid- twentieth Century, several official instructions of the Church have insisted on the importance and necessity of incorporating into the interpretation of the message of Christ some African values embedded in the cultures of the continent.

In Fratelli Tutti, Africa’s contribution to the project of worldwide friendship is easily discernible. African Catholic theologian, Agbonkhianmeghe E. Orobator, points it out in a perceptive reflection on the Encyclical published in the American news journal, Catholic National Reporter, of 6th October 2020. Orobator perceives the kernel of the Encyclical to be intrinsically linked with the central concern of the African worldview: namely, the non-negotiable value of human life, the safeguarding of which is described in various parts of the continent as Ubuntu. As Orobator asserts unequivocally, Fratelli Tutti, by any other name, would smell as sweet as Ubuntu: as “an African humanist philosophy based on a culture of sharing, openness, mutual dependence, dialogue and interpersonal encounter”, Ubuntu bears the ultimate promise for the future of humanity and the world.

Orobator explains: “In Ubuntu, human existence reaches fulfilment as part of whole, society thrives on a common humanity, and forgiveness and reconciliation are prerequisites for preserving social harmony”. In this sense, the Ubuntu worldview renders concrete the evangelical obligation of practical love exemplified by the biblical Good Samaritan. In the Ubuntu worldview, the question, “And who is my neighbour?”, finds the only accurate and concrete response.

Constant struggle
Ubuntu, considered from the point of view of Pope Francis’ Fratelli Tutti, leaves the Church and world in general with both the task of realising the demands of love and the challenge of implementing them. What actual implications in Christian life does comprehensive love imply? Specifically, in the contemporary global situation, how is it possible to actualise the values regarding this task as contained in the Ubuntu worldview? But it must be understood that, as is the case within African culture itself, so also elsewhere: the practice of Ubuntu as universal love is a constant struggle. The habit of “sharing, openness, mutual dependence, dialogue and interpersonal encounter… forgiveness and reconciliation”, as Orobator lists these active attributes of Ubuntu, is never a complete given in any human society. It is something to be continually striven for.

It goes a long way to approximate the objective of global brotherhood and sisterhood – or the goal of worldwide practical love – if this behaviour is institutionalised in clear structures of social character formation. Here is where the Ubuntu worldview is important as an inspiration to the world. Where institutions and structures of brotherhood and sisterhood already exist, they need clearer and stronger focus and emphasis, not merely as laws (legalism), but also as attitudes (internal convictions). In the Church, they must persistently be made explicit as part and parcel of the programme of Christian living in every locality, parish, diocese, nation and globally. Consciously and deliberately, they need to be made a constitutive feature of the model of Church we want, so as to promote the desirable world order.

At the risk of simplification on account of the brevity of this analysis, let us isolate only a few major areas in the Church that can benefit from an open infusion by the spirit of Ubuntu.
One thinks, for example, of the process of catechising neophytes, ongoing Christian instruction in homilies, and programs of theological formation for priests and religious. Further, it is urgent to initiate and continue sincere dialogue across cultures and religions worldwide. Structurally, in the Church, Small Christian Communities, as ‘a new way of being Church’, present places to carry out mutual exchange of ideas as well as other requirements of Ubuntu. If well structured, Small Christian Communities are ideal spaces where the sharing of material resources – a necessary obligation of true Ubuntu – can also flourish.

Laurenti Magesa
Hekima University College – Nairobi

Taizé. Hoping in Season and out of Season.

In the last few months, many young people have shared with us their worries about the future: what hope can give us direction; what things can we trust and rely on when everything is so unstable? And still more deeply: what goal is worth living for?
Other voices rise up and say: we must resist becoming disenchanted and pay attention to signs of hope.

In the current situation marked by the pandemic, we are witnessing a growing precariousness in vast regions of the world. Bold political decisions are needed, but the solidarity and social friendship we can all undertake are just as indispensable. Many people are ready and willing to serve others. Their generosity reminds us that mutual aid opens a road for the future.

And so many young people are devoting their energies to save our common home, the planet! Initiatives are springing up everywhere: without providing all the answers to the climate emergency, they allow us already now to head towards ways of life which are more respectful of the environment. For those who are believers, the earth is a gift that God has entrusted to us so that we may take care of it.

People have become more aware of structures of injustice, sometimes inherited from the past. And unfortunately, power has not always been exercised to serve the good of all. In the face of such abuses, frustration and anger are comprehensible.
Who will be daring enough to be creators of justice and peace beyond the divisions that are splitting our societies apart?

Yes, in the midst of the difficult realities of the present, we can glimpse reasons to hope, and even at times to hope against all hope. For this, we need to come together with others who have made different choices—with Christians from other denominations, with believers of other religions, and with people who are agnostic or atheist and who are also committed to solidarity and sharing.

Joy is renewed when we live as brothers and sisters, when we remain alongside the most deprived: the homeless, men and women who are elderly, ill or lonely, children in difficulty, people living with disabilities, migrants…. Life’s circumstances can make us all vulnerable. And the pandemic is exposing the weak spots of our humanity.

We need one another more than ever. Pope Francis reminds us forcefully of this in his encyclical letter Fratelli tutti: “No one is saved alone.” And he adds that we do not find our true identity “without being sincerely open to the universal, without feeling challenged by what is happening in other places, without openness to enrichment by other cultures, and without solidarity and concern for the tragedies affecting other peoples” (§32 and §146).

In relationships between individuals as well as between peoples, let us do all we can to move from competition to cooperation. Let us support the agencies or associations that promote cooperation and solidarity, whether it be locally, nationally or internationally.

At Taizé, we notice that young people are reflecting in a new way about faith in God in order to stay on track. What does it mean to believe? And if God exists, is this God active in history, in our lives?
In the face of these questions, it is important to avoid reducing God to our concepts. God is infinitely greater than all we can imagine. We are seekers thirsting for love and truth. Wherever we may be on our inner pilgrimage, all of us are often just feeling our way forward. But, as pilgrims of trust, we can walk together, sharing our search—our questions as much as our convictions.

“Faith is a simple trust in God, a surge of trusting repeated a thousand times during our lifetime… even if in each one of us there can be doubts as well,” said Brother Roger.
Does believing not mean first of all trusting in a presence which is both in the depths of our being and in the entire universe, a presence which is elusive and yet so real? A presence that does not impose itself, but one we can welcome anew at every moment, in silence, as a kind of respiration. A caring presence which is always there, regardless of our doubts and even when we have the impression that we understand very little who God is.

A caring presence: what light does the Gospel shed on this mystery? Jesus drew life from this caring presence to the very end; he was constantly attentive to it. It was an inner light for him, the breath of God, the inspiration of the Holy Spirit.
From the depths of suffering and absolute solitude, when he was dying on the cross, when everything seemed meaningless, he let his feelings of abandonment burst out in a cry, but in words still addressed to God: “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” Betrayed, tortured, condemned to death, Jesus brought love into the deepest darkness. And that love was shown to be stronger than evil. Mary Magdalene and then the apostles communicated this unexpected, unbelievable news: he is alive. God’s love has conquered hatred and death.

Gripped by this news, the first Christians were overwhelmed and they bore witness to it: Christ is henceforth alive with God. Christ fills the universe by the Holy Spirit and is also present in every human being. Christ is in solidarity with the poor and will bring them justice; he is the fulfillment of history and creation; he will welcome us after death in the fullness of joy.
Beyond human violence, beyond environmental disasters and diseases, a new horizon is open. Will we be able to discern it?

From this horizon revealed by the resurrection of Christ, a light enters our existence. Again and again it dispels the shadow of fear and makes a spring of living water well up; because of it the joy of praise bursts forth.As a result we can sense that secretly, by a kind of mysterious attraction. Christ continues until the end of time to gather together into God’s love all humankind and the entire universe. And he makes us partners in his mission.

Christ makes us partners together, as the Church. That requires us to be ready to widen our friendship to include everybody. Christ asks us to love even our enemies; his peace reconciles even opposing nations. Let Christ change our way of seeing: through him we recognize more clearly the dignity of every human being and the beauty of creation. Far from being a naive trust, hope springs up again and again, because it is rooted in Christ. A serene joy fills us and, with it, the courage to take on the responsibilities that God entrusts to us on this earth.
With each of you who want to reflect on this message, I am in communion through prayer.

Brother Alois

The Israeli strategy in Africa.

In recent years, Tel Aviv has expanded and increased diplomatic relations with a growing number of African nations.  

For more than seventy years, the state of Israel has sought to develop its own zone of influence in Africa. This they did even before a number of western states with their colonial and neo-colonial policies.
In the sixties, Israel’s approach to Africa was different from or even the opposite to that of such European counties as France and England. It stood by the African countries fighting for independence. In 1960, Israel recognised the independence of Mali and Senegal. In 1963, the Israeli premier Golda Meir concluded a pact with Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta, opening an Israeli embassy in Nairobi.

Golda Meir with Jomo Kenyatta and Tom Mboya in Kenya. (1960)

The development of Israeli-African relations came to a halt in the seventies. The Arab-Israeli war of 1973 and the oil embargo imposed by the Gulf monarchies created a crisis between Israel and Africa. The Sub-Saharan countries, under pressure from Saudi Arabia, were forced to break diplomatic ties with the state of Israel.
The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) also decided to break off relations with Israel (the only dissenting state was Senegal, then led by Abdou). At that time, Egypt, headed by Jamal Abdel Nasser, and Libya led by Muammar Gadhafi, were very influential in the OAU.
To boot, there was a huge problem that stood in the way of relations between Israel and Africa, namely the Palestinian question. Many African countries supported the Organisation for the Liberation of Palestine (PLO). Most of the countries of the continent voted in favour of the United Nations resolutions which condemned the actions of the Israeli state that trod underfoot the rights of the Palestinians established
by the UN itself.

Diplomatic relations are restored
There were two events that led to the normalisation of Israeli-African relations. The first and the most important, geostrategically speaking, concerns the Camp David Agreement of 1979 between the Egyptian and Israeli governments which established the normalisation of diplomatic relations between the two countries and the opening of an Israeli embassy in Cairo and an Egyptian one in Tel Aviv. With that, no one could expect that African states should keep Israel waiting at its door.

On September 17, 1978, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and US President Jimmy Carter signed the Camp David Accords in Washington.

The second event was somehow represented by the Oslo peace agreement of 1993 between Israel and the PLO. Many African countries no longer felt duty-bound to defend the Palestinian cause since the two peoples had finally reached a peace agreement. That peace was never realised; quite the opposite.
Today, Israel has diplomatic relations with 39 of the 54 African states recognised by the UN. There are now 13 Israeli embassies in Africa, in Kenya, Ethiopia, Angola, South Africa, Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Egypt, Eritrea, Ghana, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal and South Sudan.
Sudan was the third Arab country to announce the normalisation of its relations with Israel.  Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, during a recent official visit to Uganda met General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of the sovereign council of Sudan and the strong man of Khartoum, ‘blessed’ by the Saudis. Uganda itself is considering opening an embassy in Israel. Last December Israel and Morocco agreed to establish diplomatic relations. Morocco became the fourth Arab country to normalize ties with Israel in four months, following the Abraham Accords with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Sudan. At this time, the African states which refuse to recognise the state of Israel are: Algeria, Comoros, Djibouti, Mali, Niger, Somalia and Tunisia.

An important market for Israel
There are various reasons for the increasingly obvious Israeli interest in the continent of Africa. Israel, now a great regional power, sees Africa as a promising market for its economy.
A number of Israeli companies operate today in many African countries: in agriculture, the field of energy (especially solar energy), in the sector of advanced technology and others too. Trading in precious stones, diamonds in particular, is prominent.

Nevertheless, it is the military sphere, security and intelligence that has always been of interest to the Israelis in their relations with Africa. Israel sells arms, from light arms to sophisticated missiles, to many African countries. The intelligence and security services provided by the Israelis, are especially appreciated by many African leaders.
In this regard, Israel has offered its services to different despotic regimes threatened from within, as in the case of Hissène Habré in Chad, Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) and Gnassingbé Eyadéma in Togo.
The Israeli establishment is renowned for its competence in the field of national security. In the past fifteen years, Islamic terrorism has spread through many parts of Africa. For this reason, the Israelis are very active in many African countries, helping in the fight against terrorism.
Faced with this situation, the question arises: is it coherent on the one hand, to combat terrorism and, on the other, to maintain good relations with the monarchies of the Gulf which have, for decades, deliberately exported Salafi Jihadism all over the world? Is this not a contradiction?
In reality, under the umbrella of the fight against Islamic terrorism, there is a fundamentally important element, the geostrategic positioning of Israel in Africa. Their aim is to bring as many countries as possible to their side and thus isolate the enemy.

My enemy’s enemy is my friend
The geopolitical strategy of the state of Israel is always based upon the ‘Periphery Doctrine’ which consists in creating alliances with countries bordering a given nation, or coalition of nations that threaten the security of Israel.
This doctrine was first implemented in 1958 by Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, who managed to create a periphery alliance with Iran, under the dictatorship of the Shah, with Ethiopia of the despot Hailé Selassie and with Turkey under the hegemony of the conservative Demokrat Parti. The purpose of this was to surround and weaken the Arab countries of the Middle East.

This geostrategic offensive against the Arabs lasted about sixty years, until the rapprochement between the Arab monarchies of the Gulf and Israel in recent times. Today, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates have normalised their diplomatic relations with Israel.
This turn of events derives from the fact that both realities have a common enemy: Iran. After the revolution of 1979 that brought the Shiite clergy to power, the Persian Gulf state became the enemy to be opposed both by the oil conservative Arab monarchies and by Israel. Today, Iran has become a regional power. The Arab regimes see it as a threat to their existence.
They fear that the above-mentioned revolution may also take root in their territories and that Iran may destroy their economies, almost exclusively oil-based. The Israeli establishment considers the growing influence of the Persians in the Middle East (Iraq, Syria, Yemen) to be a danger. It may weaken the hegemony of Israel in this region and impose upon it a different approach to the Palestinian problem.
The renewed capacity of the naval military power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea today constitutes a cause for concern for Israel which intends to counteract the power of Teheran both by its own increased presence in the zone and by the normalisation of its relations with a growing number of states in the region, especially those of the Horn of Africa.The breakdown of diplomatic relations between Sudan and Iran in 2016 created a new opportunity for Israel which later concretised following the fall of the regime of Omar El-Bashir in April 2019. Today, Sudan is part of the regional anti-Iran axis.

Malawi’s Foreign Minister Eisenhower Mkaka joined Israeli Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi to announce his nation will open a permanent embassy in Jerusalem by the summer of 2021. (Photo Credit: Israel MFA)

Consequently, the political and military capacity of Israel in the region of the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa has significantly increased from 2016 until today, pursuing a dual objective: to ensure the stability of the commercial sea-routes to Israeli ports and to challenge the growing military presence of Iran in the Red Sea.
The Israeli establishment, under the aegis of Netanyahu, has succeeded in creating a portfolio of African states ready to support it on the international scene.
In December 2018, for example, eleven African countries (Tanzania, Angola, Cameroon, The Republic of Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Kenya, Rwanda and Zambia) took part in the inauguration of the American embassy in Jerusalem, contradicting the UN resolution that declared that East Jerusalem is to be the capital of the Palestinian state (the UN does not recognise Jerusalem but Tel Aviv as the capital of Israel).
Last November Malawi said it will open a full embassy to Israel in Jerusalem, becoming the first African nation in decades to do so in the contested city.

Mostafa El Ayoubi

Music. Jerusalema. Dance, Sing, Resist.

The Gospel track devised by South Africa DJ Master KG has spread on YouTube due to its rhythm, the voice of Nomcebo Zikode and the accompanying choreography. A sort of collective and shared response to the pandemic.

Last year was marked by the Covid-19 tragedy, but it was also the year of the ‘viral’ phenomenon’ – as it is commonly known – which, in the context of a worldwide catastrophe has become the bearer of greater values than those of a typical success (we recall pieces like Lambada at the end of the eighties or Macarena in the early nineties which were closely allied with the dimension of dance).

Master KG’s song ‘Jerusalema’ has taken the world by storm.

A phenomenon that in any case confirms something that has been evident for a number of years. African music has now entered international consumption in ways that are quite different from its niche in world music and the success of stars like those who emerged from the generations living in the second half of the twentieth century, and whose circulation is closely tied to the element of new rhythms and the relationship between music and types of dance.
It all started in the summer of 2019 when twenty-four-year-old South African Master KG, whose real name is Kgaogelo Moagi, from the province of Limpopo, elaborated a composition which he worked on with singer Nomcebo Zikode and began to put it online. It met with a good response and the final version was uploaded on YouTube in October with the official video being issued in December. The piece is punctuated by an overpowering rhythm with a pleasant melody and the voice of Nomcebo is warm and full of pathos. Astride 2019 and 2020, ‘Jerusalema’ was well received in the clubs of South Africa and received positive feedback even from abroad.

Zulu
It was in February of 2020 that ‘Jerusalema’ began to be a global phenomenon. The force behind this came from another African country. The young people of the Angolan dance group Fenómenos do Semba, posted on YouTube the choreography they created for ‘Jerusalema’: the boys and girls are sitting in a yard, having a meal. They are dressed in their everyday clothes, the boys bare-chested, listening to the song. One at a time, their plates in their hands, they start to dance.

Nomcebo Zikode, the voice behind “Jerusalema”

The video could not be more simple or spontaneous; perhaps this is why it actuates a mechanism of imitation, launching a Jerusalema ‘dance challenge’, the formula created by Tik Tok – an app that is widely used by young people – which consists of daring others to match their choreographies created around various songs. The ‘Jerusalema’ dance greatly increased the success of the song.
The spread of the choreographies and the international success of ‘Jerusalema’ grew at the very moment when the Covid pandemic was spreading outside China, nourished by the dramatic situation. A Gospel song (a type very popular in South Africa), the word from the Old Testament may effectively be very suitably applied to a phase in which many wish to reach a place beyond the oppressive world of the pandemic: “Jerusalem is my home / guide me/ take me with you/ do not leave me here/I do not belong here / my kingdom is not here / guide me/ take me with you”.

The song is actually sung in Zulu which not many people in the world understand; but this doesn’t matter as ‘Jerusalema’ is pleasant but, at the same time, with the power of its melody and the song, with the freshness and dynamism of the rhythm, has the quality of communicating something that goes beyond what is pleasant and transmits – without the need of understanding the words – a feeling of positivity and sensibility. A hymn without borders, ‘Jerusalema’s’ choreographies are very often more than just a game but a life-filled reaction to the pandemic, a symbol of resistance, a means of expression through dancing to a song with a message of solidarity and a feeling of belonging to a community without borders.

It is no mere coincidence that doctors and nurses in half the world’s hospitals have come together with ‘Jerusalema’. But – apart from the numerous children and young people – the choreographies have their representatives of various other categories: ambulance volunteers, firemen, soldiers, Sisters, monks. In the comments below the video, someone wrote that, if anyone wanted to create a non-national anthem for the whole world, ‘Jerusalema’ would be the most qualified candidate.

Marcello Lorrai

Unesco. Cous cous. ‘Live united’.

Cous cous, a popular emblematic dish of North Africa, has been placed on the list of intangible cultural heritage by Unesco, at the joint request of Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania and Tunisia.

It was something quite rare in the history of the Maghreb countries when Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania and Tunisia, in March 2019, together presented the candidate entitled ‘Knowledge, know-how and practices relative to the production and consumption of cous cous’, with no dispute concerning the paternity of this traditional food.
The initiative raises the hope that the dish may be the beginning of political rapprochement.

The grains of this food are obtained from wheat (or millet) roughly ground. The ground kernels are then sprinkled with flour and worked by hand by the women until they become like small seeds which are then passed through a sieve. The work demands much patience and time. Cous cous is always steamed in a special pot in which the lower part is used to cook vegetables and meat while the cous cous is placed in the upper part. The steam from the lower part passes through perforations and into the part with the cous cous. This food can be served in many different ways according to traditions. It may be cooked with meat or fish, vegetables or hard-boiled eggs. In Algeria, there is a version that is prepared with butter, sugar and raisins. It is this variety that allows it to be prepared in so many ways depending on the different territories while at the same time acting as a unifying culture over a vast area.

Cous cous is the dish consumed during feasts, gatherings, celebrations, weddings or funerals. Though it is not very nourishing, it represents a delicacy that evokes in those who have been accustomed to it from childhood, memories and reminiscences of family life. It is a dish that is shared, seated on the ground: the family or friends eat it from a single container, using a spoon or their hands.
The rule requires one to use three fingers of the right hand because, for Muslims, the devil eats with one finger, the prophet with two while five fingers indicate gluttony. Eating cous cous together is an act which cancels out conflicts and disagreements.

The books about food trace the popularity of cous cous to the Kuskusi of the 19th century but the cous cous we know today may well be much older and come from the 12th century (from the Berber seksou). It is certain that the Tunisian historian and sociologist Ibn Khaldun in the 16th century referred to cous cous as a symbol of the Berber culture.
In addition, the fame the dish acquired over the years is that of a ‘unifier’ among peoples.
Cous cous is praised differently in every country.  In Morocco, on 26 October of each year, the ‘World Cous Cous Day’ is observed; in Algeria, it is even part of the traditional school curriculum to study cous cous. Various cookery programmes on TV dwell upon the various recipes.
In Tunisia, cous cous workshops are held in the schools, while in Mauritania the state supports cooperatives that perpetuate the tradition of its preparation.

A Moroccan chef prepares a traditional couscous dish in a restaurant in the capital Rabat. (AFP)

Last December, UNESCO motivated the inclusion of cous cous as part of the intangible human patrimony ‘for the knowledge, know-how and practices relative to the production and consumption of cous cous’ that link together the four North African countries. In the case of cous cous, the techniques bring together the traditions of songs, gestures and oral traditions that accompany the preparation of the dish that is basically made from wheaten semolina, vegetables, meat or fish, and unites Berbers and Algerians, the cities and the countryside, the sweet and the salty, vegetarian or not, middle-class and working-class.
“Algeria cooks it in its own peculiar way while Morocco and Tunisia cook it differently”, the well-known Algerian chef remarks. “Even though I love my country deeply because I grew up there, there are no divisions, we are all equal and the cous cous is Maghrebi, something that belongs to us all”. Hicham Hazzoum, head of a famous Moroccan restaurant, the ‘Dar Naji’, like many chefs believes that cous cous should be recognised all over the world. Just like the pizza and other foods.
Rather than a dish, cous cous is a cultural patrimony that is culinary and made up of memories, traditions, knowledge, and gestures handed down from one generation to the next, with an infinite number of refinements.

Genevieve Devey

The New North Sea.

The Black Sea, besides being a transit zone for oil, is rich in energy deposits which caused it to be defined as ‘The New North Sea’.

The exploration of these resources has accelerated in the past decade due to advances in technology that enabled the limits imposed by the presence of underlying geological risks and the desire of some littoral countries to free themselves from their dependence upon Russia and Middle Eastern countries. Since the nineteen seventies, Romania has been involved in prospecting for oil and gas leading to the first discoveries in 1980 whose poor production levels were unsatisfactory. Things changed in the year 2000 with the use of new technology that made better estimates of deposits possible, causing renewed interest from such large companies as Exxon Mobil which, in 2008, agreed on a partnership with the main OMV Romanian company in the sector.

The turning point came in 2009 following the decision taken by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, in the case of Ukraine, concerning the boundary of the continental shelf of the Black Sea, which gave Romania rights to 9,700 km2, about 80%, of the disputed area. The decision opened the way for the large international companies which, from that moment on, increased their explorations that led to the discovery of new important deposits. According to some estimates, there are deposits of gas amounting to 170/200 billion cubic metres of which 65% could be consumed internally and the rest exported. Besides consolidating the role of Romania as an active gas exporter, this would also render it independent of imports from the Russian Federation.
An important oil deposit, discovered in 2016, is located opposite the coasts of Bulgaria. The deposit has been nicknamed ‘Khan Asparuh’, has a surface area of 14,220 km2 and is 130 km from Varna, close to the Romanian ‘Neptune’ gas deposit. Exploration is being carried out by a consortium consisting of the French company Total (40%), the Austrian company OMV (30%) and the Spanish company Repsol (30%).  Ukraine also possesses deposits in the Black Sea that have hardly been exploited. Even though it has the world’s largest deposits of gas after Russia and Norway, it does not have sufficient technological ability or the economic resources to exploit them. For now, it depends for 40% of its needs upon Russian exports. Before 2014, Ukraine had in hand a policy of energy differentiation by exploiting some deposits in the Black Sea that were given as concessions to ENI and EDF, located to the south of Crimea and in the Azov Sea. After the annexation of Crimea, the deposits came under Russian control.

More recently, Turkey has discovered another gigantic deposit of natural gas which, besides satisfying the energy needs of the country, could also meet the demands of its bordering countries, making it truly an energy hub to be used as strategic leverage to gain more room for manoeuvre. Since Turkey is a net importer of gas from Russia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Qatar and the United States, this discovery, together with the fact that there ought to be further deposits in the area, is of historical relevance. The new deposit, which should contain around 320 billion cubic metres of natural gas of the highest quality, is located in the so-called Tuna-1 area, overlooking the maritime borders of Bulgaria and Romania.
The discovery may be seen as part of the strategic plan implemented by Erdogan that aims to gain energy independence. For this purpose, he is intensifying drilling in the Black Sea, the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, known as the so-called ‘Mavi Vatan’ (The Blue Fatherland) area whose name derives from the political-military strategy of the same name that aims to protect, at all costs and by any means, its maritime borders with these three seas.

Turkey’s drilling ship, Fatih, is sailing through Bosphorus toward Black Sea. (AP)

Ankara could now play the card of the new deposit at the negotiating table, attracting into its orbit some of those countries, such as Bulgaria, whose internal energy needs are tied to imports from Russia.  Nevertheless, according to some analysts in matters of energy, although the discovery marks a turning point in the energy policy of Turkey, one should not take for granted that it will achieve the difficult objective of the complete energy independence of the country.
To achieve such a goal, plans for structural reforms will be necessary, as well as a legal framework that facilitates investment, including fiscal norms and restrictions on exports that do not hinder the work of the energy companies.
Moreover, it is necessary to take into account the logic of the present energy market with low profits for those participating in it. Considering that the cost to companies of developing deposits must necessarily be remunerated by sufficient profit, it will not be easy for Turkey to achieve complete energy independence. In any case, it is clear that the discovery of new deposits brings to Turkey an increase in its geo-strategic importance at the expense of the other actors present in the area, including Russia, which will see itself forced to look on as Ankara is possibly transformed from being a ‘client’ to being a ‘competitor’. (F.R.)

Morocco and Israel. A new alliance.

Morocco has decided to officially recognise the state of Israel. To date, the Moroccan monarchy is the sixth Arab country to recognise de facto Israel as a diplomatic partner.

The first to do so was Egypt in 1980, then Jordan in 1994 and then the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Sudan in the second half of 2020.
There is in Israel a Jewish community of Moroccan origin which has always acted as a bridge between the two countries. In effect, there are informal relations between Rabat and Tel Aviv at the level of intelligence and especially at the economic-commercial level.

According to the Official Israeli State Statistics, Morocco is among the first four African countries in terms of imports and the ninth in the world in exports. From 2014 to 2017, commerce between the two countries was worth 149 million dollars.

Among the Arab countries that have already recognised Israel, Morocco stands out. The king considers himself – and is considered – the religious head of the country, due to his descent from the prophet Mohammed: Amir al mu’minin (the emir of believers). How can this approach of a state which considers itself Jewish be reconciled with the problem of Jerusalem, held by Israel to be its capital but instead, recognised by Muslims as the third Islamic Holy Place after Mecca and Medina? The Arab populations ask themselves this question
but not their governments.

In Casablanca, in 2018, 10,000 people protested against the opening of an American embassy in Jerusalem. But for the Arabic establishment the question is not religious but geostrategic. This is also true for Israel and the USA. In exchange for its official recognition of Israel, the White House has offered its support to the king of Morocco in the question of Western Sahara, disputed by the Fronte Polisario independence movement. ‘ (…) It is opportune to recognise its (Morocco’s) sovereignty over Western Sahara’, President Trump tweeted.
In practical terms: if you recognise Israel, I will guarantee that no one will interfere with Western Sahara.

For the Arab Emirates and Bahrain, the geostrategic question concerns the cold war with Iran which is considered a threat to the petroleum monarchies of the Gulf. Leading the Arab anti-Iranian front is Saudi Arabia which maintains informal relations with the Israeli government.

At the end of November, the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu secretly visited the city of Neom, in Saudi Arabia, to meet Mohammed bin Salman (revealed by the Israeli TV channel I24 news). Riyadh was behind the approach of Abu Dhabi and Manama (Bahrein) to Tel Aviv. These new ground-breaking developments will strengthen the geopolitical clout of Israel in the Middle East and will heighten differences with Iran. This new alliance will postpone indefinitely the dramatic Palestinian issue.

Mostafa El Ayoubi

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