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DR. Congo. Kabila’s puppet cuts its strings.

In a spectacular turnaround, the former President Kabila who was still in control of the institutions through proxies two years after the Presidential election, has been eventually side-lined. Tshisekedi whom he helped to become President after a rigged election has managed to outflank him while the West applauds despite the use of unconstitutional methods.

Until recently, President Felix Tshisekedi Tshilombo was still considered as his predecessor’s puppet. It is an open secret that he was the beneficiary of the rigged election of December 2018.
Just after it, a deal was struck between the outgoing President Joseph  Kabila and himself to that effect, after the former President realised that his candidate, Emmanuel Ramazani Shadary would not be tolerated by the Congolese citizens.

DR Congo President Felix Tshisekedi.

In compensation, Tshisekedi was left with the honours, the pump and the glory of the presidency while the government was dominated by the kabilists who retained the Prime minister’s job and 42 of the 66 portfolios. In addition, CENI secured a majority of 388 seats in the National Assembly for Kabila’s Joint Front for Congo coalition (FCC) and another of 98 seats out of 109 in the Senate. As for the presidency, detailed results by constituency were never released.

Former Democratic Republic of Congo President Joseph Kabila.

But hardliners of Tshisekedi’s Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) became increasingly frustrated with this situation which left their leader toothless. The climate turned particularly bitter when the UDPS president, Jean-Marc Kabund was dismissed from his job of vice-chairman at the National Assembly on the 25 May 2020 by FCC MPs, after he refused to convene the Congress to declare the state of emergency to fight the Covid pandemics. Since that moment, the situation didn’t stop to deteriorate. On the 23 July, a FCC demonstration of support to the government was attacked by UDPS militants in Kinshasa who suspected the kabilists to plan another rigging of the next presidential election, scheduled for 2023. Tshisekedi began appointing judges and army generals and sacked one of Kabila’s closest commanders, Gen. John Numbi, who is under EU and US sanctions, without the approval of the pro-Kabila Prime Minister, Sylvestre Ilunga Ilukamba as required the constitution. But Felix Tshisekedi moved on. On the 21 October, three judges appointed by him took their oath at the Supreme Court despite objections that the nominations were not valid because neither the Prime Minister or the Supreme Council of the Judiciary had been consulted.Then on the 23 October, President Tshisekedi announced the opening of national consultations with all the political parties in order to find a new political majority.
Unsurprisingly, on the 6 December 2020, he announced the end of the coalition with the pro-Kabila forces in a public speech and the creation of a new coalition the Sacred Union of the Nation.

Kinshasa. National Assembly.

This speech was the start of the final battle. After the Speaker of the National Assembly, Jeanine Mabunda’s decision to prevent MPs to vote a petition against her, on the 7 December 2020, a group of UDPS MPs and their supporters stormed the parliament, destroyed the Speaker’s office and the hemicycle. There was a fight between the FCC and UDPS MPs and their supporters and several MPs were injured. Two days later, a majority of 281 MPs voted in favour of Jeanine Mabunda’s dismissal.
Several causes can explain why so many FCC MPs decided to cross the floor and change their party allegiance. Many of them were afraid to lose their seat after President Tshisekedi threatened to dissolve the parliament to find a new majority. The threat was taken seriously because these MPs were aware that they did not owe their seat to a transparent election but to a massive rigging, comments Marie-France Cros, from the Brussels daily La Libre Belgique.

Mike Hammer, US ambassador to the D. R. Congo. In the Congolese capital, people are cracking jokes like “there are five institutions in Congo: the president, the parliament, the government, the judiciary and Mike Hammer”.

On the 1st December 2020, several FCC MPs accused the Presidential side to have tried to bribe them. Nevertheless, a majority of them voted in favour of Jeanine Mabunda’s dismissal. Between the 10 and the 13 December 2020, several parties of the FCC coalition defected to the Presidential side, including the Unified Lumumbist Party created by the late PM Antoine Gizenga, the United Block for the Renaissance and Emergence of Congo created by the former governor of North Kivu, Julien Paluku and the Republican Party created by the former Senate Speaker, Léon Kengo wa Dondo.
After this haemorrhage, a motion of no confidence was voted on the 27 January against Prime Minister Ilunga by an overwhelming majority of 367 votes at the National Assembly, which led to his resignation. By end January 2021, the pro-Tshisekedi coalition which only gathered 47 MPs in November 2020, as against 341 for the FCC and 112 for the Lamuka coalition, had swollen to 391 MPs. Then, on the 4 February, 64 senators voted to dismiss the senate speaker, Alexis Thambwe Mwamba.
Tshisekedi’s determination to reduce Kabila’s influence in the Congolese institutions was encouraged all along the crisis, by the unconditional support of the US ambassador in Kinshasa, Mike Hammer. In the Congolese capital, people are cracking jokes like “there are five institutions in Congo: the president, the parliament, the government, the judiciary and Mike Hammer”.

Such enthusiastic support, following cautious comments from the State Department expressing “legitimate concerns” about the transparency of the December 2018 presidential and parliament elections, is based on the assumption that Tshisekedi would better serve the interest of the West. Kabila is indeed seen in Washington as the man who allowed the Chinese to reap strategic cobalt and copper mining deposits and who amended in 2018 the Mining Code to increase taxes on exports of mining products.
By contrast, in his first state of the nation speech, on the 13 December 2019, Tshisekedi paid a special tribute to the international community and in particular to the US, the EU and the UK.
After the sacking of Kabila’s close friend, General John Numbi, which Mike Hammer applauded on the social media, the US announced the resumption of their military cooperation with the DRC, which will include training, supplies of equipment and intelligence. Such support could be badly needed.
In South Kivu alone, between the 1st February and the 31 August 2020, 171 assassinations and 277 kidnappings were reported while on North Kivu, since November 2019, 800 civilians were killed by the Ugandan-born jihadist group ADF NALU guerrillas, according to UN sources.

Kinshasa Centre.

Violations of Tshisekedi’s rivals’ political rights or to the poor governance record of his appointees don’t really seem to matter. Western embassies didn’t comment when a march of Kabila’s supporters was banned in Kinshasa on the 5 February 2021. Likewise, they ignored a Ministry of Finances’ report on the 2019 budget expenditures, which showed that  Tshisekedi’s appointee, Foreign minister, Marie Ntumba Nzeza spent 445% more than the initial budget allocated to her ministry and that the President’s office  spent four times more than its initial budget. In a report from the 4 January 2021, the pro-governance NGO OGEDEP concluded that “there has not been any improvement in 2019. On the contrary, governance went from bad to worse.”
Tshisekedi’s entourage had nevertheless been involved in a major scandal. On the 20 June 2020, his main ally during the presidential campaign, the president of the Union pour la nation congolaise, whom he had appointed as head of the President’s Office, Vital Kamerhe, was sentenced to 20 year prison on embezzlement, corruption and money laundering charges.

François Misser

Youth Movement and UN Food Systems Summit.

A wave of self-organised youth-led groups across the world has joined the growing momentum behind the 2021 UN Food Systems Summit, which will peak in September.

The UN Food Systems Summit was announced by the UN Secretary-General, António Guterres, on World Food Day last October as a part of the Decade of Action for delivery on the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030. The aim of the Summit is to deliver progress on all 17 of the SDGs through a food systems approach, leveraging the interconnectedness of food systems to global challenges such as hunger, climate change, poverty and inequality.

According to the United Nations, young people from Brazil to India, Cameroon to Fiji, and more than 100 countries around the world have been engaging in public debates across the five priority areas or Action Tracks, which include food security and nutrition, sustainable consumption, environmental protection, poverty and resilience.

Youth empowerment is so important to food systems transformation that it has been placed into all Summit work streams and structures. Young leaders have been included among the vice-chairs for the Action Tracks, while youth empowerment is a common theme across four “levers of change” identified by Summit organisers as among the most influential factors for delivering the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) by 2030.

During the Summit’s 24-hour Global Relay Conversation on World Food Day last year, Sophie Healy-Thow, a youth hunger and nutrition advocacy from Ireland, noted that “there are young people situated in every decision-making place within the Food Systems Summit and that’s completely new.” Sophie and many youth leaders like her have signed up as Food Systems Heroes to commit to improving food systems in their own communities.

“We cannot implement the science without also addressing questions of access, equality and finance, and we cannot build a better future for tomorrow without including the youth of today,” said Dr. Agnes Kalibata, Special Envoy of the UN Secretary-General for the Food Systems Summit.

“I am encouraged to see how the different work streams of the Summit are coming together with ideas to create a more sustainable, more inclusive food system that will change the trajectory of how we deliver on our goals in this Decade of Action.”

“The levers of change – from human rights and gender equality to finance and innovation – are critical factors that will make or break the transformation of food systems,” Dr. Kalibata added. Each lever of change will engage a community of experts to highlight key issues to inform the Summit evidence base, dialogues and Action Tracks.

Jemimah Njuki, Director for Africa at International Food Policy Research Institute (IFPRI) is leading the lever of change on gender equality and women’s empowerment. Seven areas of equality cut across priority areas of the Summit. These include equal rights to land, economic empowerment of women in food systems, unpaid care and agricultural labour burden, women’s leadership in food systems, access to technologies, changing norms and addressing institutional barriers, and gender-responsive agricultural and food systems policies.

The lever of change on human rights, led by the Special Rapporteur on the Right to Food, Michael Fakhri, aims to help ensure that human rights and law play a central role in all Summit efforts and the outcomes. The Special Rapporteur will help bring a systematic understanding of the policy instruments, legal frameworks, resolutions, and treaties that already exist for the Summit’s efforts to focus on action and implementation, building upon the strong foundations of multilateralism and rights that already exist.

The lever of change on innovation aims to bring together public, private and social sector innovation partners committed to make innovation a significant enabling factor for food systems transformation. Led by Sean de Cleene, Head of Food System Initiative and Member of the Executive Committee at the World Economic Forum, the innovation community has identified a twin-track approach to support specific action tracks and new initiatives, and a cross-cutting agenda across business, scientific, technological and social innovations.

Emerging areas of focus include data and digitalisation, science and technology, national and regional ecosystems as well as societal and institutional innovation models, including traditional and indigenous knowledge.

Ronald Joshua

The Gulf of Guinea: The Sea of pirates.

Maritime piracy in the Gulf of Guinea is a threat not only to the welfare of seafarers and ship-owners, but also to the politics and the economy of coastal states. Some of them depend on the flux of money and goods generated by the traffic of ships. Therefore, up to a certain level, piracy is an existential threat for some governments, at least in the short to medium term.

On 13th January 2021, the International Chamber of Commerce’s International Maritime Bureau (ICC-IMB, a leading institution on these issues) published its annual report on piracy in the world. ICC-IMB reported an increase in pirate attacks (from 162 in 2019 to 195 in 2020) worldwide, due also to an increase in attacks in the Gulf of Guinea.
In this area, 84 acts of maritime piracy were reported, with a more than 30% increase. In the last year, 3 vessels were hijacked in the world, all of them in the Gulf of Guinea, where 11 vessels were fired upon too.  The kidnapping for ransom of crew members is a major threat: in 25% of the attacks, seamen were abducted. In 2020, 130 crew members were kidnapped in 22 episodes in the region, accounting for 95% of seafarers kidnapped worldwide. As far as kidnapping is concerned, the Gulf of Guinea is the most dangerous spot in the world for sailors.

The ports in the Gulf of Guinea were among the most targeted by piracy last year. Brass and Lagos in Nigeria were hit 12 and 10 times respectively; Cotonou in Benin 11 times and Takoradi in Ghana 7 times. But also ports like Pointe-Noire (Republic of Congo) and Lomé (Togo) were crime scenes (3 episodes each). Though Nigerian waters remain the main theatre of operations for pirates (35 attacks both in 2019 and 2020) the dynamics can vary in the different areas, first due to the pressure of security forces. Patrols by local military force pirates to move from one area to another.
Following the intervention of security forces in Nigerian waters, pirates shifted to Benin (that passed from 3 attacks in 2019 to 11 in 2020) and Ghana (from 3 attacks in 2019 to 9 in 2020). But Nigeria, and most of all the Niger Delta, is still considered the main base for pirates.

There is a disparity between these data and those provided by the US Department of Transport Maritime Administration (MARAD) in its 2021-2022-Gulf of Guinea-Piracy/Armed Robbery/Kidnapping for Ransom advisory, valid from 9th January 2021 to 7th July 2021. MARAD reported in 2020 (from 1st January to 22nd December) 97 acts of piracy or robbery at sea, with a 24% decrease in comparison with the same period of 2019. According to MARAD, hijackings and kidnappings fell by 16%. In 2020, Nigerian waters were the theatre of 51% of pirate attacks reported in Gulf of Guinea. Also, in this case, a decrease was reported (-71% in comparison with 2019).

Standard Operating Procedures
Notwithstanding this difference in data, the number of pirate attacks remains high in this area that includes (following  the MARAD definition) nine state of Western and Central Africa (Ivory Coast, Ghana, Togo, Benin, Nigeria, Cameroon, Gabon, Equatorial Guinea, and Sao Tome and Principe). But Nigerian pirates seem to be involved in attacks also in Luanda in Angola and Conakry in Guinea (5 attacks each in 2020).
Thanks to the use of supporting motherships, pirates are now able to attack a vessel at 200 nautical miles from the coast, even if the average kidnapping incident takes place at 60 nautical miles. For this reason, in its reports, ICC-IMB suggested the vessels stay at 250 nautical miles until they can reach a safe berth or anchorage. Different types of ships are attacked (tankers, container ships, cargo vessels, fishing vessels, passenger vessels, vessels supporting oil drilling and production, etc.), but those involved in the oil trade are the main targets, both for their cargo and for their crew.

As for kidnapping for ransom, pirates usually abduct from 2 to 6 crew members among those considered “high-value targets” (master, chief engineer, etc.), especially if they are Westerners. But criminals do not hesitate to take away 10 or more people at a time. After being kidnapped, the seafarers are moved to land, where they are held until the negotiations are over.
According to ICC-IMB, attacks are becoming more violent, with the use of firearms in 80% of the cases, even if only 4 sailors were wounded in this region and no one was killed in 2020. Nigeria and Benin were the countries where the use of guns was more frequent.
To protect both their lives and their ships, crews have different means, such as having a “citadel” (a safe house within the ship to seek refuge when the vessel is boarded) and putting barbed wire around the vessel. The captain can also try some evasive manoeuvres to stop a hostile boat from approaching. Some ships have water cannons that are used against pirates. Some have armed security teams on board. The implementation of these measures depends on a series of factors, such as the law of the countries of the parties involved in the shipment.

Real danger

Maritime piracy is not a phenomenon of the past. It is a clear and present danger both for politics and for the economy, especially for the Gulf of Guinea countries.
An increase in attacks has a deep impact on the economy, as for example the increase in insurance costs for ship-owners and in the cost of goods. Also, ransoms are a cost that must be considered.

On a political level, the governments of these countries must manage the risk to the flow of goods to and from their ports. For some of them, such as Nigeria and Equatorial Guinea, a stop to the flow of oil and oil revenues could have devastating effects on their governance since their finances depend on oil royalties.
Military cooperation between the navies can improve the efficiency of the anti-piracy operations in the Gulf of Guinea. But until pirates find a good alternative (for example, in politics of social and economic integration in the society) they will continue sailing the high seas.

Andrea Carbonari

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

No one is safe until everyone is safe.

The coronavirus pandemic has taught us how vulnerable and interdependent we are. The pandemic is global; so, must be the solution!

Scientists have responded to this challenge by developing in record time vaccines that can help us overcome the pandemic. They were able to achieve this result thanks to the billions of dollars of public aid partly channelled by the COVAX initiative, under the umbrella of GAVI (Global Alliance for Vaccine and Immunization, a coalition to which WHO, the World Health Organization, and UNICEF are members).

This initiative envisions to acquire 2 billion doses of vaccine in order to vaccinate the first group of people at high risk (elderlies and health personnel) in 92 low and middle income countries (more or less 20% of their population) so that nobody would be left behind.

The time has come for the richer countries to unite forces to produce and store enough vaccines that can cater for the needs of the whole world population. The EU has contributed €500.000 to the Covax initiative which makes it the principal contributor to this initiative but, in the meantime, People’s Vaccine Alliance are saying that rich countries have hoarded enough doses of the vaccines to vaccinate their entire populations nearly three times over, leaving some 67 poor countries with only enough to vaccinate one in 10 people.

In its report, it also warned that as long as 90 percent of the populations in dozens of poorer countries do not have access to the coronavirus vaccines this year 2021, the end of the pandemic will not be in sight.

Tedros Adhanom Ghebreyesus, the Director-General of WHO cited as an example of disparity in the distribution of the vaccines; that more than 39 million doses of vaccine have been administered in 49 higher-income countries whereas just 25 doses had been given to one of the poorest country in the world. Such a “me-first approach”, he said, has left the world poorest and most vulnerable at risk. And this is happening at a time when inequality has increased in the world as a result of the conditions created by the pandemic.

Another serious problem relates to TRIPS (Trade-related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights). Under this patent system, pharmaceutical companies that have developed vaccines have exclusive intellectual property rights for 20 years. If this system remains in place for coronavirus vaccination, it will prevent sufficient quantities of vaccine from being produced at good prices for poor countries.

So, on 2 October 2020, India and South Africa formulated the proposal of a temporary waiver on the provisions of the WTO (World Trade Organization) Agreement on Trade Related Aspects of Intellectual Property Rights (TRIPS) related to copyright, industrial design, patents and protection of undisclosed information. Given the nature of the pandemic that we are facing, it is expedient that the temporary waiver proposed by India and South Africa are given due consideration.

During this time; China, the USSR and India have started to vaccinate their populations with their respective vaccines whose efficacy has not been validated neither by the WHO (prequalification service) nor the EMA (European Medicines Agency) nor the CDC (Center for Disease Control – USA) and promised to help countries that will call on them.
It is now a matter of national interest with little or no consideration for the global interest!

Africa Europe Faith and Justice Network, (Comboni Missionaries are part of the network) in its desire for a world where the life, dignity and human rights of all are respected, urges the EU:

  • To support more the Covax Initiative for an equal and just distribution of coronavirus vaccines in particular through specific commitments regarding the delivery of vaccines adapted to less developed countries.
  • To stop at WTO refusing the proposal of India and South Africa of a temporary waiver on TRIPS so that vaccines are seen as a public good, the patent system is not enforced, and vaccines can be produced freely, allowing competition to bring the price of vaccines down considerably and to allow a sufficient production of vaccines.

In this sense, AEFJN invites you to sign the European Citizens’ Initiative to ask the European Commission to make the coronavirus vaccine a true global public good.

Sign here: https://eci.ec.europa.eu/015/public/#/screen/home

 

The Regional and International Proxy Battleground.

The definition of civil war has never quite applied in the case of Syria. Ever since the armed insurrection against the Assad government began in 2011, it has never been a clear case of insurgents fighting against the ‘regime’.

Rather, the war quickly degenerated into a series of ethnic, confessional and national conflicts of which the ‘Sunni vs. Shiite’ was but one. There were also the Kurd vs. Turkey, the Saudi and UAE backed rebels against the Syrian Army, the various offshoots of so-called ‘al-Qaida’ obstructing ISIS, the Turks against the Syrians, Sunni ‘radicals’ against Hezbollah, and a myriad of overlapping combinations thereof. More significantly, the objectives of much of the fighting that has occurred rarely concerned Syria itself.

Turkish soldiers in Syria.

Turkey and Qatar backed the Free Syrian Army (FSA) economically and militarily. But elements of the FSA then split to join other fundamentalist formations such as the Syrian ‘branch’ of ‘al-Qaida’, the al-Nusra Front and the like (Jund-al-Islam, Ahrar al-Sham) backed by Saudi Arabia. The latter, while sharing much of the underlying ideology of ISIS, funded al-Nusra which fought against it, triggering wars within wars, reflecting the interests by proxy of those who were funding the conflict. There was no apparent care about achieving military victory as long as the war continued. The Saudis, the Qataris, the Turks, the Americans and the Israelis would have succeeded in their chaotic goals if not for the intervention of Russia and Iran in 2015.
Unlike Libya, where the ‘Arab Spring’ produced a formal political division splitting the country in two, Syria in 2021 remains officially led by the Baathist government in Damascus headed by President Bashar al-Assad. Yet, in many ways, Syria is more divided than Libya. The use of the term chessboard is not a cliché in describing it. It is a multidimensional chessboard where several powers are playing geopolitical games.

To Achieve a Compromise
It’s unclear what political solutions Washington might propose for Damascus, but no doubt American companies will be itching for lucrative reconstruction contracts, which are now slated to favour Russian, Iranian and Chinese firms. That said, Washington may also manage to achieve a compromise, allowing the Assad government to continue but intensifying its activity with the excuse of fighting what’s left of ISIS. The so-called ‘caliphate’ has been reorganizing in areas of Deir ez-Zor and the Anbar Desert near the Iraqi border.

Russian Tu 22M3 group airstrike in Syria.

The targeted assassinations of high-ranking Ba’ath Party officials, and particularly that of General Firas Al-Nasaan, director of the Syrian Air Force Secret Service (reputed to be the highest level of Syrian military intelligence) suggests that ISIS, or other rebels, have been able to penetrate Damascus’ most powerful circles. Russia and Iran certainly contained the onslaught from the various rebel forces, but they failed to eliminate them. Nevertheless, it would not be cynical to suspect that ISIS, as did the mujahedin in Afghanistan in the 1980s, is encouraging the Russians’ failure and the Syrian government they have kept afloat. A stronger Iranian and Hezbollah presence would benefit the Russians tactically, but it’s unclear just how much of Tehran Moscow might be willing to tolerate in Damascus. Still, given the considerable economic considerations, from sanctions to low oil prices, generating tensions in the Islamic Republic (complicating its efforts to support key regional allies), it would be unrealistic to expect more forces to help al-Assad’s forces. That is, unless, China were to help finance a wider Iranian military operation.

US troops convoy in Syria.

As of 2021, the wider war between the Syrian government and the various rebel forces has ended. Or, mostly ended, as there are ongoing skirmishes in the north-western region affiliated with Hayat Tahrir al-Sham (HTS) and the areas east of the Euphrates, where US forces are supporting the Kurdish-dominated Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF) in their fight against the Islamic State/ISIS.
While the direct military confrontation between the various rebels and the regular Syrian army may have subsided, Syria itself is not at peace. There has been no direct accounting for the war, and the conditions for a resumption of violence remain. There has been no reconciliation process, and the economy remains in a shambles. Most significantly, Damascus does not have full sovereignty over its territory. (A.B.)

Breaking Bread.

In the Autumn of 2011, the Occupy movement was growing like a weed – quickly and strongly. In groups as small as two and as large as 200,000, people gathered in public spaces around the world to challenge an economic system that has long abandoned the majority for the profit of a few, creating what Arun Gupta called “liberated territory” in the “great cathedral of global capitalism.”

The first group of protestors on New York City’s Wall Street publically delivered 23 complaints, outlining the ways in which corporations control our daily lives.  Number four asserted, “They have poisoned the food supply through negligence and undermined the farming system through monopolization.”

The same season, on the other side of the earth, farmers in Lufeng, China were also in the streets. They were protesting the city government’s seizure and sale of 800 acres of farmland to an upscale property development ironically named Country Garden.

In Bolivia, around the same time, the president was forced to suspend construction of a major highway after indigenous activists led a 41-day march in protest. The road would have cut through protected forests and indigenous ancestral lands in order to shuttle commerce between Brazil and ports in Chile and Peru.

And simultaneously, back in the Northern hemisphere, in rural New Mexico, a winter farmers’ market was starting up on Taos Indian Pueblo land. The shelves held garlic, carrots, chokecherry jam, blue corn flour, hot tamales, and giant heads of Napa cabbage harvested from the greenhouse. The market room and greenhouse were both heated by a furnace stoked with wood from the surrounding hills. A sign on the front door said, “come back next week and we’ll have fresh buffalo.”

A common thread links these stories happening around the globe: a vison of a society that values life and earth over profit.
One cornerstone on which this vision rests is the revival of community-led, sustainable food system, and an end to corporate control of food, land, and agriculture.

How we feed each other and ourselves is the backbone of how, historically, we have organized our communities and societies. The ways in which we arrange our agricultural systems make evident our larger worldviews. Food literally and figuratively connects us to each other, to our ancestors, to our culture, and to the earth. All food is soul food because it is, in fact, that deep.

From community gardens to global policy, a movement is growing to reclaim and transform our food system. The movement addresses,

  • the well-being of the land, air, and waters and the ability of all to eat adequate and healthy food;
  • the rights, health, and fair wages of those who plant, harvest, produce and prepare food and the need to restore and protect small farms and local food systems;
  • the preservation and reclamation of local culture and the right of every nation to control its own food and agriculture;
  • the end to corporate control of food and agriculture, including an end to trade rules and international agreements that prioritize profit over the well-being of people and the earth.

John Paul Pezzi, mccj
VIVAT International NGO
with consultative special status at UN

The Sahel. “Poverty nourishes jihadism”.

An unstable region. “Young people abandoned to themselves find a solution to their problems in Jihadism. Jihadism feeds on injustice, poverty and misery”.  The words of Father Arvedo Godina of the White Fathers who has spent over fifty years in The Sahel.

The Sahel is one of the most unstable regions in the continent of Africa. Armed Jihadist groups move through the territories of Mali, Niger, and Burkina Faso aggravating local tensions and undermining the foundation and cohesion of Sahelian societies. Illegal trafficking (drugs, arms, people) proliferate in an area where borders are porous and unguarded.  “Jihadism is nourished by injustice, poverty and misery. Thousands of unemployed young people look for hope in an extreme form of religiosity that leads them to take up arms against anyone who does not profess their faith”, says Father Arvedo Godina, an Italian member of the congregation of the White Fathers who has been in Mali for 53 years, outlining the set-up of the Islamic extremism that has inflamed the Sahelian countries for almost a decade.

The missionary continues: “Jihadism has emerged in recent years but the problem has its roots in history. Some of us priests and our bishop often ask ourselves where Mali is going, and what answers are being given to the people at large. We have before us a sad situation. Each year, in Mali, ten thousand boys and girls finish school. Of these, only one thousand succeed in finding a job immediately. The other nine thousand are left unemployed. They angrily enter one public competition after another, often knowing their chances are minimal. Many of them emigrate. Nobody can say their future looks bright”.
On 18 August last, President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita was overthrown in a coup organised by the armed forces. The military then formed a government together with exponents of civil society who wanted more efficacious economic policies and a zero-tolerance fight against corruption. “Politics cannot provide answers to the needs of the people – Father Arvedo continues – Corruption is widespread and is an obstacle to the social and economic growth of the nation”.
Besides all this, general criminality is becoming ever more powerful. Over the years, Mali has become a crossroads for international drug trafficking. Drugs (cocaine, tramadol, hashish) are sent from Latin America to the Atlantic coast of Mali and are then sent by the traffickers over desert roads, to Europe.

The United Nations estimates that the business amounts to around 26 million dollars per year and that it increases corruption, violence, despair, and drug addiction. “Up to a few years ago – the White Father emphasises – very few people connected to drugs were being arrested. Nowadays, they are as many as ten every day. Often they are small fry, young drug pushers who are caught with just a few grams of a substance. There is a widespread belief that the people at the top get away scot-free and that it is increasingly more difficult to catch them due to the immense riches they have accumulated”.
As well as arms and drug trafficking, there is also a huge business connected with immigration. For the local populations, the migration economy constitutes an important source of revenue and so for survival, in which many former Tuareg rebels are engaged. The North of Mali represents the main crossroads where the Sub-Saharan migratory streams meet as they flow towards Europe. The migration streams follow two main axes, that of Mali which leads to Gao, in Tuareg territory and then proceeding to Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Libya, and that of Nigeria that crosses Mali and goes towards the region of Agadez and then to the central Mediterranean. Father Arvedo adds: “The traffickers have shown a remarkable degree of adaptation to the geopolitical situation of the Sahel region and North Africa, choosing whichever route suits the circumstances.

Training of Catechists
During all his mission years, Father Arvedo has always worked at the service of the diocese of Bamako, first as a curate in Kati parish and then as a professor and rector of the seminary of Koulikoro. Since 1992, he has worked at the formation centre called after Monsignor Pierre Leclerc, near the mission of Kati. Here he is providing a fundamental service to the local Church: the training of catechists who work in the parishes of Mali. The formation is complete, with spiritual, cultural and professional aspects (including lectures on agricultural techniques). “It is a demanding course – the missionary emphasises – lasting three years. Every year, future catechists stay at our centre for six months. Together with them, we live community life consisting of prayer, study, and work. The local Bambara language is the linguistic medium”.

Father Arvedo Godina with a group of catechists.

When they return to their communities, they become the right-hand man of the parish priests. It is they who visit the various villages scattered along the savannah. In turn, they engage in the professional, cultural and spiritual formation of the people. They celebrate the liturgy of the Word and take Holy Communion where necessary. “Besides being an undeniable help to the priests – Father Arvedo continues – these laypeople unquestionably become reference persons for the whole community as regards matters of work, justice, and peace. Being rooted in the local culture, they are attentive interpreters of the local values. In my opinion, they represent the future of the Catholic Church. I was really taken up by the debate within the Amazonia Synod on the role of the laity and the possibility of having married clergy. At the moment, the time is not ripe for this step but I believe that the Western Church will soon recognise an important role for married priests like those  already to be found in Oriental Churches (in Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, etc.)”.

Acceptance and Tolerance
Father Arvedo also stresses the importance of relations with the Muslims who represent 95% of the population. “Among the Bambara – Father Arvedo explains – there is a saying: ‘The first hut to be built in a village is that of the kitchen and then that of the mosque’. This means that respect for people and dialogue with them comes first and then the differences in beliefs. The local culture is founded on this attitude of welcome and tolerance. I recently calculated that, in the community of Kati, as many as 49% of married couples are mixed with a Christian husband or wife and a Muslim spouse. This mixture gives rise to mutual acceptance. The real dialogue takes place in the families and therefore has deep roots”.

This mutual respect is, however, threatened by Islamic extremism. Father Arvedo, in his work as a chaplain in the prisons, came to know many militiamen: “Many young people with no hope threw themselves into the arms of the Jihadists. They are looking for something on which to vent their frustrations. They say they are fighting against the West and against Christians since they are the cause of their misery. I repeat: Jihadism can only be beaten by first defeating the widespread poverty. This applies especially in such a poverty-stricken region as the Sahel. In Mali, then, the eternal question of the Tuareg has to be faced. This population has always refused to submit to the central power of Bamako. They have led numerous revolts. At present, their rebellions are linked to those of the Jihadists.

The Great North has become their base and that of their allies among the Islamist militants. It is a land of conflict that even the intervention of French troops succeeded in bringing under the control of the state authorities”. While visiting the prisoners, Father Godina tries to approach and to help militiamen. “I talk to them and try to keep their spirits up. I get medicine for them when they need it. I explain Christianity to them and help them to understand it and to dialogue – he concludes – I have become a close friend to some of them. Some of them, however, refuse to dialogue and take a radical stance. They read and re-read the Koran and draw from it its most extreme teachings. This means that, when they leave prison, they will be ready to return to the field of battle”.

(M.L.)

 

Music. Santrofi, the sound of pan-Africanism.

The Ghanaian band Santrofi demonstrates that Highlife music is still a rich and vital force.

Artistically speaking, Highlife is the music of modern Ghana; a mix of pop and jazz not without ethnic influences imported from Nigeria in the first decades of the nineteen hundreds and exported to the world after the end of the Second World War, thanks to the worldwide success of a giant of Afro music, Fela Kuti.
Breathless sessions with penetrating guitars, hypnotic rhythms and colourful singing characterise the sound, based upon a handful of notes that not only immerses us in the typical panoramas of this splendid portion of Africa but even makes us feel an immediate instinct to sway or dance to these splendid songs so pleasing to the western ear.

While the unchallenged head of this school of music is the late lamented E. T. Mensah (who died in 1966), one of the best-known groups today is certainly the large ensemble of the Santrofi, a group of musicians and singers well known in the west due to their participation in a large number of western festivals of world music, including the Womad of Peter Gabriel, the best known of all. Led by bassist Emmanuel Ofori, the nine Santrofis export the modern soul of Ghana and a philosophy of a life that is simple but full of values.
In Akan mythology, Santrofi is the story of a rare and precious bird, identified by its lively colours and its four wings. It is so unique that it was forbidden to hunt it; if held in captivity, it was a bad omen; if seen and allowed to fly away, a great treasure would be lost.
Santrofi is venerated for the clarity of its vision and its transformative beauty together with the power of its singing: the band aims at exemplifying all these traits in their innovative interpretation of the vintage Highlife sound of Ghana.

It is the desire of the group to fuse the musical culture exported to Africa from the West with autochthonous music: without counter positions but instead by nourishing its own music with a sincere desire for sharing and universal brotherhood, without ever forgetting the great themes and the great challenges to which Africa is called to respond to today. These include the ecological equilibrium that must be restored, the need for authentic human relations and last, but not least, the dream of a new pan-Africanism, to the extent that the album also contains the voice of the first president of independent Ghana, Kwame Nkrumah, one of the most charismatic personalities of post-colonial Africa.
Santrofi’s debut album of last April ‘Alewa’ captures the influence of epochs that are separate but intertwined, of the journey of the Highlife music of Ghana, unlike anything seen before, either in recent years or long ago. It is interesting to note that ‘Alewa’ is also the title of one of the tracks on the album.
The metaphor of a local black-and-white-striped sweet representing the symbol of independence, of harmony, of the multi-instrumentalist Sanofi that alternate both their places on the record as well as on the stage of progressive musical liberation. ‘Alewa’ is also a metaphor that alludes to the need to recognise, accept, tolerate and embrace racial diversity to build a world of love and unity.

On bass guitar is Emmanuel Ofori, electric lead guitars, Dominic Quarchie (Ghana’s Music Awards’ winner of instrumentalist of the year 2018), on the rhythm guitar and lead vocals Nsoroma, Bernard Gyamfi on trombone and shekere, Norbert Wonkyi on trumpet, Flugelhorn and bells, Prince Larbi on drums and vocals.
Emmanuel Boakye Agyeman on organs, fender rhodes and vocals, Victor Nii Amoo on percussions, and Kofi ‘IamBeatMenace’ as the co-producer, audio engineer and brands Coordinator.
One characteristic of the band seems to be that they have found a winning formula of elegant dance steps, easily learned songs to be sung with rhythm guitar accompaniment, drums and melodic harmonies. With musical influences that range from Highlife and Afrobeat to straight old-fashioned funk, the music of Santrofi is impressive, besides being spectacular entertainment, all of which allows us to hope for future tours and their next album to be released this year.

Franz Coriasco

 

Africa. To Share fraternity.

In his last Encyclical, “Fratelli Tutti”, (“Brothers [and Sisters] All”), Pope Francis is calling for a new world society, characterised by fraternity and social friendship. Africa has much to contribute to the shaping of the future of humanity.

The African sense of fraternity begins with motherhood. In most African societies, all grown up women are given the title ‘Mother’. In fact, you can call any lady ‘mother’ without any risk or offending her. The idea behind this is that, when a woman gives birth for the first time, it is not only her womb that opens, but also and above all her heart, so that everyone born of a woman may find a place in it.
Such motherhood, which belongs to all women, automatically creates a sense of brotherhood. If all women are ‘our mothers’, it is not difficult to conclude that we are all brothers and sisters.
The following Chewa proverb fits well in this mentality, extending it to sonship: mwana wa mzako ndi wako womwe (“the child of your neighbour is your child, too”).

In fact, in the past, in many villages, children used to be educated by the whole community; every grown-up person had the right to punish the children of his or her village, if they found them doing wrong. In some traditional villages, this custom continues even today.
In African languages, the terms mother, father, brother, sister, uncle, aunt, grandfather, grandmother, cousin, niece, nephew… are very wide in meaning. In Congo and Zambia, for example, following the history of neighbouring tribes, you may find a whole tribe in which all male adults are your ‘uncles’, and they have an important role to play in your family, especially in times of difficulties, such as funerals. This type of brotherhood breaks the borders of tribes.

Blood pacts
Traditional Africans are builders of fraternity. In African villages, it is very difficult to know how a person has come to call another person ‘father’, ‘mother’, ‘son’, ‘daughter’, etc. These relations, which were created by the ancestors, hold for generations. Some of these are the result of blood pacts made generations before. In some ethnic groups, the blood pact is the model of both brotherhood and friendship.
The word munywani – which means ‘friend’ for many Bantu speakers in Eastern Africa – comes from kunywa (‘to drink’) and it denotes the one with whom we drink. But it is not a question of drinking beer, but each other’s blood, in a blood pact. Also, in the Nilotic Lwoo language of the Alur (an ethnic group that inhabits the northern shores of Lake Albert, both in western Uganda and north-eastern DR Congo), a friend is called jarimo (rimo means ‘blood’), literally: ‘someone-connected-to-me-by-blood’. This is how friendship is transformed into brotherhood. Where tribes carry out initiations into adulthood by age groups, the people who have been initiated together become real brothers or sisters.

Sometimes, this brother-sisterhood is taken more seriously than blood relation is, because there are very serious taboos attached to any particular age group. Practically, this strong bond will be seen in the obligation for mutual help, starting from a few people and extending to entire families. During initiation ordeals, the neophytes are told: “If you cannot prevent your brother (in the Western world the word used may be ‘companion’) from falling, fall with him”. No neighbourhood without fraternity; African fraternity is seen especially when there is a funeral in a village. All people, without exception, are supposed to go to the home of the deceased and stay there until the rites are over.

For agriculturalists, it is forbidden to go to cultivate fields when there is a funeral. This taboo is still in force in many places. For the burials, Africans congregate without regard for clan, tribe, religion or political affiliation. The same applies to weddings. All this clearly shows the African way of avoiding creating neighbourhoods without fraternity. Indifference is very much condemned in African society. All families, somehow, are connected to each other, including those who came from outside the tribe. Among the Lugbara of Uganda, lopunoo is a process by which a stranger is incorporated into a given family. Among the Baganda, a person can be incorporated ritually into a given clan. In both cases, the former ‘stranger’ – with his entire family, if any – becomes a real member of the group with all the rights and duties.

Social conscience
If Africans were to stick to this sense of fraternity, there would not be any person who has no relations at all. Today’s phenomena such as street children, abandoned elderly and disabled people are both modern and artificial. In traditional Africa, it was not difficult for the crippled, the deaf and the blind to get married. The family or clan would ‘marry’ for them! It will take time for African countries to build special houses for the elderly. In the homes, they are still seen as a blessing.
Social conscience stems from this sense of fraternity that is common to African societies. There are practices that show that the sense of community was the norm in Africa.

Among the Baganda and some other ethnic groups of Uganda, if you find out that a swarm of edible grasshoppers has settled in the village, you cannot start collecting them, before making the ululation that informs other people of the phenomenon. In the same way, there is a kind of mushroom that grows in large numbers, whose importance is not only nutritional but also ritual: you cannot start collecting it, without informing your neighbours. In village life, a family cannot take meals behind closed doors. Whoever is hungry is invited to share the family meal. The Baganda say: Oluganda kulya – ‘Fraternity is eating (together)’, or ‘food sustains kinship’.

Shared happiness
Individualism is repugnant in African culture. If you build a large house, you cannot live in it with your wife and your few children. Your relatives will send you their children to fill it. You have no right to be happy alone. Julius Nyerere, in his Ujamaa – Essays on Socialism (1968), noted that, in ancient African societies, there were no millionaires, because the more you had, the more you were obliged to share. Sometimes the abundance of wealth led to polygamy, which did not only increase the population of the family, but also created alliances with many other families.

In the Chewa/Nyanja language of Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique, when the prepositional suffix – ira or era – is added to a rather negative verb, the verb becomes positive. This suffix denotes an act performed on behalf of another person. So, if kupempha means ‘to beg’, kupemphera expresses the idea of ‘praying’; if kukwata means ‘to have sex’, kukwatira stands for ‘marrying’; and if kulanda means ‘to snatch’, kulandira expresses the concept of ‘receiving’.
It is the ‘social aspect’ of the verb (‘doing something for others’) that makes it positive, as if what you do for yourself is suspicious, while what you do for others is more acceptable.

Human solidarity and fraternity
In many African cities, the person who is caught stealing or molesting another person, is killed by mob justice, if the police do not come quickly enough. This act, however condemnable it may be, shows lack of indifference to the suffering of another human being – indifference that, instead, can be seen in many Western cities and towns, where the sense of human solidarity hardly goes beyond dialling the police phone number on your personal mobile. If a woman gives birth in a street of a Western metropolis, the best a person may do is to call an ambulance.
In Africa, on the other hand, all the women who hear the woman’s moans will rush to her help, build a ‘house’ around her, and assist
her to the very end.

There is a Bantu word that sounds bene (or bendi, or bandi), always preceded by the affix wa, to make wabene. The meaning of this expression is “of the other”. It is used to call for respect due to persons and property that do not belong to you. In extreme cases, it is used to refer to the chief, or the king, or God himself. People belong to ‘another’ – their traditional leader and God. So, they are all related. No one belongs to himself or herself, or just to their parents, or clan members, not even the unborn: they all belong to bene, who commands respect and responsibility. The ‘other’, then, is not defined by ‘I’, but by bene, the common source of people and things. Africans, therefore, share a fraternity that extends to all people, to nature and to the entire cosmos.

Kanyike Edward Mayanja

How Giraffe acquired his Long Neck.

Long, long ago, Giraffe did not have the long, elegant neck that he has now. In those days his neck was short and squat, resembling Rhinoceros’s powerful neck.

It was a time of drought and famine. The waterholes had dried up, the land had been scorched by the sun and the grazing was threadbare. The grass that remained was dry, brittle and tasteless. One day, when he was out looking for grazing, Giraffe met Rhino and said: “The grass everywhere has turned bitter. I long for the sweet pastures that grow after the rains.”

“You are right, Giraffe – conceded White Rhino, plucking a tough clump of grass from the ground in front of him with his strong muscular lips -.  But it has been too long since we have seen rain.”
“ Too long,” agreed Giraffe. “There are too many animals grazing this land and there is nothing left” observed Rhino -. It would be so good to be able to eat the fresh young leaves that grow on the top of that tree over there.” “ We are far too short to reach them,” observed Giraffe.
“Yes – said Rhino -. But I have a plan. Let us find Man and see
if he can help us.”

So Giraffe and Rhino travelled through the savanna lands, grazing by day and resting by night until they encountered Man. Resting in the dappled shade of an acacia tree they told him their problems and waited impatiently as he considered their dilemma.

“I think I can be of assistance to you – said Man -. Come back here tomorrow at noon and I will give you some herbs.” Giraffe and Rhino went their separate ways. Rhino travelled far in search of grazing, while Giraffe remained nearby.

The next morning, the sun rose in a dry sky and when it was directly overhead, Giraffe presented himself to Man. Looking at Giraffe’s coat, which resembled blotchy patterns of dark brown leaves, Man said to him, “Where is Rhino?”

But Rhino did not return at the appointed hour, so Man gave all his herbs to Giraffe telling him that the herbs would enable his neck and legs to grow so long that he would be able to reach the tallest trees.

Giraffe ate the herbs and watched in awe as his neck and legs began to grow longer. He was amazed by the fact that his limbs just continued to grow longer and longer just like the growth of his neck. As his neck stretched, he moved further and further away from the dusty, hard earth and he was so delighted when he was able to twist his long tongue around the tender shoots that grew at the top of an acacia tree nearby.

From that moment, Giraffe became a browser, preferring to eat the young branches and leaves of trees and shrubs, rather than graze the grass on the ground.It was his long neck that now enabled
him to do that.

Rhino arrived late, long after midday. “Where are my herbs?”  asked Rhino indignantly. “You are too late – said Man -. I have given them all to Giraffe. See how his neck and legs have grown, Rhino.” Giraffe continued browsing, relishing the sweet leaves of the thorn tree.

Rhino kicked up the dust with his thick, heavy legs and demonstrated his anger. He was so angry because he thought that Man had deceived him. In fact, he lost his temper completely. To this day, Rhino has a very bad temper and when he sees Man in the bush, he charges him.

Folktale from Kenya

 

 

 

 

 

What Next ?

The Russians are the ones who, having taken a direct military role alongside Damascus in 2015, have done most to defeat ISIS and perhaps, more importantly, the other rebel forces.

The Turks will want to ensure that they can maintain a military presence in northern Syria to watch over Kurdish separatist ambitions. Israel keeps the Golan and Iran wants to ensure their Tehran-Baghdad-Damascus-Beirut axis is strengthened.
This is the part which Israelis, Americans and Saudis will find problematic; and this is where the next conflict could probably begin.

Russian forces patrol near the city of Qamishli, north Syria,

Russia will agree to what guarantees stability, but its interests do not coincide entirely with Tehran. Russia appears to have received the White House’s go-ahead over Syria’s integrity. President Trump agreed with Putin that Syria should not split up into parts, which would compromise the already delicate regional equilibrium. After all, it was ISIS which was trying to re-draw the region’s map, scrapping the Sykes-Picot agreement. Moscow has managed to overcome Syria’s total collapse.
The Russians have learned from the Americans’ mistakes – and those of the Soviet Union – in Iraq and Afghanistan. Thus, they see the need for the winning forces not to act too greedily. The Americans failed in Iraq because they dismantled the Baath and the Iraqi army, forcing them into hiding and resistance.

Russian President Vladimir Putin (L) and Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan.

By compromising with some of the opposition groups, especially the Kurds, Bashar al-Assad could have a better chance of weaving a ‘peace’ through incentives rather than encouraging the opposition to remain in the shadows, seeking to carve out their own zones of influence. Russia will keep its bases in Syria at Latakya and Tartous. That was always one of the goals of its intervention.
The Gulf monarchies, Saudi Arabia heading that group, backed and encouraged the war against Assad (and Hezbollah, Iran). They have lost. They might get some stale leftovers, not even scraps, should there be UN negotiations.  Finally, Putin’s diplomatic chess managed to secure Turkey’s backing for the Russian plan.

Alessandro Bruno

 

Ghana. Being a priest in the Venice of Africa.

A Sunday with Father Anthony Assebiah, Parish Priest of Beyin in Kengen, Southern Ghana. 

As soon as we reached the pier, we boarded an old rowing boat. Rowing powerfully and confidently, Stephen, the young catechist, brought us to the Island of Nzulezo in Lake Tandane. The voyage lasted almost an hour.  As we approached the island, we began to see the painted houses on stilts. These houses are made of branches of raffia palms. Nzulezo reminds us of a less elaborate version of Venice, in Italy.
Nzulezo takes its name from a local language, Nzema, which means ‘water surface’. There are more than 500 people living on Nzulezo where all the daily business, from preparing meals to taking the children to school, is carried out on the water.
According to legend, the first inhabitants of Nzulezo migrated from Mali in the XV century, after a war with the Mande of Western Africa, fought over their fertile land and its gold. The legend says that the Nzulezo ancestors were led by their god who appeared in the form of a snail in Lake Tandane. The spirit told them to build their houses on stilts above the water for safety.

Father Anthony Assebiah, Parish Priest of Beyin in Kengen, Southern Ghana. ( photo: Fritz Stark)

Having disembarked, we stopped a while to talk with Agyei, one of the inhabitants who noticed us and told us: “Each family on Nzulezo has its own street and the street takes its name from the head of the family. Every family member has a canoe: one for the father, one for the mother and one for the children. This is not surprising since it is the only means of transport here”.
Nzulezo is also noted for its rare species of turtles, monkeys and crocodiles. The village on the water is also known for its locally-produced gin called Akpeteshi, that attracts people from all over the world who want to taste gin made from raffia. In passing, the catechist greets Thema who is preparing ground nuts for the midday meal. Behind her we can see the smoke of the fire on which she will soon cook cassava puree. Since wooden platforms are not fireproof, women use traditional clay ovens to cook, such as those on the mainland.

Nzulezo village (CC BY 2.5 it/Chiappi Nicola)

In the distance we can see a boatload of tourists. “Tourism began here twenty years ago – Stephen informs us – ever since Nzulezo was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO”.
Tourism has brought some benefits for the inhabitants of the island while televisions, radios and smartphones bear eloquent testimony to their increasing prosperity. As Sedinam said, “ Tourists have also brought us a lot of rubbish”, and it is difficult for the 500 inhabitants to put up any resistance. Floating under the platforms of the simple huts are the many plastic bottles and bags left by visitors.
“The once-perfect symbiosis of man and nature, the impressive flora and fauna of the surrounding humid regions and the fragile ecosystem are in danger”, Father Anthony objects.
Now we have arrived at the ancient church of Christ the King. Today is a special day for the community as thirty children will receive their First Holy Communion. The waiting people greet the priest and us as well with broad smiles and much curiosity. The little church is full and the children are excited and dressed in festive clothes. A choir of young people accompanies the liturgy. The two hours of the Mass seem to end all too soon. Then the priest greets each of the faithful and stays a while to speak with some of the leaders of the community.

But now it is time to go. Father Anthony asks Stephen to take the boat back to Beyin where other duties await him. On the return trip we pass close to a village where some people originally from Nzulezo have settled where they can make a better living from agriculture than fishing.  Father Anthony points out the house of a well-known healer Mame Nwiah, who is 81 years old. Father Anthony often works with her as they both believe in the power of prayer. “Mame Nwiah knows her limits and knows when she can help and when people need to go to hospital”, the priest tells us. The diseases that Father Anthony and Mame Nwiah are able to treat successfully are mostly spiritual. Father Anthony spends a lot of time praying with people. He blesses them and lays his hands on them. “As priests, one of our most important duties is to give people hope and pray for their good health”, Father Anthony says.  He continues: “I do not see myself as a miraculous healer but I truly believe in the power of prayer”. He is convinced that faith and prayer increase the body’s ability to help itself, and he also adds: “I do not trust only in the power of curative prayer. My deeper aim is to build a hospital next to the parish. With medical consultations and nurses on hand, one day we will be able to help many more people”. He also points out that the nearest hospital is 90 Km away in Sekondi-Takorad.

The Parish of Mary in Kengen has 22 chapels, each one led by a catechist. Father Anthony strongly emphasises the importance of the catechist as a leader of the community life of the people. Together with Father Anthony, there is also Father John Kofi Allu, 32. As we introduce ourselves, the phone rings. Father Kofi tells us how the phone is always ringing as there is always a catechist or someone in need of help, especially in this time of the Coronavirus. “Everyone is afraid of everyone else – says Father Anthony. The Corona  pandemic has changed the life of our communities. People don’t go outside. All parish activities have been suspended. While observing proper procedures, we decided to visit our communities and pray in their homes. We visit our parishioners and pray for them and for their sick. As priests, we are often their only contact with the outside world. Many people believe God protects the priest from infection”. At the end of February, Ghana counted 75,850 cases of infection and 540 deaths.
As we were about to say our goodbyes, the phone rang again. A catechist wants a priest to go to one of the chapels to anoint a sick person. It is a journey of two hours but Father Anthony does not delay, even for a moment, and is soon on another errand of mercy.

Franz Jussen/Kontinente

 

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