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United States. ‘Gun Buyback’ Campaign. No to the culture of violence.

From pressure on manufacturing companies to parish gun buybacks, parts of the American Catholic world is mobilizing against a culture of violence that causes thousands of victims every year.
We talk about it with Father Mike Murphy, one of the creators of the “Gun buyback” campaign.

A line of cars has been lining up since early morning in the car park in front of a shopping centre in the Edmondson Village neighbourhood of Baltimore, not far from the parish of St. Joseph Monastery. The parish priest, Father Mike Murphy, accompanied by local law enforcement, welcomes the people who, in turn, come to leave their cargo, great or small, just removed from the trunk. This is not a charity collection of used food or clothing but a “Gun buyback,” literally a “repurchase of weapons,” organized by the archdiocese of the city of Maryland together with a network of associations committed – explains the priest – to “building a culture of peace and promoting the awareness that
every life is sacred.”

Man choosing new handgun at a showcase in gun shop. In the United States, there are more guns than inhabitants; 120 firearms for every 100 people. 123rf

While there are more guns than inhabitants in the United States – 120 firearms for every 100 people according to data from the Small Arms Survey – Baltimore has one of the highest rates of violent deaths in the nation: between 2015 and 2022, homicides have consistently exceeded three hundred per year.
“Faced with this real emergency, we decided that we had to physically remove as many guns as possible from the streets,” says Father Mike.
This is how the idea for the first buyback was born last year: several organizations linked to the archdiocese, including a school, a hospital, and various charities, collaborated on a fundraiser that allowed citizens to be reimbursed with cash, or shopping vouchers, when they came to hand over – without questions from the officers – pistols, rifles, and even semi-automatic rifles. By the end of the day, 362 pieces had been collected, which were then destined for destruction.This type of initiative is spreading among those Catholic – and more generally Christian – groups in the United States that have chosen to take action against the tragic effects of the gun culture that their nation is steeped in.

A powerful message to the people
In recent months, buybacks have been organized in various parishes from Detroit, Michigan, to Rockville, Maryland, to Waukegan, Illinois, where Cardinal Blase Cupich of Chicago also spoke at the event, an outspoken voice on the issue in a country where, from January to September of last year, the Gun Violence Archive recorded 409 mass shootings, many of them fatal. And it’s not just these sensational episodes, but an almost daily drip: according to the Center for Disease Control and Prevention, in 2020, gun violence had surpassed car accidents as the leading cause of death among American children.

Father Mike Murphy speaks at Gun buyback at the Edmondson Village Shopping Center in West Baltimore. (Kevin J. Parks/CR Staff)

“We know that buybacks are not a silver bullet, but what we do know is that they reduce the number of firearms that could be used in domestic violence or suicide cases, or end up in the wrong hands: every gun surrendered has the potential to save a life,” Father Murphy said. “Plus, it’s a powerful message to the community, in light of the Christian message.”
While the collected material is usually sent for melting down, some religious organizations, such as Guns to Gardens and Raw Tools, dismantle revolvers and rifles and use the pieces to make agricultural tools: a reference to the biblical prophecy of Isaiah: “They will beat their swords into ploughshares, and their spears into sickles”.
“Of course,” explains Father Mike, “buybacks are just one of the initiatives to raise awareness among believers and citizens: we have organized prayers for peace and a procession through the neighbourhood during which community members read the names of people killed by firearms in the city during the previous year. A way to show that these people have a face, a family, it’s not about numbers. Some relatives of the victims were present and it was very moving.”

March for Our Lives” protesters at the White House demonstrating for a stop to gun violence in schools. Shutterstock/ Phil Pasquini

These opportunities are in addition to the ongoing commitment of the Archdiocesan Ministry of Bereavement: “We help families affected by episodes of violence not only with prayer and human support but also by providing fresh food and financial support for rent and bills, since in most cases, they are vulnerable families and very poor. Last year a young man was murdered outside his home, a few steps from the parish church, and we contributed to the burial expenses. This work makes the Church feel close to its community and helps to stem the cycle of reprisals”.

Dedicated people
The experiences of grassroots activism, born from the direct initiative of the faithful, often arise as a result of trauma experienced first-hand following the unfortunately frequent massacres, especially in schools. This is what happened in the case of the Peace and Justice Committee of the parish of Christ the Redeemer in Lake Orion, near Oxford, of which Pat Damer is one of the most active members. One of Damer’s daughters was at Oxford High School on the day of the 2021 shooting that killed four students and injured seven. The girl’s class barricaded themselves in the classroom, and she survived. Just a year later, another of Pat’s daughters was on the Michigan State University campus the night a gunman entered two buildings at the university, killing three students and wounding five others. She also survived, but those two experiences deeply affected Damer and his wife Jeanne, who are now on the front line of raising awareness of the scourge of gun violence.

Protesters holding signs with slogans Stop Gun Violence and Protect Children Not Guns. Shutterstock/ Longfin Media

Among other initiatives, the Committee has launched a campaign through which hundreds of parishioners have sent letters to Michigan legislators to support bills on gun safety. “When I touch on this topic, even among my parishioners, the sensibilities are very different,” says Father Murphy. “There’s always someone who brings up the Second Amendment of the U.S. Constitution, which protects the right of citizens to keep and bear arms. But the issue is to pass common-sense laws, which for example ban assault rifles, such as the infamous Ar-15s used in many of the recent mass killings. These are weapons of war, which should not be in the hands of a citizen, perhaps a minor.”

“We, the faithful, must be in the front line.” Pixabay

It is precisely these types of rifles that have ended up in the sights of the nuns belonging to “Nuns against Gun Violence.” A coalition that includes more than 60 congregations active, particularly, on the advocacy and education front, but also on economic activism. Since 2018, four congregations, in Michigan, Maryland, Pennsylvania and Oregon have purchased shares of the gun manufacturer, Smith & Wesson, and participate in meetings to influence its policy. After asking for an end to marketing to children in video games, last year the sisters sued the company’s board of directors, arguing that the production and sale of semi-automatic rifles, which is not in line with the regulations, would put shareholders at risk.
“These initiatives, often symbolic, send a clear message, which is the one written in black and white in the Catechism of the Catholic Church,” comments Father Mike. Two years ago, in a statement addressing the epidemic of violence in the United States, the U.S. bishops urged members of Congress to act to “address all aspects of the crisis,” including “mental health, the state of families,” and even, “the availability of firearms.” On all these fronts, Father Murphy reiterates, “We, the faithful, must be in the front line.” (Illustration: Shutterstock/Lightspring)

Chiara Zappa/MM

 

 

 

Nada Fadol. “We are all one soul”.

A recent morning, a group of refugees, mostly men and women from Sudan and Syria, filled the waiting room of a centre run by the Rouh Initiative in the Mediterranean city of Alexandria in northern Egypt.

By midday, around 60 patients with various medical needs have been seen. It is another busy day for 31-year-old Sudanese refugee Nada Fadol, who has been running this multi-purpose centre since the outbreak of war in Sudan in April 2023 and the influx of refugees across the border into Egypt.

Nada and her friends have turned a three-room apartment into a one-stop shop for refugees and asylum seekers. The Egyptian Red Crescent’s medical convoy visits the Rouh Initiative twice a month to provide free health services and medical check-ups.

“Rouh means soul in Arabic, because we are all one soul regardless of [our origin], whether we are Syrian, Sudanese or Egyptian”, said Nada

She knows firsthand what it means to be displaced, having arrived in Alexandria in late 2015, alone and determined to rebuild her life.

Adapting to life in a new country was difficult. Without a job, and unable to continue her studies, she got tired of sitting idly at home. Instead, she decided to use her skills to tutor refugee children, mainly from Syria, living in her neighbourhood.

“They used to ask me: ‘How do I solve this problem?’, ‘how do I read this?’, and ‘how do I do that?’ So, I decided to bring them all together and give them lessons at home.”

She soon built a strong reputation in the community, which meant more people sought her help. She decided to team up with other young refugees to start the Rouh Initiative as a means of mobilizing more support for refugees.

Nada says the ethos of giving back and caring for others is deeply rooted in Sudanese culture and was instilled in her by her parents from a young age. “We were raised to never bring one sandwich to school; we would always carry two in case someone didn’t have food,” she said. “We did this because we knew how difficult it was for someone to say ‘I have no food’. So that no person would feel like they were different from us, we would cut our sandwiches into pieces and eat together in a group.”

When hundreds of thousands of fellow Sudanese refugees fleeing violence began arriving in Egypt, Nada initially engaged other young people from the refugee and host communities in Alexandria to work with her to help families stranded in the southern border town of Aswan.

Two of her friends travelled to Aswan to assess the situation and establish a connection with local youth in the city, and upon returning to Alexandria the group immediately started fundraising.

“We raised funds from the people here [in Alexandria], then we sent it to our friends in Aswan to buy juice, water, and meals and deliver it to people arriving at the border,” she said.

As first responders on the ground, Nada and her friends managed to assist hundreds of new arrivals. In addition to providing them with hot meals and cash assistance, they connected the most vulnerable, including children and the sick and elderly, to local residents who provided them with temporary housing.

A few days before the civil war started, her mother and two siblings arrived in Egypt for medical reasons.  The rest of her family members were caught up in the conflict and fled in different directions.

Desperate to find them, she created a group chat on Facebook Messenger to connect with other people looking for their loved ones. She found her elder sister through the group who traced their father and the rest of the family. While some of her siblings have reunited with her and her mother in Egypt, the rest of the family remains in Sudan.

The group chat attracted hundreds of other people who continue to use it to track their families who are still trapped in the country.

As the Sudan war stretches into a second year with no end in sight, an estimated 500,000 Sudanese refugees have so far been registered in Egypt by UNHCR, the UN Refugee Agency. Such a large and rapid influx can overwhelm the resources of aid agencies, making initiatives such as Rouh vital in providing critical community-level assistance and psychosocial support to those forced to flee.

Most of the activities are run by young refugee volunteers like 24-year-old Khalida Abas, whom Nada supported when she recently arrived in the city. “I am grateful to Nada, she welcomed me to this country,” she said. “I now train young women on how to make canvas bags twice a week,” she said. The last activity of the day is a cultural ‘get-together’. More people arrive, including Egyptians, Syrians and Sudanese refugees, carrying fruit and homemade traditional food.

The aroma of freshly roasted coffee swirls through the air along with the sounds of Sudanese songs playing on a portable speaker. Older adults sit at the back of the room near the window while young people, led by Nada and Khalida – each wearing a strikingly colourful Sudanese garment called a thawb – take turns dancing together in the middle.

“Everyone looks forward to this,” Nada said. “We come together once every two weeks to celebrate, dance, eat together, and play songs about home, peace, and love.”

Last year, in recognition of her selfless work and dedication to helping her fellow refugees, Nada was awarded the UNHCR Nansen Refugee Award for the Middle East and North Africa. (Photo: Nada Fadol (R) with her friend at Rouh Initiative in Alexandria, Egypt – © UNHCR/Christina Rizk)

Moulid Hujale

The Philippines. Inspiring Hope through Art.

Brother Christopher Villanueva, a member of the Order of Friars Minor (OFM), uses his creativity in painting to restore and strengthen hope among victims of conflict and natural disasters. His paintings encourage people to grow in faith.

He started drawing with pencils, ballpoint pens and crayons when he was in primary school. He drew on paper and maths notebook pages, which caught the attention of the teachers. His teachers encouraged him to participate in editorial cartooning and poster-making competitions at school. Over the years, he developed his artistic talent. During high school, he participated in regional and national competitions in editorial cartooning and poster making. He started painting in college and continued after joining the Franciscans in 2010.

Franciscan Br. Christopher Villanueva. (Courtesy of Order of Friars Minor)

Three years after he professed his first religious vows with the Franciscans, Typhoon Yolanda (international name Typhoon Haiyan) struck the central Philippines in 2013. The super typhoon claimed the lives of more than 6,000 people. The typhoon left survivors with food and water shortages.
International and local volunteers came to help rebuild communities devastated by the typhoon. Villanueva went to the affected communities and conducted art therapy workshops for children who had survived the massive disaster. He saw the impact of the typhoon, the most destructive in recent Philippine history, on the children.
Days after the typhoon hit the communities, the children were still terrified. The children would cry and tremble at the slightest rainfall, fearing that it could be another deadly and destructive typhoon. Studies have shown that art therapies such as drawing, painting, clay modelling, sculpting, photography and others develop and strengthen emotional resilience, reduce and resolve distress, help manage anxiety and boost self-esteem.In 2016, Villanueva also travelled to Basilan, an island province in the Bangsamoro Autonomous Region, to conduct art therapy workshops for children whose fathers were Abu Sayyaf guerrillas and died in the conflict. Abu Sayyaf is an Islamic militant group operating in Mindanao that is affiliated with the Islamic State of Iraq and Syria (ISIS), also known as the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant.
Some of the children whose fathers died in the fighting were left behind to live with their surviving mothers, Villanueva said. Others joined their relatives to live with them.

Br. Christopher leads an art therapy workshop with Muslim children whose fathers were members of Abu Sayyaf and died in the fighting in Basilan, the Philippines. (Courtesy of Order of Friars Minor)

In 2017, the Marawi siege broke out. Government troops clashed with the Maute and Abu Sayyaf groups, both of which are linked to ISIS. The five-month battle claimed the lives of more than 970 Islamist militants and more than 160 government soldiers. Among the dead were 87 civilians, 40 of whom died of disease in evacuation centres. More than 300,000 people were displaced by the clashes. Marawi is an Islamic city in the province of Lanao del Sur in the southern Philippines.
The displaced civilians were evacuated to temporary shelters in the neighbouring province of Lanao del Norte. Villanueva and other Franciscans travelled to the evacuation centres in Lanao del Norte. They distributed relief goods to the evacuees. He also conducted art therapy workshops for the children in the evacuation centres. When they arrived, the fighting was still going on, but government troops had regained control of most of the city. “Bombs were still exploding in the distance when we got there – said Villanueva-. The children’s longing for home in their city manifested itself in the drawings they made.”
But most of the city was in ruins and it would take years to rebuild. The children’s drawings also showed their hope for a peaceful and better future, he said. The monk also trained Muslim mothers to run art therapy sessions, as the traumatised children’s recovery could take a long time so that they could do it themselves after he left.

Art Exhibits
When the government imposed restrictions on public travel at the height of the COVID-19 pandemic, Villanueva stayed at the Franciscan community in Kidapawan, a city in Cotabato province. He had to isolate himself in the community for some time until he recovered when he contracted the virus.
His passion for painting helped him to cope. “The depressing situation during the pandemic prompted me to release my emotions through painting,” he said. Villanueva even participated in an art exhibition for the first time when Art Show Philippines announced it was calling for submissions during the pandemic.

Br. Christopher works on a large painting. (Courtesy of Order of Friars Minor)

Since physical art exhibitions were banned at the time to prevent the spread of the virus from person to person, Art Show Philippines held online exhibitions using its social media platform. His paintings caught the eye of art lovers – and his pieces sold at the online exhibitions. When the government eased restrictions on public movement in the latter stages of the pandemic, the ban on physical art exhibitions was lifted.
The monk took the opportunity to show more of his works at the exhibitions, which are usually held in shopping malls in Manila. He was able to sell more of his paintings and Villanueva became one of the top-selling artists of the Art Show Philippines for three consecutive years from 2021 to 2024. Villanueva has used his talents to touch the lives of war and typhoon survivors, especially children. He has helped restore hope and rebuild their lives through art therapy sessions.

Everyone is a hero
As well as helping victims of conflict and natural disasters, the Brother also uses and shares his talent and artwork to inspire hope in ordinary people. In 2022, he participated in a physical exhibition called “Everyday Heroes” in a shopping mall in Manila to honour ordinary people who work for their families. The artwork included paintings of a fisherman, a shoe repairman, a farmer, a security guard, a teacher and a tailor.

Br. Christopher’s “Sonata Kay Niño.”(Courtesy of Order of Friars Minor)

For Villanueva, anyone in society, regardless of social status, who works hard and is dedicated to his or her family is a hero. He also participated in an art exhibition in 2022 to raise funds for the survivors of Typhoon Odette (internationally known as Typhoon Rai) in Surigao. The typhoon struck the country in December 2021. “I want to help people grow more in their faith through my artworks,” he said. “I hope my artworks inspire hope, especially for those who are facing challenges in their daily lives.” (Painting: ‘Pista sa Sugbo, Bai!’ – Fiesta in Sugbo, Friend) – (Courtesy of Order of Friars Minor)

Oliver Samson

 

 

Cameroon. Hospital reference-point.

Amid conflict in Ambazonia, in the English-speaking part of Cameroon, the Servants of Mary Ministers of the Sick have kept the Notre Dame de la Santé hospital open for ten years. With a large pool of local workers and volunteer doctors, they are strengthening the region’s health system. We visited the Hospital.

In the mountainous heart of Western Cameroon lies the city of Dschang, in a region known for its pleasant climate, its beautiful natural landscapes and its university, the driving force and main attraction of the area.Today, Dschang has become home to thousands of families fleeing the socio-political instability affecting the Anglophone region of the country. The conflict in Ambazonia [a region fighting for independence from Cameroon] broke out in late 2016, after 92-year-old President Paul Biya – who has ruled unchallenged for almost forty-three years – violently repressed peaceful demonstrations by Anglophones in the northwest and southwest of the country, two regions that felt excluded and marginalized by the central power in Yaoundé.

People walk along a street in the city of Dschang in Ambazonia, in the English-speaking part of Cameroon.

The head of state has since sent a large number of troops and has remained adamant, rejecting any federalist solution. The conflict has killed more than 6,000 people and displaced more than a million, according to the International Crisis Group.
The Servants of Mary Ministers of the Sick arrived in Cameroon in 1971, a Catholic congregation founded in Madrid in 1851 by Saint Maria Soledad Torres Acosta. They have set up two hospitals in the towns of Widikum and Bameda – in the English-speaking region – and another in Batseng’la, five kilometres from Dschang: the Notre Dame de la Santé hospital. The charism of the Servants of Mary is centred on the physical and spiritual care of people. The nuns of Batseng’la take on this commitment with total dedication, both in the hospital and in the home visits they make twice a week to patients who, due to their age or condition, cannot go to the health centre.

A specialized service
The Notre Dame de la Santé Hospital in Batseng’la was inaugurated in June 2014 and has a capacity of 90 beds. Eight doctors and 75 other staff work alongside the twelve nuns. In addition, nursing students from various schools undergo practical training.
Initially, the hospital only offered general medicine and maternity services, but over time the population began to demand others.

Two nuns in a corridor of the Notre Dame de la Santé hospital. The Servants of Mary Ministers of the Sick arrived in Cameroon in 1971.

Thus, in 2016, together with the Spanish NGO Cirujanos Ortopédicos de España para el Mundo (COEM), healthcare was extended to traumatology. “Orthopaedic surgery and traumatology require continuous monitoring for the correct treatment of patients. In our area of work, one cannot undergo surgery and then disappear. Patients must be monitored, sometimes for a long time. We have worked and continue to work on training local staff and, above all, on a program of visiting Spanish traumatologists who travel every month to ensure continuity of care”, explains Dr Juan R. Truan, secretary of the COEM.
Over time, Notre Dame de la Santé has become not only a medical centre with advanced technology but also a university hospital, where other local doctors are trained to provide these services to the inhabitants of the city of Dschang and its surroundings.

A clear vocation
The hospital is run by Sister Pilar Cobreros, a graduate in Nursing, who has been in charge of the hospital since its inception. “The campaigns we conduct at Notre Dame de la Santé have led to a radical change in our hospital, as we have been able to promote more comprehensive healthcare, going beyond general care. The new areas of service greatly increase the value of our work and, above all, the quality of care.

Local health workers and volunteers work together at the hospital.

The campaigns, for us, are a reference to help those who have fewer resources: if we manage to serve the simplest people, it is because we receive voluntary help, both in human resources and in equipment and materials. In this way, we can reach many more people. In general, in our hospital, patients have to pay a small fee, healthcare is not 100% free. This is in line with the values of cooperation and naturally makes quality healthcare accessible to all. But it is true that, on many occasions, when the situation or the person requires it, treatment is free”, said Sr. Pilar

A woman enters her home. Due to the widespread poverty, the treatment is in many cases free of charge.

The religious community resides in the northern part of the hospital compound where the Sisters have a chapel where they pray and participate in the Eucharist every day. Sister Teodora Quezada is the current superior of Batseng’la. She arrived in Cameroon six years ago, after serving in the Dominican Republic, her home country, in Haiti and Puerto Rico, where she studied nursing. Along with the Sisters, other women want to learn about the religious life of the Servants of Mary Ministers of the Sick. Most of them come from the English-speaking part of the country. They are welcomed from the age of 18 to begin their religious formation. Young aspirants who, after a process of discernment and accompaniment in their parishes and with the support of a Sister from the congregation, experience the period of candidature to discover if their religious vocation fits into the charism and work of the Servants of Mary Ministers of the Sick.

Kathy Morillo
Photos: Lídia Larrosa

The Treasure of Friendship.

A man had two sons. Their names were Rafiki and Tambu. One day he decided to teach them a lesson. He called them early in the morning and sent them to a village some distance away. “Go and visit the people – he said – But be careful: along the way, you will occasionally pull a bundle of grass and leave it there. Then I will explain.”

The two boys set off. Tambu set to work immediately: now and then, he tied a bundle of grass and left it by the side of the path. The younger boy looked at his brother in amusement and did nothing. The elder said, “Didn’t you hear what our father said?” “I heard – Rafiki replied – and I wonder what he was trying to teach us. When we return, we will know.”

They reached the village towards evening. The elders were sitting under an acacia tree talking. The village chief came forward, invited them in and asked the wife to bring something to eat.

Finally, he asked: “Where have you come from? What are you looking for?” “We have come for a walk to see your village – said Tambu – and tomorrow we will return home.”

Shortly afterwards, Rafiki went out to see what the village was like. He met a young man of his age who greeted him and shook his hand warmly. He was impressed by the newcomer’s friendliness and
they began to chat.

As night approached, Rafiki was invited in by the newcomer: “We are friends now. Come, I want you to meet my parents.” The parents were delighted that their son had made friend with such an intelligent and kind young man. They prepared a nice dinner for him and asked him to spend the night in their house.

The next morning Rafiki and Tambu took the path back. Rafiki greeted everyone he met with big handshakes. His brother, on the other hand, looked to see if the bundles of grass were in place.

In the small square of the first village they reached, a man stopped Rafiki and asked him about the village he had come from, the path he had travelled and the hunt. Finally, he invited Rafiki home: he had become his friend. He offered him a hearty meal in which Tambu also participated. Then they resumed the trail.

In the hot afternoon, passing through another village, they stopped to rest in the shade of a plant. Rafiki saw a girl and greeted her politely. The girl, curious, stopped and asked: “Who are you? Where are you going?” “We live in Ziba – Rafiki answered. – We took a walk to get to know the people of the neighbouring villages and we are going home.”

They chatted for a long time until the girl invited Rafiki home to introduce him to her parents. The latter were delighted that their daughter had met such a well-behaved young man. Was the girl not of marriageable age? This could be the man for her. The two boys spent the night in the house of their new friends, and the next day, after a good breakfast, they resumed the path to their village.

When their father saw them, he immediately asked: “So, how did it go?”. “I followed your orders to the letter – replied Tambu – From here to the village where you sent us, I left a whole string of bundles of grass. Instead, he, the lazy man, (and pointed his finger contemptuously at Rafiki) did nothing.” “We’ll see tomorrow,” replied the father.

The next morning all three set off towards the distant village. Almost at every step, Tambu proudly displayed the bundles he had tied. Towards evening they reached the village and were invited by the chief to sit under the acacia tree. Rafiki ran to greet his friend who received him with open arms. When he heard that Rafiki’s father had also arrived, he went to look for him and wanted him to come and meet his father.

They had a very pleasant evening. A goat was roasted for the occasion and the two old men talked until late into the night. The next morning, they said their goodbyes, and before they left, Rafiki’s father received a beautiful goat as a token and reminder of their friendship.

On the way, to the second village, the same happened. Rafiki’s friend welcomed the three travellers with joy and he too gave the old man another goat.

When they arrived at the girl’s village, there was another feast. They dined and slept with the girl’s family and when they left the next day, they were given presents.

Arriving home. the father finally explained the meaning of the order given. “The bunches of grass were an unimportant alternative. Now I see that you, Rafiki, have understood my idea. Because of you yesterday I was well received in the villages, I ate and slept and returned with gifts.”

” Whereas you, Tambu, did not understand anything. You got lost behind useless bunches of grass and did not garner any sympathy in the villages you passed through. You remained as poor and isolated as before. Remember well that to live on this earth one must have friends everywhere.” (Photo: Dogon village.123rf)

Folktale from Mali

 

The Geopolitics of Wheat. Resources as a weapon.

Since ancient times, food resources have played a decisive role in political dynamics both internally and externally. They constitute a key element on which the development and stability of states depend,
as well as, migratory flows and conflicts over the possession
and/or use of land and water.

These resources can also take on geopolitical connotations and, therefore, influence relations between states by playing a decisive role in the theatres of global competition, or be used as an element of “coercive diplomacy” in the event where one or more actors use them to influence the behaviour of others by limiting their access.
One of the emblematic cases in recent history is the strategy implemented by the US Administration, during the Reagan presidency, based on food supplies to increase US influence in Third World states. More specifically, this strategy consisted of artificially creating economic incentives for non-food agricultural production, such as cocoa, cotton and coffee, to make the “beneficiaries” dependent on food imports, to be able to influence their political processes.
For states exposed to the risk of poverty, access to food resources is comparable to the role that energy security and the supply of critical materials play for advanced states. In fact, price is also a decisive factor for them, given that high prices prevent accessibility by the poorest classes, which consequently leads to disorder and instability.

Agricultura machine harvesting crop in fields. Wheat plays a role of primary importance for global food security. 123rf

However, price is determined not only by meteorological factors, but also by political decisions, by the volatility of financial markets, by the price of hydrocarbons and phosphates, and last but not least by the impact of climate change. The market shock on global food prices, generated following the pandemic and the Russian-Ukrainian conflict, is emblematic of the period 2020, 2021 and 2022, the year in which peaks were reached. In subsequent periods, prices began to fall again. However, in the opinion of industry analysts, this price drop, also announced by the Food and Agriculture Organization (FAO) in 2024, could not herald stabilisation as long as the major players involved in war tensions continued to use resources as weapons.
Among food resources, wheat undoubtedly plays a role of primary importance for global food security, being one of the most traded raw materials in terms of value on an international scale, second only to soya. According to FAO statistics, just under one hundred countries in the world produce wheat and of these, only twenty-four manage to produce it to the value of more than a billion dollars.

Child in a field of wheat with the flag of Ukraine. Before the outbreak of the conflict, Ukraine was about to become the third-largest exporter in the world. 123rf

To date, the annual world production of wheat stands at around 700/750 Mt (million tons) and sees China in the lead with an annual production of around 137 Mt, followed by the European Union which, with its 134 Mt (in recent years European production has fluctuated between 125 and 140 Mt), undoubtedly plays a leading role with France, Romania and Germany at the top of the Union’s producing countries. Then there is India with 110 Mt, the Russian Federation with 75 Mt and the United States with 46 Mt. Not all producing countries are also exporters.In fact, China, despite being the largest producer globally, imports approximately 10 Mt of additional wheat every year, while the largest exporting countries include the Russian Federation, which in the 2022-2023 campaign, the period of the outbreak of hostilities with Ukraine, exported a record quantity of wheat, equal to over 45 Mt, followed by Canada, Australia and the United States with 17, 23 and 24 Mt respectively.Ukraine deserves special mention. Before the outbreak of the conflict, the Russian Federation was about to become the third-largest exporter in the world, while today, according to USDA (U.S. Department of Agriculture) data, it exports about 10 Mt.
The importance of the high demand for wheat on a global scale is given by the role of primary importance that cereal plays in human nutrition and, therefore, in the food industry, mainly engaged in the transformation of wheat into professional flour, which is one of the main destinations of cultivated wheat.

Wheat field. Geopolitical challenges have affected wheat production and flour availability. 123rf

The significant increase in demand for food products on a global scale has, as a result, determined the growth of the flour trade whose major producers are the United States, China, the European Union, India and Russia. The respective food industries of these countries produce, in fact, high-quality flour intended for a wide range of products, from bread making to the pasta industry. More specifically, soft wheat is used for the production of flour suitable for bread making and other baked products, while durum wheat is used for the production of pasta. Furthermore, durum wheat is widely used in regional cuisines in African and Middle Eastern countries.
However, geopolitical challenges such as trade tensions, climate change and national agricultural policies can significantly affect wheat production and flour availability. Therefore, today, in an increasingly interconnected world, the geopolitics of wheat plays a fundamental role in global food security and the economic prosperity of countries involved in producing and selling professional flour. (Open Photo: Wheat field. 123rf)
F.R.

“We young people, on the side of our wounded Lebanon”.

In the country of the cedars, dragged into the Middle Eastern conflict, two thousand Caritas volunteers take care of internally displaced people: more than a million, out of four and a half million inhabitants. “Among us, we are a family, beyond sectarian differences”.

“A few days ago, while I was distributing hot meals in one of the reception centres that house displaced families, I heard a noise coming from the street: it was just a car with a bad carburettor, but all the children, terrified, ran to their parents crying because they feared it was an attack like the ones they had survived…”.

The story of Charly Khalil, deputy coordinator of the young volunteers of the Lebanese Caritas, effectively photographs the trauma suffered in recent weeks by many of his fellow citizens, starting with the youngest. Since the beginning of the Israeli military operations across the border, approximately one million two hundred thousand people have had to hastily leave the hottest areas of the country: from the villages of the South to the Bekaa region, not far from the border with Syria, but also the southern outskirts of the capital, Beirut.

These were the areas where the presence of Hezbollah, the Shiite Muslim “party of God,” that alongside Hamas in Gaza, embodies the violent opposition to Israel in the area, was most deeply rooted. But as always, those targeted by the bombs were also and above all civilians, belonging to all the ethno-religious communities of a historically mixed nation.

“Among the families arriving from the South, many were Christian, confirms Charly, a 28-year-old originally from Kasrouane, on Mount Lebanon, who since taking up his role as coordinator at Caritas has found himself managing an incessant series of emergencies.

“First we had the serious economic and financial crisis that broke out in 2019, which the World Bank has defined as one of the worst in the world, then the Coronavirus pandemic, and then the devastating explosion in August 2020 at the port of Beirut”, he said.

Each time, the Lebanese have suffered a severe blow, so much so that the level of poverty in a few years, thanks to the devaluation of the lira and galloping youth unemployment (estimated at around 60%), has reached unprecedented levels.

“In this situation, the regional conflict that broke out after the Hamas attacks of October 7, 2023 represented the final blow and the Israeli campaign in Lebanese territory  plunged us into a nightmare.”

And yet, faced with the displaced people who in the first weeks of the emergency, with makeshift camps, the central Plaza of the Martyrs and the iconic corniche of the capital, many young people decided to get involved to lend a hand: “Those who have mobilized through Caritas are more than two thousand throughout the country”, said Charly, tracing an overview of the interventions promptly implemented to help fellow citizens uprooted from their homes.

These are families who have joined the million and a half Syrian refugees welcomed in recent years, not without difficulty, in a small nation that in total has four and a half million inhabitants.

“We take care of the displaced people welcomed in public schools, converted to hospitality by the Ministry of Education, and in the many monasteries of Mount Lebanon, but also of those who have managed to settle in the homes of their relatives and who however lack everything”, explains the volunteer.

“We faced the first emergency by providing mattresses, blankets and food and today we guarantee medical assistance, hot meals for lunch and dinner in collaboration with the World Food Programme, personal hygiene kits and also toys for children, who are the most traumatized of all. We organize group entertainment for them, as well as targeted psychological assistance programs”.

In addition to Beirut, the young people work in all 36 sectors into which the national Caritas is divided: in the North, where the displaced have poured en-masse, but also in the areas closest to the Israeli fire, from the Bekaa Valley to Tyre, in the South.

“Everywhere, the situation of the refugees is dramatically similar: Recently, – says Charly – in one of the reception centres I have distributed questionnaires in which the families could indicate their most urgent needs. Everyone wrote different things, but the theme that summed them all up was: ‘We want to go back to our homes!’ Also, today adults cannot work and therefore have no way of supporting themselves. While the children have had to leave school”.

The outlook, however, is bleak. The photos that the displaced keep on their cell phones and that they often share with the young volunteers show their homes in ruins, hit by bombs. Even if the attacks stopped, it is already clear that many of the villages in the South will not be habitable for long and people have no idea where they will be able to go. Not to mention that the land, contaminated in many cases by white phosphorus used by the Israeli army, will also need to be treated, as will the wounds of the people.

“All Lebanese are worried – confirms Charly-. We realize that no one is safe and sometimes we no longer even have the strength to pray for peace. And yet, we young people of Caritas continue to believe in it and to commit ourselves, despite the unknowns about the future. We, who work side by side every day, without any sectarian distinction, represent the possible coexistence”.

The volunteers young people aged 14 to 34, are not only Christians but belong to the different confessions that characterize the Country of Cedars: Muslims, Sunnis, Shiites, and also Druze. “We all respect the values taught by the social doctrine of the Church, without any problem. Serving those in need together allows us to create a special bond: this is why we are more than friends; we feel like a big family. And what gives us hope is that every time the country faces yet another crisis or emergency, there are always more young people who make themselves available to lend a hand.” (Photo: Caritas)

 Chiara Zappa/MM

Assad’s fall complicates life for Russian mercenaries in Africa.

The fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad could weaken Moscow-backed regimes in Africa and beyond, reducing Russian influence on the continent. One consequence would be a further expansion of jihadist activities in the Sahel.

The brutal fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria last December could make it difficult for Russia to maintain its military presence in Africa, warns Nina Wilen, director of the Africa programme at the Brussels-based Egmont Institute, a think-tank linked to the Belgian foreign ministry.   In an interview with La Libre Belgique, she points out that the Tartus naval base and the Hemeimeem airbase near Latakia were essential logistical hubs for the supply of arms and ammunition to the Russian mercenaries of the Wagner group, recently renamed the Africa Corps, based in Libya, the Sahel, the Central African Republic and Sudan.
The consequences could also be felt in Equatorial Guinea, where Russia sent 200 soldiers to the capital Malabo after a meeting between President Vladimir Putin and President Teodoro Obiang Nguema in the Kremlin in September 2024. The soldiers, part of the Africa Corps, are to train the presidential guard in return for gas and mineral exploration deals with Russia and Belarus.

Russian submarine “Novorossiysk” leaving the Mediterranean Sea. Photographed by the Portuguese Navy.

According to Anton Mardasov, a military expert at the Russian International Affairs Council, satellite images from the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) showed that in 2020 Mig-29 fighter jets spotted at the Jufra airbase in Libya passed through Hemeimeem. This Syrian hub has also been used to transport Syrian fighters recruited by the Russians and al Assad for Haftar. Other Russian aircraft used this base to fly to Benghazi and al-Watiya in eastern Libya, in the area controlled by Marshal Khalifa Haftar, who is backed by the Kremlin.
Satellite images from Colorado-based Maxar Technologies, whose clients include the US Department of Defence and NASA, show that by 9 December the Russian navy had evacuated the port of Tartus, its only naval base in the Mediterranean.

The port at Tartus. CC BY 2.0/Taras Kalapun

The massive Israeli attacks on Syrian targets that followed Assad’s departure for Moscow on 7 December, because they destroyed the Syrian military infrastructure and facilities and the defeat of the regime of Russia’s ally, do not bode well for the return of Russian troops, aircraft and naval ships to the country shortly.
Indeed, the Israel Defense Forces (Tsahal) carried out more than 350 airstrikes on weapons production facilities, anti-aircraft batteries and airfields in Damascus, Homs, Tartus, Latakia and Palmyra with the aim of “destroying strategic capabilities that threaten the State of Israel”.
The strikes were very violent. One strike in the coastal city of Tartous was registered by a Turkish scientist as the equivalent of a category 3 earthquake on the Richter scale, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.

New Russian Bases
The question now is how Moscow will be able to supply its African bases in the future. Russia faces several challenges. The shortest sea route through the Bosphorus Strait is closed because of the war in Ukraine. Russian aircraft will now have to bypass Iraqi and Turkish airspace and fly over Iran and Saudi Arabia, making Moscow’s support for African regimes more costly.
But there are other options. According to the Washington-based Institute for the Study of War, Russia, which has 1,800 fighters in eastern Libya, could consider opening a new base there. However, this project would require the creation of new infrastructure facilities.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi. Russia is benefiting from an air base near the Egyptian port of Sidi Barrani.CC BY 4.0/Pres.Office

According to French defence experts, Moscow has been discussing the option of a naval facility in the port of Benghazi for the past year. Another possibility is the establishment of a military base in neighbouring Egypt, which would allow Russia to maintain a presence in Libya and sub-Saharan Africa. Discussions on such a project with President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi have been ongoing since 2013. Some steps have already been taken: Russia is already discreetly benefiting from an air base near the Egyptian port of Sidi Barrani, which it uses as a logistical hub to supply Africa Corps fighters and camps in Libya, according to the Al-Mashareq newspaper.  In addition, Russia can count on important elements to obtain further facilities. Indeed, Russia, whose state-owned company Rosatom is investing up to $20 billion in the construction of the Daba’a nuclear power plant north of Cairo, is an important strategic partner for Egypt. The two countries also held joint military manoeuvres in November 2019. Moreover, Russia’s decision in April 2024 to switch sides and no longer support the Rapid Support Forces, but rather Lt. Gen. Abdel Fatath al-Burhan’s Sudanese Armed Forces, could unblock the project to establish a naval base in Port Sudan on the Red Sea, which has been blocked since 2019.
Whatever the final option, Russia’s presence in Africa is likely to be less comfortable than before the fall of Assad in a context where French troops are withdrawing from the Sahel. On 20 December, the Chadian government ordered French troops to leave the country by the end of January.  In December, French troops began withdrawing and evacuating Mirage fighter jets from the Adji Kossei airbase.

Senegalese President Bashir Jomay Faye said: “The French military presence does not correspond to his concept of sovereignty and independence”. CC BY 4.0/EU

The French are also leaving Senegal. In an interview with the Paris daily Le Monde on 28 November 2024, Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye said that the French military presence did not correspond to his concept of sovereignty and independence.  Senegal later announced that the withdrawal of French troops would be completed by the end of 2025.
In his year-end address, Ivory Coast’s president, Alassane Ouattara, also announced the withdrawal of French troops from the Port Bouet barracks near Abidjan’s international airport by the end of January. The US also completed the withdrawal of its 1,100 military personnel from Niger, where it operated two air bases, by mid-September 2024.
In such a context of French and American withdrawal from the region, if Moscow finds it difficult to maintain its capacity to support the Sahelian regimes, the risk increases that pro-independence Tuareg movements or jihadist groups will gain the upper hand.
Indeed, the Russian navy and air force have been forced to leave Syria at a time when jihadist attacks are increasingly undermining stability in the Sahel.  According to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, a research organisation that collects information on political violence, the number of deaths in the Alliance of Sahelian States (which includes Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger) reached a record high of 7,620 in the first half of 2024, twice as many as in the same period in 2021. And the trend continued for the rest of the year.

Jihadist group in the Sahel. CC BY-SA 4.0/aharan_kotogo

Al-Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) killed around 200 people in Barsalogho, Burkina Faso, on 24 August.
On 17 September, JNIM also attacked a police academy and the international airport in Bamako, Mali, killing many people. At least seven military personnel from the Africa Corps died in clashes with JNIM in central Mali on 22 November.
By the end of 2024, the situation in the Menaka, Liptako Gourma, Timbuktu, Kidal and Gao regions of Mali was dramatic, with clashes between the army and rebel groups intensifying, causing population displacement and the destruction of crops. In Mali alone, more than 7 million people will need humanitarian assistance, according to the UN. It is clear that despite the deployment of Wagner and his successors, the security situation in the Sahel has continued to deteriorate. Should the Russian presence in the region be reduced, there is also a growing risk that Sahel-based jihadist groups will expand their activities into West African coastal states.

François Misser

 

 

 

It is more complex than it seems.

Donald Trump is set to take office this month after being re-elected in the 2024 US presidential elections. His comeback has sparked considerable unease across foreign governments, including Washington’s allies and Asian rivals.

During his first term in office (2017-2021), unpredictability was a hallmark of Trump’s foreign policy: he sought to facilitate dialogue between North- and South Korea, but simultaneously escalated US-China tensions and withdrew from key regional agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

However, since his demise in early 2021, the world has changed profoundly. The global impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has reshaped societies, elevating economic security to a top priority on national agendas. Simultaneously, the two major conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East have taken centre stage in international affairs. This evolving landscape, coupled with shifting power dynamics among global actors, introduces challenges not present during Trump’s first term.

Why it is so important

A Tough Line on Beijing. Donald Trump’s stance on China may appear straightforward, but it is more complex than it seems. On the one hand, he has already vowed to take a tougher stance than Joe Biden, proposing to raise tariffs on Chinese imports to 60%.

Trump’s political strategy of framing China as a severe threat has proven effective among his base, and he is likely to double down on this narrative. However, Trump’s inner circle includes influential business figures like Elon Musk, who has significant investments in China and could influence the President elect’s behaviour toward Beijing.

Uncertainty in South Korea and Japan. Washington’s allies in East Asia are approaching Donald Trump’s return with caution. During his first term, Japan was led by Shinzo Abe, who cultivated a close personal relationship with Trump. This relationship encouraged Trump to adopt the Indo-Pacific strategy promoted by Japan, making the region a key focus of US foreign policy.

Today, however, Japan’s political landscape is less stable making it harder to replicate such personal ties with Trump’s team. Nevertheless, Japan is one of the few US allies whose increasing defense spending aligns with Trump’s preferences.

In South Korea, President Yoon Suk-yeol faces a more delicate situation. There are concerns in Seoul that Trump might revive his personal rapport with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, potentially sidelining South Korea’s interests, while on the other hand demanding an increased burden-sharing commitment for its security.

The Brewing Storm on the Seas. The South China Sea remains a major flashpoint for escalating tensions between Washington and Beijing. On the Taiwan front, Trump’s stance has oscillated between open hostility toward Beijing and support for Taiwan’s government, while also suggesting that Taipei should bear a greater share of the costs for US military protection.

Additionally, he has criticized Taiwan’s role in the global semiconductors manufacturing sector, implying that the island has taken advantage of the US economy. Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te has already begun efforts to strengthen ties with the new Trump administration, but it remains unclear how Trump will respond to potential Chinese provocations.

Similarly concerned are Southeast Asian countries like the Philippines, which oppose Chinese encroachment in the South China Sea and fear a reduction in US military engagement under Trump – thus leaving them more vulnerable to Beijing’s regional ambitions. For example, despite Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s efforts to deepen military alliance with the US, Trump’s transactional foreign policy style could complicate these initiatives.

Modi Hopes to Capitalize on Trump’s New Presidency. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi sees Trump’s return as an opportunity to advance India’s interests.

With Trump’s tough stance on China, Modi hopes to deepen defense and economic ties with Washington, leveraging this renewed partnership to counterbalance Beijing’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific.

India is particularly keen to enhance its strategic partnership with the US in critical areas such as technology, infrastructure, and defense procurement. (Photo:123rf)

Filippo Fasulo/ISPI

 

Peace as plurality and a critical sense.

Sometimes one has the impression that personal honour and prestige are considered much more important than the truth and interests of the community. And so, one is ready to sacrifice the entire community, the basic principles of common life and even the lives of others for one’s interests.

This is a true alienation of one’s freedom. We must ask ourselves how it is possible to defend our freedom even at the cost of our life’s blood. Only based on a good education of the community to freedom can we create communities capable of interacting with others rationally and peacefully, avoiding the use of violence. Contemporary Africa is made up of “Nation-States”, each of which has a geographically determined space, created in specific historical circumstances.

Kenya. Turkana. Each state is internally made up of different cultural or religious groups and different ethnic groups. File swm

Each of these States is internally composed of different cultural or religious groups and different ethnic groups. It is normal for there to be tensions and conflicts of interest between the different groups. The political theory developed in Europe during the Age of Enlightenment sees the State as a community of individuals who have inalienable rights, but in the pursuit of their interests, have come together to create structures of common life through agreement. It insists on the dignity and rights of each individual. In this perspective, conflicts are seen above all in terms of the legitimization of power, the defence of one’s rights and the pursuit of one’s interests. While not denying the importance of these factors, it seems to us that the social contract by itself is inadequate to found the community upon it. It ignores natural communities such as family, kinship or even ethnicity. The basis of the community is the relationship or rather relationality.
While not excluding dispositions, such as friendship, love, and altruism, relationality is not limited to them. It does not depend on the sympathy or good feelings that one has towards another. It is based on qualities such as a sense of responsibility for one’s actions, a sense of duty towards those who depend on us; and loyalty to those who have committed themselves, and exposed themselves for others. It is based on respect for one’s traditions and those of other cultures and on the recognition that we all share the same humanity. Going beyond individualism, it must be said that the nation is ultimately a community of communities, since the nation is not a conglomeration of individuals, but is constituted by a variety of ethnic groups, cultures and religious groups, even by a succession of generations.

Mauritania. The nation is ultimately a community of communities. File swm

In a nation, people are not only related as individuals but also as members of specific groups, each with its own identity. Each group tends to protect its own identity and demands to be recognized and respected by others. Certainly, the group must never stifle the freedom of the individual in the name of preserving the group’s identity, but the group has the right to be recognized, taken into consideration and respected. It is the lack of respect or recognition of groups as such that leads to tribal violence. It is in this context of the nation conceived as a community of various communities that a conception of democracy based on the principle of the majority must be revised, since in such a system a majority community can always democratically impose its will on the minority. Already within the European democratic systems, the weakness of the principle of the majority has been realized and some are already talking about strong or deep democracies.
It is a question of developing institutions and structures complementary to liberal democracy, in which everyone can actively participate in the discussion and contribute to the development of politics and decision-making that affects each member. Therefore, not only individuals but entire communities must be taken into consideration.

Kenya. A group of Maasai under the acacia tree. The African ‘Palaver’ highlights the principle of participation.

The African ‘Palaver’ highlights this principle of participation well. A participatory democracy based on the ‘Palaver’ will be different from a representative democracy.
Some think that the State must be above the Tribes and religions and therefore neutral towards them. But neither the Tribe nor religions can be confined to the private space at the level of the individual and groups. No true believer and no Tribe would accept this, and rightly so on the basis of their own community and social dimension. There should be an interrelation between the various religious and ethnic identities and the State. The challenge of governing consists precisely in this: trying to converge the different interests of groups and individuals in view of the common good. This is where the different African religious and cultural traditions should intervene. They can be invested for the defence of the common good and of the spiritual values that govern public life and that the State must promote.
The State should intervene, even when it comes to religious matters and Tribes, to re-establish peace and social cohesion. It seems to us that this is a fundamental fact to be taken seriously into consideration in contemporary Africa. In fact, the contemporary African situation is complex. On the one hand, we find ourselves with a certain lay, secular elite, who no longer want to hear about religions and tribes in matters of State. Religion and Tribe must be excluded from public life and there is no need to take these parameters into account since they are the source of violence in society. Ultimately, they are perhaps opposed to too great an interference of ecclesiastics in politics and to a great ideologization of the tribe. However, religion is not clericalism, nor can the community dimension of the person incarnated be reduced in reference to the
tribe and its deviations.

South Africa. Cape Town. House of Parliament. The state should intervene, even in religious and tribal matters, to restore peace and social cohesion. CC BY-SA 3.0/I, PhilippN

On the other hand, we also have fundamentalist readings of the tribe and religion. Fundamentalism in Somalia, Sudan and Nigeria allows us to realize this: very often, for political propaganda, it highlights the tribal or religious element as a criterion of public and political life. In this fundamentalist reading, democracy is seen as the domination of the majority tribe or religion over others. This is clearly seen in the tendency to falsify statistics when one wants to know how many members a religion or tribe has in a specific African country. Everyone immediately understands what is at stake and the numbers quickly inflate. The notion of the State as a community of various communities intends to oppose precisely such phenomena. The ‘Palaver’ intends precisely to promote the construction of multicultural communities. One of the obstacles to dialogue in the Palaver is the patterns of thought and stereotyped prejudices about others. Very often we tend to characterize others starting from the groups to which they belong. And the group itself is qualified as either enemy or friend, superior or inferior. Relations between groups are thus determined either by economics or by political or historical patterns of influence or domination. These attitudes can and do block dialogue in modern Africa. We need to get out of these stereotyped patterns.

The ‘Palaver’ intends to promote the construction of multicultural communities. File swm

Dialogue is sometimes hindered by our stubborn refusal to recognize the desire of others to be recognized, respected and accepted as a group in their otherness and to have a social space in which they can live and develop their identity. Instead, we limit ourselves to tolerating them without accepting them or we try to be inclusive in a relationship of domination – subordination. The others then try to affirm their identity in a revolutionary or violent way. It is clear that here a prerequisite for peace is a true will to recognize, respect and accept the other as different. Furthermore, it is necessary to create places of experience of collaboration and multi-ethnic work trying to promote justice and community. All this must be placed in the context of the ‘Palaver’ as a tool for resolving and preventing conflicts. But how can this happen in practice? (Open Photo: African Union flag and African flags, maps painted on an old wall background. Shutterstock/patrice6000)

(J.M.)

Africa. Forecast 2025. A challenging year for democracy.

This year looks set to be another difficult one for democracy in Africa. In the Sahel, at least three elections have been postponed. Elsewhere, they risk being unfair or triggering violence, while a growing number of leaders are changing the rules to stay in power indefinitely.

In North Africa, Egypt is due to hold parliamentary elections at the end of 2025. Pundits expect a landslide victory for the Nation’s Future Party and its allies supporting President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, who secured a third term in December 2023 with 89.6 per cent of the vote. Indeed, the opposition stands no chance in a country with more than 60,000 political prisoners and where the regime bans critical newspapers and websites. But the coming years will be challenging, with chronic power cuts, an astronomical foreign debt, a slowdown in tourism and a drop in Suez Canal revenues due to the war in Gaza.

The ruling military leaders, from the left: Capt Ibrahim Traoré (Burkina Faso) Colonel Assimi Goita (Mali) General Abdourahmane Tchiani (Niger).

In Western Africa, presidential elections and parliamentary elections were scheduled in 2025 in Burkina Faso and Niger. But the military juntas of both countries have followed the example of Mali where participants in the national dialogue recommended last May extending the military-led transition to democracy by three years, allowing also junta leader Colonel Assimi Goita to run in the eventual election.
The Burkinabé military government also announced in May that it would extend the junta rule led by Captain Traoré for another five years.
In Niger, General Abdourahamane Tiani’s junta had initially decided after the coup which overthrew President Mohamed Bazoum in July 2023 to impose three years of transition before returning power to civilians.
In Côte d’Ivoire, citizens are expecting a repeat of the 2010 battle between Alassane Ouattara and Laurent Gbagbo in the upcoming presidential elections scheduled for October 2025.  Eighty-year-old former president Gbagbo is running again as the candidate of the African People’s Party – Côte d’Ivoire (PPA-CI), which he founded. President Alassane Ouattara, 82, has not yet said whether he will run for a fourth term. However, his party, the Rally of Houphouëtists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP), expressed its support for such a plan on 1 October 2024, making it likely that the incumbent will run again.

The National Assembly of Togo. Last May 2024, the parliament approved a new constitution that suppresses the presidential election by popular vote. Kayi Lawson/VOA

In Togo, the incumbent president, Faure Gnassingbé, has found another way to stay in office indefinitely. In May 2024, the parliament overwhelmingly approved a new constitution that suppresses the presidential election by popular vote that should have taken place in February 2025. The president will now be elected by deputies and senators for a single six-year term, and his powers will be reduced. Gnassingbe, who has been in office for almost 20 years, is expected to remain president until 2031.
The examples of Togo and Côte d’Ivoire are inspiring other leaders on the continent, such as Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi, who announced on 23 October the creation of a special commission to draft a new constitution. According to Tshisekedi, the current constitution of the Democratic Republic of Congo, approved by referendum in 2006, is no longer “adapted to the realities of the country”.
It is an open secret that Tshisekedi wants to abolish it because it imposes a two-term limit. In this context, the controversy between Tshisekedi and the opposition, which points out that Article 220 of the current constitution prohibits changing the maximum term of the presidential mandate, could intensify this year.
Cameroon is due to hold presidential elections in October 2025. Everyone is wondering whether President Paul Biya, 91, Africa’s oldest leader, will run again. Demonstrations by supporters urging him to run again suggest that the old president will do so, extending his more than four-decade rule by another seven years. Other elections, including those for the National Assembly, originally scheduled for 2025, have been postponed until March 2026, sparking criticism from a fragmented opposition that may find it difficult to beat Biya or another candidate from his Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement.

Central African Republic. A new constitution approved by referendum in August 2023 allows President Faustin Archange Touadera to run for a third term. CC BY 4.0/Mikhail Metzel

In the Central African Republic, a new constitution approved by referendum in August 2023 allows President Faustin Archange Touadera to run for a third term in 2025. The new constitution also extends the presidential term from five to seven years. The new constitution bans candidates with dual nationality, thus preventing rivals such as Anicet Georges Dologuele and Crépin Mboli-Goumba, who are also French and American, respectively, from standing.  Former president François Bozizé and two other exiled politicians are also barred from the race, having been convicted in absentia for alleged rebellion.
Unlike his Sahelian counterparts, General Brice Oligui Nguema, the author of the coup that overthrew Gabonese President Ali Bongo Ondimba at the end of August 2023, seems determined to end military rule and resume relations with the EU, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. According to insiders, the general is keen to organise elections before the junta’s original deadline of August 2025, perhaps as early as April next year, and to stand himself. His likely rivals include the last prime minister of the Ali Bongo era, Alain Claude Bilie Bi Nzé, a former student union leader.
Another potential candidate is the winner of the 2023 election, which the military says was rigged in Ali’s favour: economist Albert Ondo Ossa. But he lacks the backing of a political party. A third potential rival is Gabon’s former vice-president, Pierre Claver Maganga Moussavou.

Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera. He will seek a second term in September 2025. Photo: US Dep.of State

In Southern Africa, incumbent Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera (69) will seek a second term in September 2025 after being nominated by the ruling Malawi Congress Party (MCP). He is expected to face stiff competition from former presidents Arthur Peter Mutharika (84) of the opposition Democratic People’s Party and Joyce Banda (74) of the People’s Party.
The political climate in East Africa’s Tanzania is becoming increasingly tense ahead of the presidential and national assembly elections in October 2025. On 21 October 2024, the leader of the opposition CHADEMA party, Aisah Machano, was abducted and beaten by motorcyclists who identified themselves as police. Two months earlier, CHADEMA’s secretary, Ali Kibao, was kidnapped by armed men and found dead after being doused in acid.
Other opponents were arrested in a crackdown organised by President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who took over the presidency in 2021 after the death of John Magufuli. She has disappointed those hoping for a new era of democratic reform after lifting bans on political rallies and the media. But she now faces the challenge of growing divisions within the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party, as evidenced by the expulsion of foreign minister January Makamba.
Two rounds of legislative elections are due to take place in the Comoros on 12 January and 16 February, but there is a risk that they will not be inclusive. The JUWA and Orange opposition parties have announced that they will not participate in the legislative elections after rejecting the results of the presidential elections in January 2024, alleging ballot-stuffing. President Azali Assoumani, who was re-elected for another five-year term, re-appointed the current head of the electoral body, Idrissa Said, who is accused by the opposition of favouring the ruling Convention for the Renewal of the Comoros.

The main hall of the African Union. Photo: US.DS

In contrast, Seychelles is expected to offer open competition in the presidential and national assembly elections scheduled for 27 September 2025. So far, seven parties are competing: the ruling Seychellois Democratic Union of President Wavel Ramkalawan, the Mouvman Lavwa Seselwa (MLS), United Seychelles (US), One Seychelles, Seychelles United Movement (SUM), the Seychelles National Alliance Party (SNAP) and the La Liberté party. Ramkalawan’s main challenger is the leader of United Seychelles, Patrick Herminie.
Finally, the election of the members of the African Union Commission will take place in February. According to the new rules on the rotation of the chairmanship, the chair will come from East Africa. Four candidates are standing: Djibouti’s Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Boussou, Kenya’s former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Mauritius’ former Foreign Minister Anil Kumansingh Gayan and Madagascar’s former Foreign Minister Richard James Randriamandrato. (Photo:123rf)

François Misser

Vietnam. Music. “Sounds of Brotherhood”.

Thanks to a World Youth Orchestra project, a group of orphaned or abandoned children welcomed by the Missionaries of Charity had the opportunity to take part in music and singing workshops. Discovering talents and potential.

With its ultra-modern skyscrapers, its wide and very busy streets, but above all its endless suburbs, Ho Chi Minh City – or Saigon as many continue to call it – is a metropolis that seems to never end. The noise of thousands of scooters whizzing around everywhere and the milky sky of humidity and pollution contribute to creating a bubble effect from which it seems you can no longer escape.
Then, finally, the buildings and noises thin out, and disappear almost completely when you cross the gate of the large house of the Missionaries of Charity of Bin Dhuong, where instead you can only hear the cries of the newborn and the voices of a children’s choir. It is a small world apart. The nuns – who here do not wear the traditional white sari bordered with blue, but simple black trousers and white or blue blouses – are full of smiles and care, but they only speak Vietnamese. That they are the Missionaries of Charity, however, is beyond doubt given the numerous images of Mother Teresa that appear everywhere.

“For these kids, learning to play an instrument is something special” (Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook)

But it is also the style that speaks of a presence and a commitment that is also realized here alongside the poorest of the poor: orphaned or abandoned children. In this house, which was recently expanded thanks to a donation – or Providence, as Sister Marie-Lucie, the only one who speaks a little French after having spent a few years in Nice, says – there are about eighty children. Some are just born. Others have just turned 18. Most of them are involved in a project involving the World Youth Orchestra, which has created a music and singing school here that began last February and ended in recent weeks. The orchestra, which is based in Rome but is composed and recomposed of new musicians based on the places and projects it brings to life, landed in Vietnam last year, where in April it performed two concerts in the capital Hanoi, accompanied by a theatre course and a university lecture on Puccini on the occasion of the centenary of his death. In Saigon, instead, the more social part of the project “Sounds of Brotherhood” was realized.

“Music is a universal language that creates incredible connections” (Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook)

The idea came almost by chance or – as Sister Marie-Lucie, who was also superior to the Bin Dhuong community, would reiterate – by the hand of Providence. Two years ago, the organizer of the orchestra’s tour, Matteo Penazzi, and a Vietnamese priest, Father Dominic Nguyen, who was travelling to the World Youth Day in Lisbon, met in Taizé, in a completely fortuitous way. From that meeting, these workshops were born, involving children and teenagers hosted by the missionaries and five Vietnamese teachers, all very young and motivated.
Nguyen Hoang Le Vu, 23, is the coordinator. A music teacher in a school in Ho Chi Minh City, he also directs the choir of his parish. The young teacher is rather strict and demanding, but he also shows great empathy with the children: “When I see their commitment and their joy in trying their hand at singing and playing musical instruments, I feel happy. They give me great energy and repay me for all my efforts”.
“Many of them – Bao Tran, 20, a violin teacher, points out – had only seen a musical instrument in cartoons! They would never have thought of picking one up and learning to play it”. Instead, once the singing rehearsals are over, the slightly older boys and girls split into groups and begin rehearsals: some on the violin, some on the piano, some on the drums… “For these kids, learning to play an instrument is something special”, Bao Tran reiterates. Music, after all, has also changed her life, as has the solidarity of her parish community, which helped her financially to take the conservatory exam. “Now I feel I have to give back what I have received to these children who don’t even have a family”.

Through music, values such as peace, brotherhood, equality and dignity are spread. (Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook)

In fact, behind the appearance of serenity and harmony that music and singing transmit, there are many stories of suffering and often violence. The children taken in by Mother Teresa’s nuns all have very difficult situations behind them. “Many of them are orphans,” Sister Marie-Lucie explains, “or are children of single mothers, who have been abandoned. Sometimes the girls themselves are kicked out of their families. Giving birth to a child outside of marriage is considered a great dishonour,
a cause for shame.”
Currently, the nuns take in some single mothers who have been rejected by their families or are victims of violence. One of them looks like a child herself as she cradles her newborn baby. “She is 15 years old,” the nun tells us, “But sometimes they are even younger. We try to find the parents to try to send them back home. Many, however, refuse, also because they often live in absolute poverty and precariousness.”
Next to the newborns’ room, some older children are learning to walk. They are curious and lively. One of the nuns plays with them. In total, there are about twenty of Mother Teresa’s nuns who take care of these children just as in a large family, where they try to heal the traumas of abandonment and often of violence and to give them the tools so that they can walk alone, independently, one day.

Learn to play classical and traditional Vietnamese instruments, create and improve relationships”.(Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook)

A great deal of effort, including financial, is devoted to training. This includes music. “It is a universal language that creates incredible connections – says Maestro Damiano Giuranna, founder and director of the World Youth Orchestra, founded in 2001, with the idea of promoting young talent around the world, but also of being able to operate as an instrument of “cultural diplomacy” capable of spreading values such as peace, brotherhood, equality and dignity. And, before arriving in Vietnam, the orchestra performed in places and situations of conflict or crisis. “After the experiences in countries such as Israel, Palestine, Iran, Morocco, Lebanon, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria and at the UN in New York, the ‘Sounds of Brotherhood’ project also led us to experiment with this form of solidarity through the musical workshops created with the Missionaries of Charity. The children and young people who were involved were thus able to learn the first rudiments of music, learn to play classical and traditional Vietnamese instruments, create a choir and improve their relational skills”. And also look to the future with greater confidence. (Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook) –

Anna Pozzi/MM

 

 

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