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Taizé. Hoping in Season and out of Season.

In the last few months, many young people have shared with us their worries about the future: what hope can give us direction; what things can we trust and rely on when everything is so unstable? And still more deeply: what goal is worth living for?
Other voices rise up and say: we must resist becoming disenchanted and pay attention to signs of hope.

In the current situation marked by the pandemic, we are witnessing a growing precariousness in vast regions of the world. Bold political decisions are needed, but the solidarity and social friendship we can all undertake are just as indispensable. Many people are ready and willing to serve others. Their generosity reminds us that mutual aid opens a road for the future.

And so many young people are devoting their energies to save our common home, the planet! Initiatives are springing up everywhere: without providing all the answers to the climate emergency, they allow us already now to head towards ways of life which are more respectful of the environment. For those who are believers, the earth is a gift that God has entrusted to us so that we may take care of it.

People have become more aware of structures of injustice, sometimes inherited from the past. And unfortunately, power has not always been exercised to serve the good of all. In the face of such abuses, frustration and anger are comprehensible.
Who will be daring enough to be creators of justice and peace beyond the divisions that are splitting our societies apart?

Yes, in the midst of the difficult realities of the present, we can glimpse reasons to hope, and even at times to hope against all hope. For this, we need to come together with others who have made different choices—with Christians from other denominations, with believers of other religions, and with people who are agnostic or atheist and who are also committed to solidarity and sharing.

Joy is renewed when we live as brothers and sisters, when we remain alongside the most deprived: the homeless, men and women who are elderly, ill or lonely, children in difficulty, people living with disabilities, migrants…. Life’s circumstances can make us all vulnerable. And the pandemic is exposing the weak spots of our humanity.

We need one another more than ever. Pope Francis reminds us forcefully of this in his encyclical letter Fratelli tutti: “No one is saved alone.” And he adds that we do not find our true identity “without being sincerely open to the universal, without feeling challenged by what is happening in other places, without openness to enrichment by other cultures, and without solidarity and concern for the tragedies affecting other peoples” (§32 and §146).

In relationships between individuals as well as between peoples, let us do all we can to move from competition to cooperation. Let us support the agencies or associations that promote cooperation and solidarity, whether it be locally, nationally or internationally.

At Taizé, we notice that young people are reflecting in a new way about faith in God in order to stay on track. What does it mean to believe? And if God exists, is this God active in history, in our lives?
In the face of these questions, it is important to avoid reducing God to our concepts. God is infinitely greater than all we can imagine. We are seekers thirsting for love and truth. Wherever we may be on our inner pilgrimage, all of us are often just feeling our way forward. But, as pilgrims of trust, we can walk together, sharing our search—our questions as much as our convictions.

“Faith is a simple trust in God, a surge of trusting repeated a thousand times during our lifetime… even if in each one of us there can be doubts as well,” said Brother Roger.
Does believing not mean first of all trusting in a presence which is both in the depths of our being and in the entire universe, a presence which is elusive and yet so real? A presence that does not impose itself, but one we can welcome anew at every moment, in silence, as a kind of respiration. A caring presence which is always there, regardless of our doubts and even when we have the impression that we understand very little who God is.

A caring presence: what light does the Gospel shed on this mystery? Jesus drew life from this caring presence to the very end; he was constantly attentive to it. It was an inner light for him, the breath of God, the inspiration of the Holy Spirit.
From the depths of suffering and absolute solitude, when he was dying on the cross, when everything seemed meaningless, he let his feelings of abandonment burst out in a cry, but in words still addressed to God: “My God, my God, why have you forsaken me?” Betrayed, tortured, condemned to death, Jesus brought love into the deepest darkness. And that love was shown to be stronger than evil. Mary Magdalene and then the apostles communicated this unexpected, unbelievable news: he is alive. God’s love has conquered hatred and death.

Gripped by this news, the first Christians were overwhelmed and they bore witness to it: Christ is henceforth alive with God. Christ fills the universe by the Holy Spirit and is also present in every human being. Christ is in solidarity with the poor and will bring them justice; he is the fulfillment of history and creation; he will welcome us after death in the fullness of joy.
Beyond human violence, beyond environmental disasters and diseases, a new horizon is open. Will we be able to discern it?

From this horizon revealed by the resurrection of Christ, a light enters our existence. Again and again it dispels the shadow of fear and makes a spring of living water well up; because of it the joy of praise bursts forth.As a result we can sense that secretly, by a kind of mysterious attraction. Christ continues until the end of time to gather together into God’s love all humankind and the entire universe. And he makes us partners in his mission.

Christ makes us partners together, as the Church. That requires us to be ready to widen our friendship to include everybody. Christ asks us to love even our enemies; his peace reconciles even opposing nations. Let Christ change our way of seeing: through him we recognize more clearly the dignity of every human being and the beauty of creation. Far from being a naive trust, hope springs up again and again, because it is rooted in Christ. A serene joy fills us and, with it, the courage to take on the responsibilities that God entrusts to us on this earth.
With each of you who want to reflect on this message, I am in communion through prayer.

Brother Alois

The Israeli strategy in Africa.

In recent years, Tel Aviv has expanded and increased diplomatic relations with a growing number of African nations.  

For more than seventy years, the state of Israel has sought to develop its own zone of influence in Africa. This they did even before a number of western states with their colonial and neo-colonial policies.
In the sixties, Israel’s approach to Africa was different from or even the opposite to that of such European counties as France and England. It stood by the African countries fighting for independence. In 1960, Israel recognised the independence of Mali and Senegal. In 1963, the Israeli premier Golda Meir concluded a pact with Kenyan President Jomo Kenyatta, opening an Israeli embassy in Nairobi.

Golda Meir with Jomo Kenyatta and Tom Mboya in Kenya. (1960)

The development of Israeli-African relations came to a halt in the seventies. The Arab-Israeli war of 1973 and the oil embargo imposed by the Gulf monarchies created a crisis between Israel and Africa. The Sub-Saharan countries, under pressure from Saudi Arabia, were forced to break diplomatic ties with the state of Israel.
The Organisation of African Unity (OAU) also decided to break off relations with Israel (the only dissenting state was Senegal, then led by Abdou). At that time, Egypt, headed by Jamal Abdel Nasser, and Libya led by Muammar Gadhafi, were very influential in the OAU.
To boot, there was a huge problem that stood in the way of relations between Israel and Africa, namely the Palestinian question. Many African countries supported the Organisation for the Liberation of Palestine (PLO). Most of the countries of the continent voted in favour of the United Nations resolutions which condemned the actions of the Israeli state that trod underfoot the rights of the Palestinians established
by the UN itself.

Diplomatic relations are restored
There were two events that led to the normalisation of Israeli-African relations. The first and the most important, geostrategically speaking, concerns the Camp David Agreement of 1979 between the Egyptian and Israeli governments which established the normalisation of diplomatic relations between the two countries and the opening of an Israeli embassy in Cairo and an Egyptian one in Tel Aviv. With that, no one could expect that African states should keep Israel waiting at its door.

On September 17, 1978, Egyptian President Anwar Sadat, Israeli Prime Minister Menachem Begin and US President Jimmy Carter signed the Camp David Accords in Washington.

The second event was somehow represented by the Oslo peace agreement of 1993 between Israel and the PLO. Many African countries no longer felt duty-bound to defend the Palestinian cause since the two peoples had finally reached a peace agreement. That peace was never realised; quite the opposite.
Today, Israel has diplomatic relations with 39 of the 54 African states recognised by the UN. There are now 13 Israeli embassies in Africa, in Kenya, Ethiopia, Angola, South Africa, Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Egypt, Eritrea, Ghana, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal and South Sudan.
Sudan was the third Arab country to announce the normalisation of its relations with Israel.  Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu, during a recent official visit to Uganda met General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of the sovereign council of Sudan and the strong man of Khartoum, ‘blessed’ by the Saudis. Uganda itself is considering opening an embassy in Israel. Last December Israel and Morocco agreed to establish diplomatic relations. Morocco became the fourth Arab country to normalize ties with Israel in four months, following the Abraham Accords with the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Sudan. At this time, the African states which refuse to recognise the state of Israel are: Algeria, Comoros, Djibouti, Mali, Niger, Somalia and Tunisia.

An important market for Israel
There are various reasons for the increasingly obvious Israeli interest in the continent of Africa. Israel, now a great regional power, sees Africa as a promising market for its economy.
A number of Israeli companies operate today in many African countries: in agriculture, the field of energy (especially solar energy), in the sector of advanced technology and others too. Trading in precious stones, diamonds in particular, is prominent.

Nevertheless, it is the military sphere, security and intelligence that has always been of interest to the Israelis in their relations with Africa. Israel sells arms, from light arms to sophisticated missiles, to many African countries. The intelligence and security services provided by the Israelis, are especially appreciated by many African leaders.
In this regard, Israel has offered its services to different despotic regimes threatened from within, as in the case of Hissène Habré in Chad, Mobutu Sese Seko in Zaire (now the Democratic Republic of Congo) and Gnassingbé Eyadéma in Togo.
The Israeli establishment is renowned for its competence in the field of national security. In the past fifteen years, Islamic terrorism has spread through many parts of Africa. For this reason, the Israelis are very active in many African countries, helping in the fight against terrorism.
Faced with this situation, the question arises: is it coherent on the one hand, to combat terrorism and, on the other, to maintain good relations with the monarchies of the Gulf which have, for decades, deliberately exported Salafi Jihadism all over the world? Is this not a contradiction?
In reality, under the umbrella of the fight against Islamic terrorism, there is a fundamentally important element, the geostrategic positioning of Israel in Africa. Their aim is to bring as many countries as possible to their side and thus isolate the enemy.

My enemy’s enemy is my friend
The geopolitical strategy of the state of Israel is always based upon the ‘Periphery Doctrine’ which consists in creating alliances with countries bordering a given nation, or coalition of nations that threaten the security of Israel.
This doctrine was first implemented in 1958 by Israeli Prime Minister David Ben Gurion, who managed to create a periphery alliance with Iran, under the dictatorship of the Shah, with Ethiopia of the despot Hailé Selassie and with Turkey under the hegemony of the conservative Demokrat Parti. The purpose of this was to surround and weaken the Arab countries of the Middle East.

This geostrategic offensive against the Arabs lasted about sixty years, until the rapprochement between the Arab monarchies of the Gulf and Israel in recent times. Today, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates have normalised their diplomatic relations with Israel.
This turn of events derives from the fact that both realities have a common enemy: Iran. After the revolution of 1979 that brought the Shiite clergy to power, the Persian Gulf state became the enemy to be opposed both by the oil conservative Arab monarchies and by Israel. Today, Iran has become a regional power. The Arab regimes see it as a threat to their existence.
They fear that the above-mentioned revolution may also take root in their territories and that Iran may destroy their economies, almost exclusively oil-based. The Israeli establishment considers the growing influence of the Persians in the Middle East (Iraq, Syria, Yemen) to be a danger. It may weaken the hegemony of Israel in this region and impose upon it a different approach to the Palestinian problem.
The renewed capacity of the naval military power of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Indian Ocean and the Red Sea today constitutes a cause for concern for Israel which intends to counteract the power of Teheran both by its own increased presence in the zone and by the normalisation of its relations with a growing number of states in the region, especially those of the Horn of Africa.The breakdown of diplomatic relations between Sudan and Iran in 2016 created a new opportunity for Israel which later concretised following the fall of the regime of Omar El-Bashir in April 2019. Today, Sudan is part of the regional anti-Iran axis.

Malawi’s Foreign Minister Eisenhower Mkaka joined Israeli Foreign Minister Gabi Ashkenazi to announce his nation will open a permanent embassy in Jerusalem by the summer of 2021. (Photo Credit: Israel MFA)

Consequently, the political and military capacity of Israel in the region of the Red Sea and the Horn of Africa has significantly increased from 2016 until today, pursuing a dual objective: to ensure the stability of the commercial sea-routes to Israeli ports and to challenge the growing military presence of Iran in the Red Sea.
The Israeli establishment, under the aegis of Netanyahu, has succeeded in creating a portfolio of African states ready to support it on the international scene.
In December 2018, for example, eleven African countries (Tanzania, Angola, Cameroon, The Republic of Congo, the Democratic Republic of Congo, Ivory Coast, Ethiopia, South Sudan, Kenya, Rwanda and Zambia) took part in the inauguration of the American embassy in Jerusalem, contradicting the UN resolution that declared that East Jerusalem is to be the capital of the Palestinian state (the UN does not recognise Jerusalem but Tel Aviv as the capital of Israel).
Last November Malawi said it will open a full embassy to Israel in Jerusalem, becoming the first African nation in decades to do so in the contested city.

Mostafa El Ayoubi

Music. Jerusalema. Dance, Sing, Resist.

The Gospel track devised by South Africa DJ Master KG has spread on YouTube due to its rhythm, the voice of Nomcebo Zikode and the accompanying choreography. A sort of collective and shared response to the pandemic.

Last year was marked by the Covid-19 tragedy, but it was also the year of the ‘viral’ phenomenon’ – as it is commonly known – which, in the context of a worldwide catastrophe has become the bearer of greater values than those of a typical success (we recall pieces like Lambada at the end of the eighties or Macarena in the early nineties which were closely allied with the dimension of dance).

Master KG’s song ‘Jerusalema’ has taken the world by storm.

A phenomenon that in any case confirms something that has been evident for a number of years. African music has now entered international consumption in ways that are quite different from its niche in world music and the success of stars like those who emerged from the generations living in the second half of the twentieth century, and whose circulation is closely tied to the element of new rhythms and the relationship between music and types of dance.
It all started in the summer of 2019 when twenty-four-year-old South African Master KG, whose real name is Kgaogelo Moagi, from the province of Limpopo, elaborated a composition which he worked on with singer Nomcebo Zikode and began to put it online. It met with a good response and the final version was uploaded on YouTube in October with the official video being issued in December. The piece is punctuated by an overpowering rhythm with a pleasant melody and the voice of Nomcebo is warm and full of pathos. Astride 2019 and 2020, ‘Jerusalema’ was well received in the clubs of South Africa and received positive feedback even from abroad.

Zulu
It was in February of 2020 that ‘Jerusalema’ began to be a global phenomenon. The force behind this came from another African country. The young people of the Angolan dance group Fenómenos do Semba, posted on YouTube the choreography they created for ‘Jerusalema’: the boys and girls are sitting in a yard, having a meal. They are dressed in their everyday clothes, the boys bare-chested, listening to the song. One at a time, their plates in their hands, they start to dance.

Nomcebo Zikode, the voice behind “Jerusalema”

The video could not be more simple or spontaneous; perhaps this is why it actuates a mechanism of imitation, launching a Jerusalema ‘dance challenge’, the formula created by Tik Tok – an app that is widely used by young people – which consists of daring others to match their choreographies created around various songs. The ‘Jerusalema’ dance greatly increased the success of the song.
The spread of the choreographies and the international success of ‘Jerusalema’ grew at the very moment when the Covid pandemic was spreading outside China, nourished by the dramatic situation. A Gospel song (a type very popular in South Africa), the word from the Old Testament may effectively be very suitably applied to a phase in which many wish to reach a place beyond the oppressive world of the pandemic: “Jerusalem is my home / guide me/ take me with you/ do not leave me here/I do not belong here / my kingdom is not here / guide me/ take me with you”.

The song is actually sung in Zulu which not many people in the world understand; but this doesn’t matter as ‘Jerusalema’ is pleasant but, at the same time, with the power of its melody and the song, with the freshness and dynamism of the rhythm, has the quality of communicating something that goes beyond what is pleasant and transmits – without the need of understanding the words – a feeling of positivity and sensibility. A hymn without borders, ‘Jerusalema’s’ choreographies are very often more than just a game but a life-filled reaction to the pandemic, a symbol of resistance, a means of expression through dancing to a song with a message of solidarity and a feeling of belonging to a community without borders.

It is no mere coincidence that doctors and nurses in half the world’s hospitals have come together with ‘Jerusalema’. But – apart from the numerous children and young people – the choreographies have their representatives of various other categories: ambulance volunteers, firemen, soldiers, Sisters, monks. In the comments below the video, someone wrote that, if anyone wanted to create a non-national anthem for the whole world, ‘Jerusalema’ would be the most qualified candidate.

Marcello Lorrai

Unesco. Cous cous. ‘Live united’.

Cous cous, a popular emblematic dish of North Africa, has been placed on the list of intangible cultural heritage by Unesco, at the joint request of Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania and Tunisia.

It was something quite rare in the history of the Maghreb countries when Algeria, Morocco, Mauritania and Tunisia, in March 2019, together presented the candidate entitled ‘Knowledge, know-how and practices relative to the production and consumption of cous cous’, with no dispute concerning the paternity of this traditional food.
The initiative raises the hope that the dish may be the beginning of political rapprochement.

The grains of this food are obtained from wheat (or millet) roughly ground. The ground kernels are then sprinkled with flour and worked by hand by the women until they become like small seeds which are then passed through a sieve. The work demands much patience and time. Cous cous is always steamed in a special pot in which the lower part is used to cook vegetables and meat while the cous cous is placed in the upper part. The steam from the lower part passes through perforations and into the part with the cous cous. This food can be served in many different ways according to traditions. It may be cooked with meat or fish, vegetables or hard-boiled eggs. In Algeria, there is a version that is prepared with butter, sugar and raisins. It is this variety that allows it to be prepared in so many ways depending on the different territories while at the same time acting as a unifying culture over a vast area.

Cous cous is the dish consumed during feasts, gatherings, celebrations, weddings or funerals. Though it is not very nourishing, it represents a delicacy that evokes in those who have been accustomed to it from childhood, memories and reminiscences of family life. It is a dish that is shared, seated on the ground: the family or friends eat it from a single container, using a spoon or their hands.
The rule requires one to use three fingers of the right hand because, for Muslims, the devil eats with one finger, the prophet with two while five fingers indicate gluttony. Eating cous cous together is an act which cancels out conflicts and disagreements.

The books about food trace the popularity of cous cous to the Kuskusi of the 19th century but the cous cous we know today may well be much older and come from the 12th century (from the Berber seksou). It is certain that the Tunisian historian and sociologist Ibn Khaldun in the 16th century referred to cous cous as a symbol of the Berber culture.
In addition, the fame the dish acquired over the years is that of a ‘unifier’ among peoples.
Cous cous is praised differently in every country.  In Morocco, on 26 October of each year, the ‘World Cous Cous Day’ is observed; in Algeria, it is even part of the traditional school curriculum to study cous cous. Various cookery programmes on TV dwell upon the various recipes.
In Tunisia, cous cous workshops are held in the schools, while in Mauritania the state supports cooperatives that perpetuate the tradition of its preparation.

A Moroccan chef prepares a traditional couscous dish in a restaurant in the capital Rabat. (AFP)

Last December, UNESCO motivated the inclusion of cous cous as part of the intangible human patrimony ‘for the knowledge, know-how and practices relative to the production and consumption of cous cous’ that link together the four North African countries. In the case of cous cous, the techniques bring together the traditions of songs, gestures and oral traditions that accompany the preparation of the dish that is basically made from wheaten semolina, vegetables, meat or fish, and unites Berbers and Algerians, the cities and the countryside, the sweet and the salty, vegetarian or not, middle-class and working-class.
“Algeria cooks it in its own peculiar way while Morocco and Tunisia cook it differently”, the well-known Algerian chef remarks. “Even though I love my country deeply because I grew up there, there are no divisions, we are all equal and the cous cous is Maghrebi, something that belongs to us all”. Hicham Hazzoum, head of a famous Moroccan restaurant, the ‘Dar Naji’, like many chefs believes that cous cous should be recognised all over the world. Just like the pizza and other foods.
Rather than a dish, cous cous is a cultural patrimony that is culinary and made up of memories, traditions, knowledge, and gestures handed down from one generation to the next, with an infinite number of refinements.

Genevieve Devey

The New North Sea.

The Black Sea, besides being a transit zone for oil, is rich in energy deposits which caused it to be defined as ‘The New North Sea’.

The exploration of these resources has accelerated in the past decade due to advances in technology that enabled the limits imposed by the presence of underlying geological risks and the desire of some littoral countries to free themselves from their dependence upon Russia and Middle Eastern countries. Since the nineteen seventies, Romania has been involved in prospecting for oil and gas leading to the first discoveries in 1980 whose poor production levels were unsatisfactory. Things changed in the year 2000 with the use of new technology that made better estimates of deposits possible, causing renewed interest from such large companies as Exxon Mobil which, in 2008, agreed on a partnership with the main OMV Romanian company in the sector.

The turning point came in 2009 following the decision taken by the International Criminal Court in The Hague, in the case of Ukraine, concerning the boundary of the continental shelf of the Black Sea, which gave Romania rights to 9,700 km2, about 80%, of the disputed area. The decision opened the way for the large international companies which, from that moment on, increased their explorations that led to the discovery of new important deposits. According to some estimates, there are deposits of gas amounting to 170/200 billion cubic metres of which 65% could be consumed internally and the rest exported. Besides consolidating the role of Romania as an active gas exporter, this would also render it independent of imports from the Russian Federation.
An important oil deposit, discovered in 2016, is located opposite the coasts of Bulgaria. The deposit has been nicknamed ‘Khan Asparuh’, has a surface area of 14,220 km2 and is 130 km from Varna, close to the Romanian ‘Neptune’ gas deposit. Exploration is being carried out by a consortium consisting of the French company Total (40%), the Austrian company OMV (30%) and the Spanish company Repsol (30%).  Ukraine also possesses deposits in the Black Sea that have hardly been exploited. Even though it has the world’s largest deposits of gas after Russia and Norway, it does not have sufficient technological ability or the economic resources to exploit them. For now, it depends for 40% of its needs upon Russian exports. Before 2014, Ukraine had in hand a policy of energy differentiation by exploiting some deposits in the Black Sea that were given as concessions to ENI and EDF, located to the south of Crimea and in the Azov Sea. After the annexation of Crimea, the deposits came under Russian control.

More recently, Turkey has discovered another gigantic deposit of natural gas which, besides satisfying the energy needs of the country, could also meet the demands of its bordering countries, making it truly an energy hub to be used as strategic leverage to gain more room for manoeuvre. Since Turkey is a net importer of gas from Russia, Azerbaijan, Iran, Qatar and the United States, this discovery, together with the fact that there ought to be further deposits in the area, is of historical relevance. The new deposit, which should contain around 320 billion cubic metres of natural gas of the highest quality, is located in the so-called Tuna-1 area, overlooking the maritime borders of Bulgaria and Romania.
The discovery may be seen as part of the strategic plan implemented by Erdogan that aims to gain energy independence. For this purpose, he is intensifying drilling in the Black Sea, the Aegean and the Eastern Mediterranean, known as the so-called ‘Mavi Vatan’ (The Blue Fatherland) area whose name derives from the political-military strategy of the same name that aims to protect, at all costs and by any means, its maritime borders with these three seas.

Turkey’s drilling ship, Fatih, is sailing through Bosphorus toward Black Sea. (AP)

Ankara could now play the card of the new deposit at the negotiating table, attracting into its orbit some of those countries, such as Bulgaria, whose internal energy needs are tied to imports from Russia.  Nevertheless, according to some analysts in matters of energy, although the discovery marks a turning point in the energy policy of Turkey, one should not take for granted that it will achieve the difficult objective of the complete energy independence of the country.
To achieve such a goal, plans for structural reforms will be necessary, as well as a legal framework that facilitates investment, including fiscal norms and restrictions on exports that do not hinder the work of the energy companies.
Moreover, it is necessary to take into account the logic of the present energy market with low profits for those participating in it. Considering that the cost to companies of developing deposits must necessarily be remunerated by sufficient profit, it will not be easy for Turkey to achieve complete energy independence. In any case, it is clear that the discovery of new deposits brings to Turkey an increase in its geo-strategic importance at the expense of the other actors present in the area, including Russia, which will see itself forced to look on as Ankara is possibly transformed from being a ‘client’ to being a ‘competitor’. (F.R.)

Morocco and Israel. A new alliance.

Morocco has decided to officially recognise the state of Israel. To date, the Moroccan monarchy is the sixth Arab country to recognise de facto Israel as a diplomatic partner.

The first to do so was Egypt in 1980, then Jordan in 1994 and then the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain and Sudan in the second half of 2020.
There is in Israel a Jewish community of Moroccan origin which has always acted as a bridge between the two countries. In effect, there are informal relations between Rabat and Tel Aviv at the level of intelligence and especially at the economic-commercial level.

According to the Official Israeli State Statistics, Morocco is among the first four African countries in terms of imports and the ninth in the world in exports. From 2014 to 2017, commerce between the two countries was worth 149 million dollars.

Among the Arab countries that have already recognised Israel, Morocco stands out. The king considers himself – and is considered – the religious head of the country, due to his descent from the prophet Mohammed: Amir al mu’minin (the emir of believers). How can this approach of a state which considers itself Jewish be reconciled with the problem of Jerusalem, held by Israel to be its capital but instead, recognised by Muslims as the third Islamic Holy Place after Mecca and Medina? The Arab populations ask themselves this question
but not their governments.

In Casablanca, in 2018, 10,000 people protested against the opening of an American embassy in Jerusalem. But for the Arabic establishment the question is not religious but geostrategic. This is also true for Israel and the USA. In exchange for its official recognition of Israel, the White House has offered its support to the king of Morocco in the question of Western Sahara, disputed by the Fronte Polisario independence movement. ‘ (…) It is opportune to recognise its (Morocco’s) sovereignty over Western Sahara’, President Trump tweeted.
In practical terms: if you recognise Israel, I will guarantee that no one will interfere with Western Sahara.

For the Arab Emirates and Bahrain, the geostrategic question concerns the cold war with Iran which is considered a threat to the petroleum monarchies of the Gulf. Leading the Arab anti-Iranian front is Saudi Arabia which maintains informal relations with the Israeli government.

At the end of November, the Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu secretly visited the city of Neom, in Saudi Arabia, to meet Mohammed bin Salman (revealed by the Israeli TV channel I24 news). Riyadh was behind the approach of Abu Dhabi and Manama (Bahrein) to Tel Aviv. These new ground-breaking developments will strengthen the geopolitical clout of Israel in the Middle East and will heighten differences with Iran. This new alliance will postpone indefinitely the dramatic Palestinian issue.

Mostafa El Ayoubi

Control of the Straits.

A further crucial element in the balance of power in the Black Sea is that of the control of the straits of the Bosphorus and the Dardanelles.

In past centuries, these passages represented the largest prize in the geopolitical confrontation between Russia and Turkey. On the basis of the Montreux Convention of 1936, passage through the straits is controlled by Turkey. The Convention, which guarantees access to the ‘hot seas’ by Black Sea states, also serves the interests of Russia by allowing Moscow to extend into the Mediterranean and the Indian Ocean its commercial and military power.
This constitutes an objective essential to Russia given, from the perspective of commerce, that 38% of all oil exported by sea passes through the straits while, from the perspective of security, the straits constitute a defence against the penetration of the United States into Russia’s back yard.

Big container ship in Dardanelles strait, Turkey.

The Convention of Montreux, with all its limitations, less severe for Black Sea states, is for Moscow an unquestionable element of guaranteed security whose defensive benefits exceed effects of the limitations imposed on it. All the more reason why, considering that, in the perspective of the United States, whose plan was to make the Black Sea a NATO lake, the fortification of Russia in that area could constitute a troubling element but not a real problem since it enjoys a net superiority in the Mediterranean. In particular, in the Aegean, the United States, after signing an accord with Greece, is increasing its naval air force presence in Crete, Tessaglia, and Alexandroupolis, for the purpose of increasing pressure on the straits and making Greece the new military hub in the eastern Mediterranean. The port of Alexandroupolis, in particular, counteracts the influence of Moscow on the port of Salonica, recently privatised by a consortium of which the Russian oligarch Ivan Savvides is a member.

To the contrary, the Turkish strategy relative to the straits is rather more terrestrial than maritime. Ankara, in fact, is investing in important infrastructure connecting the two banks, implementing the vision of Turkey as a bridge between Europe and Asia.
Moreover, there is also the plan to carry out a massive project consisting of an artificial canal, as an alternative to that of the Bosphorus, 43 km long, with room for 163 vessels per day, with eight bridges and an underwater metro serving the city of around half a million inhabitants, to be built along its banks. The new canal should run parallel to that of the Bosphorus, connecting the Black Sea to the Sea of Marmara.
The project could take on strategic importance militarily since it would provide a way around the Montreux Convection and allow Turkish ships to pass freely, but also Russian and American vessels, further reinforcing its role and its variable strategy. According to some analysts, Turkey could also use this new passage to affect the income from Russian oil exports, by diverting Russian tankers towards the new canal and increasing the cost of passage, an increase already announced for 2023. In this vein, the episode that occurred in February 2019 seems relevant, being a possible prelude to the new ambitions of Erdogan. That month, the ships directed to and from the Mediterranean, passing through the Turkish straits, recorded a delay of more than two weeks, which may be interpreted as a message for Russia concerning the new system by which Erdogan intends to manage the straits.

The aircraft carrier USS Harry Truman leads a formation of ships to Mediterranean Sea.

Nevertheless, the massive military presence of the United States in the eastern Mediterranean, obliges Russia and Turkey, rivals in every sense of the word, to find a tactical connection in this area of vital importance to their geopolitical interests. Putin, especially, aware of the danger that Ankara may function as a bridgehead for United States interests in that area, is busy trying to discover forms of collaboration and, to this end, is sponsoring some projects, one of which is the Baku, Tbilisi, Erzurum gas pipeline and the Baku, Tbilisi, Kars (BTK) railway line, to prevent the United States from penetrating the Black Sea, and using to his own advantage two anti-Russian projects initiated with American sponsorship.

Filippo Romeo

DR Congo. At the side of the people fighting to live and to resist.

The Democratic Republic of Congo continues to be afflicted by most serious political and social tensions, conflicts in some of its regions and endemic poverty despite its infinite riches. This is our topic as we speak with Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo, Archbishop of Kinshasa.

The government of President Felix Tshisekedi which came to power in the spring of 2019, seems to be at a dead end, while the dialogue between the political subjects, especially the faction connected to the multiple-term ex-president Joseph Kabila, which ought to open the way for long-awaited reforms, has been at a standstill for months. The consequent lack of progress is felt most of all by the population already burdened with many problems which, in recent years, have seen the Congo become the third poorest country in the world.

Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo, Archbishop of Kinshasa.

“At the social level – the Cardinal says – the situation is dramatic; there has been no progress either social or economic for the people and suffering is increasing. The government is composed of a coalition that today differs on many points. The president and the outgoing president, Joseph Kabila no longer speak to each other. Last November, the president opened a phase of consultations but in the meantime, time was passing and the people are sorely tried. Thanks be to God, at least the Ebola problem has been contained and the Covid-19 pandemic has not been as devastating as originally feared: infections are not excessive, though we continue to work tirelessly to persuade our citizens to take care and to be careful. However, socio-economically speaking, the situation gives rise to concern.The situation is further complicated by the active conflict in the regions of Kivu and Ituri, to the east, armed clashes that increasingly sow death and destruction”.

The Cardinal comments: “In the east, there are armed bands that continue to bring terror. We have seen much tension in Ituri, in the south and in North Nord Kivu, at Uvira, around Minembwe city. We are doing everything possible to appeal to the consciences of the political leaders to try and find a just solution but here, too, as I said already, everything we try to do is pointless since the government does not function. This is not a matter of all-out war but of different conflicts between the groups, daily causing victims. Even now, we cannot say exactly who is behind these clashes. What is clear is that the bordering countries, supported by international powers, play a part and want to control the eastern part of the country which is rich in minerals and full of resources.
We are very worried that this situation may lead to the so-called Balkanisation of the Congo. Many armed groups are operating in the area, some formed by foreign militias from Uganda, South Sudan and other areas. These groups are manipulated by countries like Rwanda, Burundi and Uganda which, in turn, are in contact with political and economic international powers”.

The Church as a moral authority
The Catholic Church is an authoritative interlocutor in the country and often lets its voice be heard condemning poverty, abuses and the failure to intervene: “We of the Church emphasise the critical state of the situation, hoping that change may soon come: nothing is being done to serve the people and the economy is in crisis.Our commitment is not political, strictly speaking, but to be there by the side of the people in their struggle to live and to resist. However, by being constantly close to the people we have become aware that the situation is preventing the economic, political and social development of the entire nation.We are  committed in the fields of education and public health. 50% of schools and health facilities belong to the Catholic Church.In recent years, of course, the political leaders themselves have asked for our help. This is another reason why the Church works with both the president in office and the out-going one to seek a way out of this crisis.”

Last year, in his message on the occasion of the sixtieth anniversary of the independence of the DRC, the Cardinal recalled how: “During the sixties, the DRC was considered the Eldorado of black Africa. People used to come from South Africa, Nigeria and Burkina Faso to study or to receive medical treatment in our hospitals, and now we have not only destroyed everything but when we want to go to other countries to study or receive medical treatment, we are not welcome. This is due to our bad reputation. All this is due to the bad running of the country. We have shamefully and collectively failed. We cannot say that this or that person is responsible; we are all responsible, each one according to the position they occupied”. Will things change? The cardinal answers: “We will emerge from this situation only with a radical change coming from people. Change will not come from the political class but will derive from the maturity and awareness of the population of their own worth and the role they may have in the future of the country. As the Church in this place, our work consists of accompanying people as they take up this responsibility. I am convinced that the Congolese people are not the same people the politicians of the past manipulated as they pleased; people know where their interests lie and they are always ready to work and to strive to be respected”.

Referring to the call of Pope Francis to be a member of the Council of Cardinals, the Archbishop of Kinshasa says: “I received this news with a feeling of gratitude since I know my own limits: despite this, he wanted to give me such an important and delicate role as part of the government of the universal Church. I expressed all my gratitude but also that of my people and the whole of Africa which is now represented on the Council. Naturally, I feel the weight of such great responsibility, knowing that the Holy Father counts on me to bear the burden of the whole Church, and it is important to have the prayers and support of everyone. I cannot say exactly how I am expected to contribute but I will certainly be the voice of Africa and the Church of this continent within the Council and indeed of the whole Church. I hope to represent the socio-pastoral reality of a continent that is still characterised by the poverty and suffering of the people, due to maladministration in many countries, of the difficulties of the little ones and of the youth who more often than ever think of leaving their own countries, risking death in the desert or on the sea. I believe that, as my personal contribution, it is very important to bring to the attention of the Church all the themes of the survival of my people in the Congo and in Africa”.

Considering the Church, the Cardinal underlines two pastoral policies. “The first is evangelisation in depth, an area in which we have worked a lot. At present, evangelisation is not done in a missionary context but in the context of a plurality of faiths, surrounded by sects and faced with the growing presence of Islam. How can we strengthen the faith of our Christians so that they can be adult Christians? This is a great challenge. The second priority is to seek coherence between proclaimed faith and behaviour in daily life. These two problems are our pastoral priorities”.

Enrique Bayo

 

Herbs & Plant. Warburgia salutaris. A unique medicinal plant.

The importance of medicinal plants in primary health care systems to treat and manage various disease conditions cannot be underestimated. Warburgia salutaris (G.Bertol.) Chiov (Family Canellaceae); whose common name is ‘pepperbark tree’, is one of the highly commercialized medicinal plant trees.

It has been documented in many folkloric and ethnobotanical studies conducted in east, central and southern Africa, in which the species is greatly used as one of the primary sources of traditional medicine. The specific epithet salutaris is Latin meaning ‘healthful’, referencing its medicinal properties. The common name, ‘pepper-bark tree’, relates to the pungent inner bark that tastes peppery.

It is an endemic plant in sub-Saharan Africa in a number of countries including South Africa, Swaziland, Zimbabwe, Mozambique, Malawi and Zambia. Traditionally, extracts and products produced from the Warburgia salutaris species are regarded as important natural African antibiotics and have been used extensively as part of traditional healing practices for the treatment of fungal, bacterial and protozoal infections in both humans and animals.  It is an evergreen tree with a dense, rounded crown growing to about 5-10 metres in height, but can occasionally reach 20 metres. The stem is covered by a rich brown bark, marked with corky lenticels, that is also bitter and peppery. It has a thick canopy of aromatic, shiny green leaves. The evergreen leaf blades are lance-shaped, measuring up to 11 cm long by 3 wide. It has small, white to greenish flowers, up to 7 mm in diameter. The fruit is a berry, leathery purple or black in color when ripe, measuring up to 4 cm wide.

For centuries, the Warburgia salutaris (pepper bark) tree has been traditionally used to treat many varied disease conditions. It’s commonly harvested from the wild and widely sold in local markets for medicinal purposes. Medicinally, the pepper-like, bitter stems and root bark are used to cure many ailments in traditional medicine including cough, cold, bronchial infections, oral thrush, and cystitis among other ailments.
The stem bark is used to treat diseases such as malaria, stomach ulcers, and colds. The decoction prepared from the harvested root bark of the Warburgia salutaris tree is used to treat coughs and the leaves used to alleviate skin irritation. The inner bark has many uses as a treatment for chest pains, coughs, diarrhoea, muscle pains, and general body pains. The stem bark is also used in traditional medicine as an expectorant and smoked to alleviate coughs and colds. The stem bark powder is also topically applied for treatment and management of body sores and inflammation. The powdered stem bark is mixed with fat and applied externally as an ointment.

The stem and root bark are both taken as a remedy for malaria. Powdered and mixed with water, they are used as a cure for sores in the mouth. As an expectorant or smoked, the root bark is a widely used remedy for common colds.
Dried and ground, they make a snuff used to clear the sinuses. Taken orally they are believed to cure spots in the lungs.
In addition to the medicinal uses, some communities use the bitter, peppery, aromatic leaves of the pepper-bark to flavour food, and also to make tea. The wood is sometimes used in building. A resin can be extracted from the bark. The bark is also a source of tannins. Muzigadial, which is one of the major phytochemicals found in Warburgia salutaris, has been observed to possess a potent antibacterial activity. In some communities, Warburgia salutaris is grown as an ornamental hedge and in some cases used as a shade tree in plantations.
Warburgia salutaris is over-harvested in the wild for medicinal use and is popularly sold in the local markets throughout its distribution range. The plant has been classified as ‘Endangered’ in the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) Red List of Threatened Species (2011). In fact, the Pepper-Bark tree is already extinct in some areas, and considered critically endangered in some countries in southern Africa where the plant is endemic.

Richard Komakech

Africa. How Big Brother is watching Africans.

Like other continents, Africa is experimenting a spectacular spread of surveillance technology, mostly without adequate checks and balances. Authoritarian regimes benefit from Chinese expertise but also European, Israeli and American ones to spy on their citizens.

As internet penetration and smartphone usage is growing in Africa, states are increasing their digital surveillance, often to the detriment of privacy and essential freedom. In an article published in December 2020 by the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, Ph D student at Harvard University’s Department of African and African American Studies, Bulelani Jili, warns that: “The spread of surveillance technology in Africa without adequate checks and balances is reshaping the governance landscape while potentially enabling another tool of repression.” At least 18 African Countries have already deployed surveillance technology. The list includes Algeria, Botswana, Côte d’Ivoire, Egypt, Equatorial Guinea, Ethiopia Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Morocco, Nigeria, Rwanda, Togo, South Africa, Tanzania, Uganda, Zambia and Zimbabwe.

Activists and digital rights organisations are ringing the alarm bell since these technologies render citizens more vulnerable to political surveillance and repression. Remote-control hacking which enables governments to access files on targeted laptops and log passwords to turn on webcams and microphones is becoming common across the continent. Eavesdropping is also increasingly allowing governments to access calls, texts and locations of phones in Botswana, Equatorial Guinea, Kenya, Morocco, Nigeria, Zambia and Zimbabwe. All this is occurring without much public debate, deplores Bulelani Jili.
This South African researcher mentions the case of Ethiopia which is using information and communication technology to strengthen its local administrative capacity, connecting its districts (woredas) with the ministries but he stresses that at the same time Ethiopia has a poor internet freedom record, including regular shutdowns motivated by political objectives.
Besides, Ethiopia like half of African countries lacks the adequate legislation to regulate privacy and data protection. In addition, many African countries lack also the expertise to facilitate the implementation of cybersecurity policy and regulatory frameworks
In 2014, an African Union Convention on Cyber Security and Personal Data Protection was established to provide a framework for cybersecurity across the continent. Yet, it has not entered into force because it was ratified by only five countries (Namibia, Senegal, Ghana, Guinea, and Mauritius) instead of the required minimum of 15.

Facial recognition is become increasingly common and exposes citizens to potential harms such as hacking, invasion of privacy and bias, warns Karen Allen, Senior Researcher at the Pretoria-based Institute for Security Studies (ISS). She mentions the case of Uganda where the Chinese telecoms giant company Huawei has installed facial recognition systems as part of its Safe City initiative. This concept makes use of a range of interconnected tracking devices such as videocams, software and cloud storage systems to tap public and private platforms. In 2019, the Kampala police procured $126 million worth of closed-circuit television camera surveillance, officially to help control the city’s crime problem. But opposition and civil society sources claim that the aim is also to track government critics. In August 2019, the Wall Street Journal reported that Huawei technicians helped the Kampala government to hack the WhatsApp and Skype accounts of the musician and opposition presidential candidate Robert Kyagulanyi aka Bobi Wine.
According to the American paper, Huawei employees also encouraged Ugandan security officials to travel to Algeria to study Huawei’s intelligent video surveillance system operating there.

In Zambia, Huawei technicians helped the government to crack the communications of opposition bloggers and enabled the police to track and arrest them.
Huawei which is also present in Morocco, Cameroon, Mali, Côte d’Ivoire, Botswana and Mauritius, has used Nairobi as a showcase for its first African Safe City system which  connected 1,800 high-definition cameras and 200 high-definition traffic surveillance infrastructures in the Kenyan capital. Other Chinese companies like Hikvision, Dahua, and ZTE are supplying surveillance technology in Africa.
Yet, the spread of surveillance technology does not involve only Chinese companies, reminds UN Special Rapporteur on Freedom of Expression, David Kaye. According to a paper on the global expansion of artificial intelligence surveillance published in September 2019 by the Carnegie Endowment for International Peace, Japan’s NEC Corporation has a network of 15 companies in Africa. U.S. companies IBM and Cisco are also present on the continent alongside with Palantir, a corporation which was established with the help of seed capital from a Central Intelligence Agency-linked investment body, and is analysing the date of the UN’s World Food Programme, reported the UN IRIN news agency
in February 2019.

Several European companies have sold sensitive surveillance technology to authoritarian regimes in Africa. In 2015, thousands of confidential documents and e-mails from the Italian company Hacking Team, which sells spy software to police administrations, were disclosed by WikiLeaks. They revealed that sensitive products were sold to Eritrea and Sudan which are notorious for their human rights violations. Ethiopia in 2015 purchased eavesdropping software from Hacking Team, to target members of an opposition group and spy on journalists. Ethiopia also acquired invasive surveillance software called FinSpy from the UK-based Gamma Group which allowed to use an image of an opposition group as bait to infect users and monitor their digital activity.
In 2011, the Paris-based International Federation of Human Rights FIDH filed a claim against the French company Amesys which signed a contract with Muammar Gadafi’s government for the sale of a surveillance technology system to spy on opponents who were later arrested and tortured.  In 2018, the French magazine Telerama reported that a company called Ercom sold to Egypt’s military intelligence mass surveillance systems and a software to intercept SMS messages and calls, to monitor the internet and to locate targets, despite Amnesty International’s reports that hundreds of people had been tortured or disappeared whereas some 50,000 political prisoners still remained in Egyptian gaols.The deal also ignored EU recommendations to stop the sale of surveillance equipment to Egypt if there were indications that they could be used to violate human rights.
Amesys also sold surveillance technology to Côte d’Ivoire, Mali and Gabon, says Telerama. Now, the EU itself is teaching African countries how to spy, deplores Privacy International.This NGO obtained hundreds of documents detailing phone and internet surveillance techniques used in controversial trainings of the police in Algeria, Tunisia and Morocco organised by the European Union Agency for Law Enforcement
Training (CEPOL).

According, these documents, during a training of Algerian gendarmes in April 2019, CEPOL experts advised participants to use anonymous and fake profiles to gather intelligence that are harder to trace, despite that such tactics explicitly contradict the EU’s own policies on disinformation. On the last 9 November, the European Parliament and the European Council of the 27 EU member states agreed however to strengthen the regulation for surveillance technology exports.
Another important provider is Israel. According to a report from the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab, cyber-weapons of the Circles Israeli telecoms companies, have been sold to governments in Botswana, Nigeria, Kenya, Zimbabwe, Zambia, Equatorial Guinea, and Morocco. They are used to snoop on communications of opponents, rights activists and journalists. Circles’ technology can identify the location of phones anywhere in the world within seconds without the consent of telecom companies enabling governments to track targets across borders without needing a warrant.
In 2019, Zambian authorities were able to arrest bloggers running an opposition news site by pinpointing their physical location using a Circles cyber-surveillance unit at the country’s telecommunications regulator. Citizen Lab also found evidence of Pegasus Software, a highly sophisticated form of spyware, produced by a rival Israeli company called NSO Group, whose main shareholder is the American private equity firm Francisco Partners, in South Africa, Rwanda, Côte d’Ivoire, Kenya, Togo, Uganda and Zambia.  Big brother is watching
Africans closely.

François Misser

Advocating inside the United Nations.

In preparation for the 2021 Financing for Development Forum at the United Nations (UN), the NGO Committee on FfD, a substantive committee of CoNGO (Conference of NGOs) held a virtual working breakfast briefing and interactive discussion on January 15 with the Concept Note The Recovery We Want: For People and Planet.

Since 2018, the Committee has been holding similar meetings with delegations of UN members State, other NGOs and private foundations, offering a briefing on the FfD Forum and an opportunity for an open and interactive dialogue. The January 15 meeting started a new cycle of activities in 2021 on FfD and other key concerns of the sustainable development agenda.

As many members of our NGO Committee on FfD directly provide services, especially to people living in poverty in poorly integrated and often isolated communities, we are deeply concerned that policies meant to protect the lives, livelihoods, and health of people, are not translating effectively on the ground, as evidenced by the impact of the COVID-19 crisis. The informal conversation provided by the virtual meeting, therefore was on how to better confront challenges and how to advocate for policies that can hasten the end of growing inequality and the effects of the pandemic in the world.

The NGO Committee on FfD is an interfaith based NGO and was established in 2004 to facilitate NGO advocacy on FfD matters by its membership, composed of NGOs affiliated to the UN (through ECOSOC, DGC, and FfD) and other civil society organizations.

It took its start after the Monterrey Conference in 2002 that brought together leaders, ministers of finance, foreign affairs and trade of developed and developing countries, the heads of International Monetary Fund, World Bank and World Trade Organization, as well as civil society and the private sector.

The result was a Consensus to bring new momentum toward coherent international cooperation for development, which remains a touchstone for international policy discussions and collective actions on financing for development.

While most parts of the Consensus were not implemented as soon as needed, the 2008 Doha declaration on Financing for Development asked to “the Secretary-General of the UN” to strengthen “the issue of innovative sources of development finance, public and private.”

In 2015, the conference held in Addis Ababa, Ethiopia assessed the progress made in the implementation of the Monterrey Consensus and the Doha Declaration and made great efforts to identify obstacles and constraints encountered in the achievement of the goals and objectives agreed, as well as actions and initiatives to overcome these constraints.

The Committee on FfD supports the goal to “end poverty and hunger and to achieve sustainable development in its three dimensions – promoting inclusive economic growth, protecting the environment, and promoting social inclusion,” as outlined in Monterrey Consensus and in the Addis Ababa Action Agenda. The Committees advocates on FfD matters from the lens of Leaving No One Behind with special focus on social protection, financial inclusion, and climate finance.

The 2020 Human Development Report asserts, “Our economies and public policy solutions are skewed against human development precisely because of the way we tend to understand ‘value,’ giving Gross Domestic Product growth a central role, discounting the future and any social and environmental harm. This misguided view of value, which considers activities harmful to people and to the environment as creating value, also fails to account for the true value of social services, social protection mechanisms or public goods.”

The concerns of the Breakfasts are, so far, in agreement with the UN Secretary-General António Guterres who said, “COVID recovery and our planet’s repair must be the two sides of the same coin.” The economic system that values exponential linear growth is perpetuating inequalities in the social and economic well-being of people and an extractive mentality, which is depleting Earth’s resources. “For the economic recovery from the COVID-19 crisis to be durable and resilient, a return to ‘business as usual’ and environmentally destructive investment patterns and activities must be avoided,” as highlighted in the Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development (OECD) brief.

The pandemic has just further exacerbated the already existing gaps in social protection, financial inclusion, and climate action. We need meaningfully ensure that “finance is not an end in itself – it is a means to improve people’s lives and achieve the Sustainable Development Goals”.

Thus, the virtual working breakfast called for a paradigm shift in global health and climate finance governance processes. We need transformative and decisive actions to enact and implement social protection, digital and financial inclusion measures, and systemic reforms of the international financial architecture. We need to prioritize long-term economic resilience over short-term economic growth to make building forward better and greener a reality.

The report of the InterAgency Task Force on FfD will give as always a starting point for the stocktaking. However, it is up to governments to act putting the world on a green and sustainable recovery, protecting people and the planet and we know how civil and religious communities have always stepped up to help where governments are unable to provide social protection services.

John Paul Pezzi, mccj
VIVAT International NGO
with consultative special status at UN

 

Egypt. Archaeology. The sarcophagi of Saqqara. New light on the Holy Site.

The discovery by Egyptian archaeologists of more than a hundred sealed sarcophagi in the necropolis of the Ancient Kingdom of Memphis (2700-2192 B.C.) will allow researchers to gain information about daily life in this place.

There are places whose sacred nature remains alive over the course of centuries or even millennia. This applies especially to Saqqara in Egypt, thirty kilometres south of Cairo. This site, chosen as a necropolis by many sovereigns of Memphis, the capital of Egypt during the Ancient Kingdom (2700-2192 B.C.), is known as the location of the oldest stone pyramid in the world: the step pyramid of Djoser.

The ancient necropolis of Saqqara, in the desert of Egypt.

Nevertheless, five thousand years ago, at the dawn of Egyptian history, the sands of Saqqara began to hold the burial places of aristocrats and functionaries and also when, at the end of the Ancient Kingdom, the sovereigns decided to move their capitals far from Memphis and to choose new sites for their necropolises, Saqqara continued to house the tombs of many nobles and, more than anything else, the tombs of animals! Precisely at the start of the New Kingdom, three thousand five hundred years ago, various necropolises were built that were dedicated to sacred animals and some divinities. Among the more important of these is the Serapeum, the burial place of the Apis bulls, and the Bubasteion, dedicated to sacred cats and the goddess Bastet.

It was in the area of the Bubasteion, beneath the cliffs to the east of the pyramids of Djoser, that the archaeological Mission of the ministry of tourism and Egyptian antiquities made a large number of discoveries. The first in November 2018, announced to the world the discovery of an intact tomb of the Ancient Kingdom containing statues and decorations showing scenes from daily life and the afterlife. Inside the tomb, which belonged to the priest Wahty, the bodies of the whole family were discovered including, besides Wahty himself, his mother, his wife and four young children, probably victims of an epidemic.

100 sarcophagi and 40 wooden statues

Beginning in September 2020, the secretary of the Supreme Council of Antiquities, Mostafa Waziri, announced a series of discoveries that were truly sensational and concerned some funeral shafts full of sarcophagi: a type of burial typical of the functionaries of the XXVI dynasty (VIII-VII century B.C.). In early September, thirteen intact sarcophagi were found, followed by fourteen more after just two weeks and reached a total, at the beginning of October, of fifty-nine sealed sarcophagi, twenty-eight statues of Ptah-Sokar-Osiris, the god of the necropolis of Saqqara, and an extremely large number of hand-made objects that were part of the funeral requirements (for example, the ushabti figurines representing the servants that would have accompanied and served the deceased in the after-life).

Sarcophagi, excavated by the Egyptian archaeological mission, are displayed during a press conference, Oct. 3, 2020, at the Saqqara necropolis, 30 kms south of the Egyptian capital Cairo. (Khaled Desouki/AFP)

This inspiring discovery was followed by a communique on 14 November announcing a press conference called by the minister of Tourism and Antiquities, Khaled el-Enany, giving the news of the discovery of more than a hundred sealed sarcophagi to be added to the existing number of fifty-nine.  As well as all of these, around forty wooden statues (some covered in gold) of Ptah-Sokar- Osiris, four gold-covered funeral masks, a score of canopic boxes for the entrails of the deceased and many other pieces of funeral articles, as well as two wooden statues 120 cm and 175 cm tall, belonging even to the Ancient Kingdom. The sarcophagi and their decorations were thought to belong to the dynasties of the Late Period (664-332 B.C.), and partly to the Ptolemaic Period, or the last centuries before Christ when Egypt was governed by the Macedonian dynasty after the conquest of Alexander the Great. During the same press conference, a sarcophagus was actually opened and the mummy was x-rayed which revealed some information about the dead person: an adult male, probably around forty years old, between 166 cm and 175 cm tall. The archaeological mission also announced another significant discovery to be revealed in the following weeks.

Apart from the impressive number of sarcophagi, which may well be added to, since the examination of the shafts is partly prevented by discoveries that have still to be extracted, that which these discoveries once again confirm is the chronological continuity with which, for at least four millennia, the site of Saqqara was chosen as their necropolis by the Egyptians. In this sense, it is remarkable that, alongside the sarcophagi of the Late and Ptolemaic Periods, statues and tombs more than two thousand years old should have been discovered. Besides the extraction of all the sarcophagi and the other objects still under the ground, people are anxiously waiting for the results of studies on the context of these discoveries.
Saqqara, having been associated for several centuries with the cult of sacred animals, was the destination of what may be called pilgrimages that sustained the activities of a vast priestly community probably connected to some hitherto undiscovered temples of which little is known. It is hoped that these objects, apart from their undoubted beauty, may throw some light on the intense daily life that was led in this extremely sacred area that still has so much to reveal to those dedicated to studying it.

Lorenzo Guardiano

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