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Ecuador. A state of emergency.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

Successive governments have failed to improve the political and economic conditions of Afro-Ecuadorians. Drug-related crime is making their conditions even worse.

Afro-Ecuadorians represent approximately 7-10% of Ecuador’s total population. This means that there are between 1.2 and 1.75 million Afro-descendants in a country of approximately 17.5 million people. Most of this population is concentrated in the provinces of Esmeraldas and Imbabura, where Afro-Ecuadorians constitute up to 70% of the population in some communities, especially in rural areas.
Africans were brought to Ecuador as slaves starting in the 16th century, mainly to work on cocoa plantations and mines.

Esmeraldas Province. Afro-Ecuadorian boys on a dock on the banks of the Cayapas River. Shutterstock/Angela N Perryman

Slavery was officially abolished in 1851, but the Afro-descendant population continued to live in conditions of poverty and marginalization. For much of the 20th century, the literacy rate among Afro-Ecuadorians was significantly lower than the national average, and even today about 50% of Afro-descendants live below the poverty line, compared to a national average of 25%. Despite these difficulties, Afro-Ecuadorian culture has managed to preserve itself, in musical traditions such as the marimba, dances and religious practices that continue to be an integral part of the country’s cultural identity. Esmeraldas, in particular, is known for being a centre of Afro-descendant culture, with a strong sense of community belonging.

The rise of Correa
In 2008, during the presidency of Rafael Correa (2007-2017), Ecuador adopted a new Constitution that included the recognition of the collective rights of Afro-descendant populations. The Fundamental Charter guaranteed the right to the protection of Afro-descendant cultural and territorial identities, promoting their social and economic inclusion.During Correa’s term in office, general poverty fell from 36.7% to 22.5%, and extreme poverty was reduced from 16.9% to 8.4%.

Former Ecuadorian President, Rafael Correa.CC BY-SA 2.0/Fernanda LeMarie

This was also due to the anti-poverty bonuses and support for social housing (between 35 and 50 dollars a month) granted by the government. This policy also had an impact on local Afro-descendants, offering greater opportunities for access to education and healthcare. However, the economic gap between Afro-descendants and the rest of the population remained significant. Without forgetting that, during his presidency, the phenomenon of drug trafficking exploded. Afro-Ecuadorian civil society organizations continued to play a crucial role in promoting the rights of Afro-descendants, launching campaigns for social inclusion and against discrimination, and using cultural events and publications
to raise public awareness.

The decline of Correismo
After Correa’s term ended in 2017, his successor, Lenín Moreno, gradually distanced himself from the former president’s policies. Between 2017 and 2020, public spending was reduced by around 20%, with a negative impact on social programs that had benefited Afro-descendants. This led to an increase in poverty and a reduction in essential services, particularly in rural and coastal areas where many Afro-descendant communities live.

Daniel Noboa, president of Ecuador. Photo Pres. office

Political tensions have aggravated the situation, with a growing sense of economic and social insecurity. Investment in inclusion programs has dropped dramatically, and many initiatives to improve access to education and work for Afro-descendants have been suspended or scaled back. As a result, the poverty rate among Afro-descendants has risen again, reaching worrying levels, with an estimated 60% of the Afro-Ecuadorian population living in poverty.

Drug-related violence
In recent years, Ecuador has become a major drug trafficking corridor, with a significant increase in drug-related violence. In 2022, the country recorded a homicide rate of 25 per 100,000 inhabitants, compared to just 6 per 100,000 in 2018. This wave of violence has particularly affected coastal provinces like Esmeraldas. Afro-descendant communities, already facing poverty and exclusion, have been further destabilized by the infiltration of organized crime.

Perhaps a possible change in government policy in favour of Afro-descendant communities will be decided in the February 2025 elections. File swm

In Esmeraldas, the homicide rate rose to 40 per 100,000 inhabitants in 2022, one of the highest in the country. This violence has had a devastating impact on the social and cultural structures of Afro-descendant communities, making daily life difficult and threatening the very survival of these communities.
The government of the current president, Daniel Noboa, markedly conservative, maintains the state of emergency declared at the beginning of 2024, following the expansion of territorial control by criminal gangs linked to drug trafficking. This militarization has allowed, in part, to recover areas of the country that had fallen under illegal control. But the human cost is high, keeping in the background, then, any possibility of new social investments in favour of the most vulnerable population. Perhaps the February 2025 elections will define a possible change in government policy in favour or not of Afro-descendant communities. Noboa will face Luisa González, the Correismo candidate, whom he already successfully faced in the previous electoral challenge at the end of 2023. (Photo: Ecuador. A young black man with a body painted with white lines. 123rf)

J.A.T & D.R.

Cambodia. The water of the Mekong and the monsoons.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

Contact with nature is omnipresent in the culture and the local population. The country still has a predominantly rural identity, although development and its consequences are changing the direct relationship with nature. Cultural notes.

In the cities of Cambodia and, in particular, in the capital Phnom Penh, which is becoming a true modern megalopolis, the relationship with nature is reduced to plants that are grown at home or in the (few) public gardens. In rural areas, however, contact with nature is part of daily life: rivers, large rice fields, bamboo forests and fruit trees are everywhere, always central to people’s daily lives.

The capital Phnom Penh is a true modern megalopolis. Pixabay

Water, in particular, is the main element due to the presence of the great Mekong River. One of the largest in the world. It starts in the Himalayas, crosses China, forms the border between Thailand and Laos, passes through Cambodia and Vietnam and then flows into the ocean.
The water of the Mekong, in addition to being important for fishing, with its floods that overflow is vital for the rice cultivation cycle.

Rice: the fundamental food.
In the Cambodian language when they ask you if you have eaten, the question is: “Have you eaten rice yet?”. If the water from the Mekong doesn’t reach the rice paddies, then it’s a tragedy. It then has to be pumped, but that comes at a high price. When it does arrive, then there’s a big sigh of relief. Towards the end of the rainy season, when the level of the Mekong has already risen enough, a frequent question is: “Has the water already flooded your rice paddy?”.

Rice field. In Cambodia, rice is the staple food. PIabay

During the rainy season, a lot of water falls, with monsoons that pour it down not just in buckets, but in real waterfalls. Life changes in those months. Travel becomes more difficult because of the mud that is created. When it rains hard and for a long time, no one goes out of the house. Children, however, do go out, especially when the first monsoons arrive. They immediately go out in the rain to dance and sing. For them, it’s a celebration. They have a great time. Until their mothers take turns to take them back and scold them that this way, they will get sick, not to do it again, etc, but these are empty words because with the next big monsoon, the scene repeats itself.

A frequent question is: “Has the water already flooded your rice paddy?”. Pixabay

Their threats certainly have more effect regarding the danger of the waters of the Mekong. To scare them not to go too far out or to swim when it is already dark, every good mother tells her children about threatening crocodiles or evil spirits that are just waiting to eat disobedient children. These are legends made up to avoid bad accidents, especially when towards the end of the working day, before sunset, people go down to the river to swim: men and animals together,
cows in particular.

The tree, the place of Spirits
Spirits do not only inhabit the treacherous waters of the Mekong but also the rest of nature. Especially the large trees, often considered places of spirits. Sometimes they are covered and decorated with long coloured cloths, with small altars at their feet where incense burns as a sign of veneration. Unfortunately, this presence of spirits in nature is more a source of fear than respect.
The spirit of the tree is indulged with ceremonies and prayers to keep bad spirits away. Even the mountains, which in Cambodia are mostly hills that suddenly emerge from the plain, are often special places, linked to ancient legends that tell of their birth and explain their shape.

The large trees are often considered places of spirits. Pixabay

Stories of elephants that petrified themselves, creating a promontory, stories of challenges between divinities or between men, such as the one between males and females that gave birth to the “Phnom Proh – Phnom Srey” (or “Mountain of men – Mountain of women”): two hills that stand next to each other and whose history is well known in Cambodia. It is said that to decide who had the duty to ask for the hand first and bring the dowry of the wedding, males and females competed in a competition to build the highest mountain. In the end, the females won. In fact, in Cambodia, it is the men who must ask for the hand of the future bride and reimburse her family with a suitable dowry. Also, in Cambodia, the highest peaks, like Phnom Srey, are often inhabited by monks who seek in those places a life more in tune with themselves, others and nature. There are places where people climb in search of peace because Heaven is closer. (Photo: Buddhist monk walking on the bank of the Mekong River. 123rf)

Luca Bolelli/PM

Israel and Africa. Cyber diplomacy.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

Israel is one of the world leaders in the production and export of digital surveillance technologies. To develop them, it can count on the only such laboratory in the world: the Palestinian territories occupied and militarized for decades.

The famous spyware Pegasus by the company NSO Group, for example, allows its users to collect and even manage data from a citizen’s device without the latter’s knowledge. The collected material can then be handed over to a third party. It has been called “the most powerful cyber weapon in the world” and can only be purchased by governments.
Last year, the value of Tel Aviv’s high-tech exports, a large part of which are surveillance products, was equal to 73 billion dollars: almost five times the resources obtained from the sale of conventional weapons.

“Spyware diplomacy” ends up providing authoritarian leaders with very powerful spying systems. Pixabay

But the real power of the large Israeli companies in the sector, NSO Group or Cellebrite, lies not so much in the money they earn, but in their diplomatic potential. These companies must obtain export licenses from the Israeli Ministry of Defence. This procedure ends up giving the government of Tel Aviv a great deal of influence and making the companies in question a real offshoot of Israeli foreign policy.
A former aide to Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu put it in writing not long ago: “With our Defence Ministry managing the circulation of these systems around the world,” the official said, “we will be able to exploit them and reap profits on the diplomatic side.”

The African strategy
This combination of foreign outreach and the sale of surveillance materials appears particularly relevant in Africa, a continent where Tel Aviv is urgently seeking allies at the United Nations in the context of the occupation of Palestine – compared by South Africa to apartheid – and, more recently, the destruction of Gaza. “NSO works with the Israeli state to support its international policy objectives; it is used as an inviting carrot to offer potential new friends,” observed investigative journalist Antony Loewenstein, an expert on the issue.

Cybersecurity, a woman writing global location info with map graphics. 123rf

Israeli investigative reporter Amitai Ziv, who has also covered the topic extensively, goes even deeper. “When Israel sells its cyber-surveillance to an African country, it can also do so to secure its vote at the UN. We are an occupying force; we need these votes.” ‘Spyware diplomacy’ ends up providing very powerful spy systems to authoritarian leaders, including African ones, who use them to crush dissent with serious consequences for journalists, human rights defenders and opponents.

Digital allies of repression
In 2020, the University of Toronto’s Citizen Lab, which monitors digital espionage against civil society, revealed how many governments around the world were using technology produced by the Israeli company Circles to read messages, and emails and even listen to phone calls of unsuspecting citizens.
Circles can identify the location of a cell phone anywhere in the world in a matter of seconds. Seven of the 25 countries where this system has been used are African. Nigerian intelligence has used it to spy on government critics and journalists. In Equatorial Guinea, this system has been used since 2013 and has contributed to the consolidation of President Teodoro Obiang’s power.
The situation has only gotten worse. 2021 has arrived and with it the Pegasus Project, an international investigative journalism initiative that has scanned 50,000 phone numbers suspected of being “infected” by Israeli spyware and shed light on the extent of digital espionage activities in Africa.

From Morocco to Kenya
Morocco has used Pegasus against government critics but also against the prime minister at the time, Saadeddine Othmani, and even King Mohammed VI himself. Rabat and Tel Aviv normalized their relations at the end of 2020, with the implicit clause of the US recognizing Moroccan sovereignty over Western Sahara. Which was then obtained. Rwandan head of state Paul Kagame also used Pegasus to investigate dissidents. South African President Cyril Ramaphosa may have also ended up among the victims of Rwandan surveillance, considered a possible profile to spy on in the context of diplomatic tensions between the two countries, according to some reconstructions.
Both Circles and Pegasus have also been used in Kenya, causing no small amount of concern among local human rights defenders, who now fear for their work and safety. Pegasus was then used in Ghana to spy on journalists and various political figures in the run-up to the 2016 general elections. And here comes the question: did Tel Aviv use the sale of spyware as a bargaining chip to obtain a favourable vote from Accra on observer status at the African Union, which is still pending?

Drone flying. 123rf

From spy to an observer
This question could also be asked of the governments of Côte d’Ivoire, Togo, Egypt, Cameroon, Uganda and Ethiopia. Israeli spyware has been used by these governments, who then supported Tel Aviv in its bid to become an observer to the AU. Sources who were present at the meeting of the African body’s heads of state in February 2022 confirmed that Israel had promised several African leaders military, surveillance and intelligence assistance in exchange for a commitment to keep the Israeli issue on the AU agenda.
Tel Aviv’s spyware diplomacy has far-reaching consequences in Africa. Governments do not seem very interested in addressing the issue, however. Civil society organisations and digital rights experts, however, have a different view. More than 150 human rights organisations have called on states to implement an immediate moratorium on the sale, transfer and use of surveillance technology until a human rights-compliant regulatory framework is in place. (Photo: Shutterstock/T. Schneider)

Suraya Dadoo

Afro-descendants. For a second decade.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

According to United Nations (UN) data, approximately 134 million people of African descent live in the Americas and many millions more on other continents. Whether descendants of victims of slavery, more recent migrants or descendants of migrants, they are among the poorest and most marginalized communities in the world and have high mortality rates.

To end the injustices that people of African descent face every day, the United Nations General Assembly proclaimed the period from 2015 to 2024 as the International Decade for People of African Descent. It also approved a program of activities that allows states to specify their commitments to combat racism globally.

But are ten years enough to end structural discrimination against Africans and Afro-descendants? The reality is that, despite the historic ten-year process of the United Nations dedicated to reversing the scourge of racism, black communities continue to suffer from inequalities across the planet due to the legacy of slavery
and colonialism.

Indeed, the transatlantic slave trade lasted four centuries and is thought to have involved the trafficking of at least 12.5 million people kidnapped in Africa. Although European countries abolished legal slavery in the 19th century, Africans were freed without financial resources, land, and equal access to employment and formal education.

Thus, the period following the abolition of slavery marked the continuation of hierarchical systems and practices of dehumanization that, even today, keep people of African descent at the bottom
of the social pyramid.

Similarly, the public execution of African American George Floyd on May 25, 2020, by a Minneapolis police officer, revealed the extent of police violence against people of African descent around the world and led to the international community’s recognition that the current situation of black people is linked to the radical violence to which they were subjected in the past.

For this reason, and to seek global restorative justice for Afro-descendant communities in the region, several Latin American and Caribbean countries have recently called on the United Nations to proclaim a second International Decade for Afro-descendants. This new decade will focus efforts not only on encouraging European countries to recognize their responsibility for the crimes of slavery and colonialism but also on convincing them to take concrete actions to compensate the descendants of the victims.

Some of these actions could be the restitution of objects stolen and looted by Europeans in colonial times, the creation of museums that help make visible the damage caused by the slave trade, or the cancellation of the debt of colonized countries, as already requested by Francia Márquez Mina, Vice President of Colombia.

It will not be an easy task for colonizing countries to repair the effects of the genocide committed in the past against the African population. But under the auspices of the United Nations, the period between 2025 and 2034 will represent an opportunity for targeted action by States towards restorative justice and the fight against structural racial discrimination at the local, national, regional and global levels. (Photo: 123rf)

Isabelle Mamadou

World Declaration on People of African Descent.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

The UN is currently working on a draft “World Declaration on People of African Descent”, with the effective participation of Member States and civil society organizations.

The document, entirely dedicated to the collective rights of the African diaspora, will be the first international legal instrument to promote the preservation of their identities, ancestral territories, cultures
and traditions.

But why is specific legislation for people of African descent necessary and the general prohibition of discrimination under international human rights law not sufficient? The transatlantic slave trade lasted 400 years and made possible the mass deportation of African populations to North and South America, the Caribbean and Europe.

As a result, the African diaspora is now widespread in many countries around the world. However, systemic racism and inequalities that originated during the colonial period persist today: both the descendants of women and men who were uprooted from the African continent many generations ago, and Africans who have emigrated more recently, face serious obstacles in accessing justice, decent employment and housing, education and quality health services.

Furthermore, the lack of meaningful participation of the Afro-descendant population in the political sphere in many countries demonstrates further impediments to access to decision-making spaces. It is therefore hoped that this UN document on the rights of Afro-descendants will urge European countries to take concrete action to compensate the descendants of the victims of slavery.

The draft Declaration proposes, for example, that Afro-descendant communities should benefit from underwater treasures and the cultural heritage left on the galleons used to transport enslaved people. Another of the main issues discussed in the future Declaration is the need to recognize Afro-descendants of Latin America as a people.

According to several ethical experts, these groups have not only been subjected to colonial domination but are also aware of their own identity and are organized in communities governed by ancestral customs. For this reason, they would fall within the definition of a people established by international law instruments and would therefore have the right to self-determination in the territories they inhabit.

This would benefit, for example, the thousands of Quilombola communities founded in Brazil by Africans who escaped slavery; the Saramaka people, who have inhabited the Surinamese Amazon since the beginning of the 18th century; or the Garifuna people, the result of the crossbreeding of various groups of African and Caribbean origin.

However, the possible international recognition of Afro-descendant peoples and their consequent right to decide their destiny are a matter of concern for some member states of the United Nations,
due to the power to govern, legislate and administer themselves
that this gives them.

Therefore, in the process of drafting and negotiating the new Declaration, the United Nations will have to decide whether, like Indigenous peoples, Afro-descendants of the Americas meet the requirements to be legally considered as a people or whether, on the contrary, their collective rights do not necessarily have to translate into autonomy over their lands, territories and resources. (Illustration: Pixabay)

Isabel Mamadou

Celebrating African youth.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

“Young Africans are playing an active role in bringing social change in the continent. They are contributing daily to the benefit of their communities and nations across Africa.”

Africa boasts the world’s youngest population with more than sixty percent of its children aged below 25. It is estimated that by 2030, young Africans are expected to constitute 42% of global youth. For any policymaker this is seen as a challenge: more mouths to feed, more bodies to keep healthy, millions of jobseekers waiting in line. Importantly, there are concerns about how to equip the youth for an increasingly evolving youth knowledge economy.

It goes without saying that this youthful energy of over a million people aged between 15 and 35 is a powerful resource and greatly influences the characteristic of Africa with the young Africans ensuring their presence is felt as they keep making their mark in all sectors of society.

The projections are that this ever-increasing youth population in Africa will have doubled by the year 2050 according to the estimates given by Cities Alliance. For that reason, young people in African are a force that cannot be ignored. They are a force to reckon with.

Being full of talent, passion, and a drive to make a difference,
young Africans are the continent’s biggest resources and are progressively taking their position at the centre of the development agenda in the region.

Their importance and recognition are so much so that a day has been set aside to mark and celebrate their presence and contribution in the continent. in 2006 at the Banjul Summit, Gambia, the African Youth Charter was adopted through an Executive Council Decision when the 1st of November was established as ‘African Youth Day (AyD).

This celebration has taken place ever since. The day recognises a unified voice of African young people, which aims to increase awareness of, commitment to and investment in youth; increase and strengthen youth participation and partnerships, as well as increase intercultural exchanges and understanding among young people.

Stable employment among the African is increasingly becoming an important agenda that cannot be ignored. The African youth are not passive to this challenging situation. They have taken it upon themselves to respond to the need for innovative and sustainable ways to support their employment. So many of Africa’s creative and diligent young people have been inspired to take charge of their future, coming up with innovative solutions to keep themselves employed and actively engaged.

Indeed, in innovation and entrepreneurship, African youth are increasingly taking an active role in shaping their future. These young people are equipping themselves with skills beyond the classroom while being exposed to new and different career paths; this presents an opportunity for them to be not just beneficiaries of transformation in the continent but also protagonists in their various ways.

They use the various available platforms that serve as tools for this purpose. With the continued expansion of these platforms, more young Africans will be able to access opportunities, Iearn, and explore intraregional opportunities.

Young African entrepreneurs are involved in promising sectors such as financial services and the tech ecosystem thereby creating transformative solutions. The future is bright: With the digital advancements of the last decade, the proliferation of digital technology and skills have drastically improved the lives of young people and offered unprecedented access to opportunities once hard to reach.

The rate at which these young people are starting businesses is unprecedented. They are developing new technologies; new products are being created and new solutions to old problems are
being sought and found.

Such is the mark of the African youth. From tech startups to social enterprises, young Africans are changing the face of the continent’s economy. In major African cities, just to give an example, such as Accra, Nairobi or Cairo, fully fledged start-up scenes are disrupting our perspective and changing how we think about African agriculture, industry, Information Technology (IT) and sustainability.

In majority of cases, these businesses are spearheaded by Africans under the age of 3S. The year 202Iwas a record-breaking year for Africa’s start-up scene, which assured over $2 billion in funding. The African Development Bank (AfDB) attributes this mostly to “large economies
and sizeable populations”.

Young Africans also play an active role in bringing social change in the continent. They are contributing daily to the benefit of their communities and nations across Africa. From providing support to the elderly, to advocating for justice and equality, young people have proven their centrality to building and sustaining healthy communities.
It is very clear to them that the responsibility to create opportunities lies within each individual.

African youth understand that no one will hand them success on a silver platter. Instead, they are harnessing the power within themselves and taking action to shape their destinies. They are actively involved in the formation of, running of and maintaining social change movements. They are fighting for equality, justice, and human rights.

They provide leadership in shaping a continent where the common good is respected. We see young people in Africa leading in the formation of environmental groups. It is clear to them that they have to build the future they desire and they are doing exactly that.

In terms of arts and culture, the young Africans are rescuing and building on whatever remains of the African culture. While producing some of the most vibrant and exciting art, music, and literature in the world, the young Africans are creating an integral culture which is fit for everyone and where everyone can fit.

They are expressing their unique identities and experiences through their creativity. The clear message coming out in their expression of culture is that we need to build a culture where everyone has
a sense of belonging.

It is evident that African youth continue to show that they are innovative, creative, and diligent in seeing their ideas come to life. However, in order to hasten the development of their capacities and reap the fruits of their efforts, there is a need to strengthen relationships with the youth, and equip them with the spaces needed to amplify their voices to audiences of influence while confronting the existing barriers that compromise meaningful youth engagement.

We have all the reasons to celebrate our African youth. They are making their future. They have ignited the flame of progress and they are fanning it each day to ensure that the path that leads to a brighter future is well-lit. Their passion and determination have opened up the continent’s potential. Indeed, they are rewriting the narrative. Taking ownership of their narrative, the African youth have empowered themselves to build the continent from within strengthened and supported by the networks they build.

Africa is no longer seen as a struggling continent without potential. The celebrated achievements of the African youth prove that Africa is rising to glory and turning more and more into a continent of opportunities. By embracing their potential and taking ownership of their actions, the African youth are guiding the continent toward a future filled with hope and promise. (Photo: 123rf)

John Webootsa

Myanmar. Paul Sein Twa. Preserving Ancestral Territory.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

“What we would like to achieve when we talk about peace. Peace means self-determination. Peace means biological conservation. Peace means revitalization of our culture and Indigenous knowledge: our way of life.” Environmental activist Paul Sein Twa explains to us.

Paul Sein Twa, a Karen environmental activist and executive director of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN), has lived through several periods of political turmoil in Myanmar, passing from one military regime to another, and navigating predatory international development and centralisation reforms under the democratic mandate of former State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.

Out of the devastation caused by teak logging in the Karen areas, an ambitious conservation project known as the Salween Peace Park has emerged, managed in part by KESAN. The Karen-administered park now covers 5,485 square kilometres, including more than 350 villages
and 27 community forests.

According to Paul, the majority of people living in the park itself have been displaced since the military coup in 2021 and the escalation of the civil war. The park continues its conservation mission, working with the revolutionary Karen National Union (KNU) government towards an autonomous Karen state and recognition under Burmese law, despite the ongoing threat of air strikes.

Could you talk about how the Salween Peace Park came about?
“The Peace Park initiative started during the peace process in early 2012. The armed conflict prevented bigger projects like dams and mining from penetrating this area. But the ceasefire facilitated them – (the government) tried to bring them in as incentives to the resistance Leaders. ‘Development for peace’ or something along those lines. But we very much disagree with that, because the kind of peace that we want is the freedom to be able to govern ourselves, to be able to make our own decisions about our own lives, is not our resources, our land.”

“That kind of autonomy in the context of the federal system has always been our call for political reform. The ceasefire brought other kinds of threats. It was not only the military government wanted to build hydropower dams along the Salween River. We were also facing foreign investment and other emergent actors like the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and the Japan International Cooperation Agency.

“Everything was top-down. With the Salween Peace Park, the idea was that we need to have initiatives that show what we want, what our vision is, and what we would like to achieve when we talk about peace.
Peace means self-determination. Peace means biological conservation. Peace means revitalization of our culture and Indigenous knowledge:
our way of life.”

How are colonial forestry practices being replaced by Karen-led forestry?
“The usual way to conserve and manage the forest and the landscape is through a top-down conservation governance model. We have a different model: our Indigenous way of doing. We started to demarcate and map the Indigenous territory called Kaw customary lands. In each unit of land, you have between 10 and 20 villages that you can say own that land maybe own is not the right word to use in Indigenous terms!

So, the land doesn’t belong to you?
“We belong to the land because when we die, we go back to the land. Everything we use from the land is through a stewardship philosophy, meaning we are not the owners but we are trusted to take of it. We try to recognize each customary territory and make people in that area say yes, this is our territory, this is so valuable, this is so important, so we need to take care of it. That’s why even though the Salween Peace Park is a huge area, it’s not difficult to bring people together because we have the same understanding, concerns and vision.”

“We don’t want to see our land being grabbed or exploited for any extractive activities or other development projects. With forest management, the colonial [form] where everything is decided by the forestry department doesn’t work because the forestry department has very few resources, so they cannot look after big areas. We have proof that after 10 years, we can show improvement compared to a government reserve or national part.”

How have the Salween Peace Park community self-government and the KNU managed the conflicting foreign interests in Myanmar’s natural resources amid the civil war?
“In post-conflict times, usually follow Western governments development models. We need to step up and promote alternatives to the Western or capitalistic way of doing development. The path that we do want is more ecological. In terms of livelihoods, it should be looking at agroecological approaches and food sovereignty, and addressing the issues of farmers who have been impacted by armed conflict and other crises like landlessness because of land grabs.”

“The law of customary land (is that people) should get a fair share, nor that the government seizes all this land, pays a little compensation, and then leases the rest to a company for a hundred years. We want a new model in which communities are involved through all of the development process. We need to be different and not follow the failed pathways
of capitalism.”

Lital Khaikin/NI – Photo: Goldman Environmental Prize)

The Philippines. The Cardinal’s Challenges.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

Monsignor Pablo Virgilio David, of the diocese of Kalookan, on the outskirts of Manila and president of the Episcopal Conference of the Philippines will be created a cardinal on December 7. A recognition of his tireless commitment to the poorest and most oppressed.

His pastoral and charitable commitment led him to take a stand against all forms of injustice and violence. To the point that, during the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte, he was accused of sedition and threatened with death for having denounced human rights violations and extrajudicial executions.
He says: “I received five charges of sedition and other specious charges from the national police, based on the testimony of an unknown person. They had a clear intimidating purpose. I was defended by my brother, a lawyer. Three other bishops were accused, but then the charges were dropped by the prosecutor before reaching court”.

Police car lights at night in Manila. The executions were no longer carried out by uniformed policemen but by masked vigilantes. Shutterstock/Zag Advertising

And he continues: “I had denounced the fact that the so-called war against drug traffickers was immoral, illegal and essentially against the poor. In the Philippines, the death penalty is not permitted. Certainly, the government must fight crime, but it cannot do so with arbitrary and violent methods to the point of systematically killing supposed criminals. I supported the efforts of courageous journalists who documented the abuses irrefutably. Many of the people killed were not armed and did not resist the police intervention. After our complaints, they changed tactics: the executions were no longer carried out by uniformed policemen but by masked vigilantes and were classified as “cases under investigation”, but in reality, there was no investigation. The government officially declares six thousand “victims of the war on drugs”. But there are many more: we believe that the people killed by vigilantes, and not declared by the government, number more than twenty thousand”.

Bishop Pablo Virgilio David listens to a woman denouncing the wave of extrajudicial killings. Photo: CBCPNEWS

How do you judge the current government of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr? “It is too early to judge, but people are suffering from a difficult economic situation. Inflation is reaching 8.7%. Purchasing power is collapsing, food is expensive and those who live on the minimum wage are having a hard time. Many realize that the government systematically uses social media to misinform and manipulate. This also happened during the election campaign. Those who possess digital technology impose social and political behaviour.”
Monsignor Pablo Virgilio David, 62, was born in Betis, in the province of Pampanga. He studied in Manila, Louvain and Jerusalem and taught biblical theology. In 2006 he became auxiliary bishop of San Fernando and since 2016 he has been bishop of Kalookan. Since 2021 he has been president of the Episcopal Conference of the Philippines.
Speaking about his diocese located on the outskirts of the metropolitan area of Manila, Monsignor Pablo Virgilio says: “The diocese of Kalookan has 1.8 million inhabitants, of whom almost 90% are Catholic. Only 10% are reached by our parishes. When I became bishop, I immediately looked for those who remained on the margins of traditional pastoral care. These are, for the most part, people from other provinces who do not even have residency. They live in slums, without adequate services and housing. I was shocked to learn that many children do not even have a birth certificate. For the State they do not exist and do not go to a school or hospital. Children born at home are not registered to avoid paying the fee, however minimal, for the certificate. The consequences are terrible. I have assigned a full-time Sister to do everything she can to register the undocumented children of the diocese”.

Children on the outskirts of Manila. Many children do not have a birth certificate. For the State, they do not exist. File swm

Reflecting on what Pope Francis says about paying attention to the peripheries, he emphasizes “Pope Francis often repeats ‘Go out, go out! The Church, if it is not missionary, is not Church’. He introduced the word ‘peripheries’ into common parlance, to the point that some had to consult the dictionary! This somehow inspired me. One of my priorities is to create ‘missionary stations’. Today we have 18 and about 120 lay leaders (or chaplains), religious sisters or priests. We create basic communities that are more agile and open than traditional parishes, for which we do not have, in any case, the land, resources or personnel. Lay people and Sisters can be excellent leaders. I am very happy with them. There are also 35 diocesan priests”.
Monsignor Pablo Virgilio David, who has also been president of the Philippine Bishops’ Conference for two years, says: “Being president means promoting the collegiality affirmed by the Council. It is a challenge. It is not easy to build consensus: we Filipino bishops come from very different backgrounds that lead to different points of view. There is a need for a lot of interaction and commitment to converge on common pastoral positions that meet today’s challenges”.
Which ones in particular? “There are so many. The first is to combine faith with social and political life and ethical choices. Catholics, for example, see no connection between faith and political choices. They experience them as two parallel things. This is a failure. We must encourage lay people to engage in politics based upon their faith. We bishops have a spiritual and moral role, but the commitment in politics is for the laity. We must humbly admit that many believers do not make choices based on what they have learned in church. Perhaps also because we are not able to offer everyone valid pastoral care. In the best of cases, we reach 20% of Catholics. And so, it is already a huge challenge. Our priests cannot do more. The Philippines is a country with a Catholic majority, the churches are always full and the Masses are numerous. Yet the majority of Catholics do not participate in any way in ecclesial and social life”.

The Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conference (FABC) held their General Conference in Baan Pu Waan, Bangkok, Thailand from 12 to 30 October 2022, marking the 50th anniversary of FABC’s foundation. Photo: Fabs Office

Monsignor Pablo Virgilio is also very involved at the level of the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences (FABC), and was one of the inspirers of the “Bangkok Document” in October 2022 on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the FABC. He says: “It is an important document: it celebrates the 50th anniversary of the FABC and traces its future lines. We have chosen an evangelical icon: the story of the Magi for the five sections. In the first, entitled “Observe” and inspired by the Magi who scrutinize the stars, we describe the realities of Asia, in particular those of the poor, young people and women. The second, “Walking together”, refers to the journey of the Magi who leave their comfort zone to follow a destination. We ask ourselves: what common path? The third, “Discernment”, refers to the reaction to the words of Herod and the high priests. We bishops also have to deal with political and religious authorities and we must practise discernment. The fourth is “Offering one’s gifts”. The last is, “New paths”: like the Magi, blocked by Herod, the Churches of Asia are also called to follow new paths to respond to new obstacles and challenges.” (Photo: Monsignor Pablo Virgilio David. Background: Outskirts of Manila. Swm)

Gianni Criveller/MM

Mexico. The Land and the People. A Common Destiny.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

Peasant communities of indigenous origin see the land not as a commodity to be consumed and exploited. But a living being integrated into their history and their identity.

This is how the earth takes on a face with which to establish a relationship as a living being, as a neighbour, an ally and a witness to its history. Divinities, nature, and human beings – living and dead – interact together in this world and the history of these peoples through the elaborate and conflictual social processes they have experienced and which have made the permanence of these cultures possible – cohesive and differentiated in a social context broader and more hegemonic that seeks homologation. Thus, corn, hills, trees, rivers and springs, stones, animals or the sky, far from being valued as inert commodities, are rather central characters in human social life and as a whole – a beating heart that gives vitality to these groups starting from the experience of their vision of the world.

Mayan huts wooden cottage in tropical jungle with palm trees. Arkadijschell/123rf

In this sense, nature as a whole, far from being a repository of lucrative products, is an accumulation of characters who share the history and tradition of these cultural groups. From this point of view, they have a face, which has been repeatedly denied by the pragmatism and mercantilist vision of the hegemonic cultural group in a globalized market economy. Thus, the set of natural entities that inhabit the landscape, experienced and venerated as grandparents, fathers, pastoral life, mothers, brothers, sustenance, bond with the land and ancestors, are valued as people with their faces with whom they interact in an interpersonal relationship of maximum respect, a posture in front of which the objectifying relationship of contemporary mercantilism is decidedly grotesque.There are therefore different cultures, with different ways of relating to the environment. In this context, it can therefore be noted that in indigenous spirituality there are numerous expressions of affection, respect and reverence for the land, the natural environment and natural elements in general, which, as an integral part of the cultural experience of those who practice them, can be traced and are a source of inspiration and suggestive invitations to relate to nature in a way different from that of the market.

Oaxaca. Girl in a traditional dress. File swm

The idea of “asking permission” from the land is a recurring practice in many different regions of the countryside. In this sense, there is no uncultivated or inactive land, everything has an owner, generally protected in the wilderness by the “Dueño del Monte”.
If something is needed to satisfy a need, one must ask permission from the owner of the mountain who requires it. An example of indigenous spirituality can be seen on the feast days of the patron saint. Permission is required for bows, flowers, firewood, logs, etc. This attitude towards nature implies an awareness of otherness, which deserves to be underlined in the face of the impious modern utilitarian concept. Among the ancient Maya, it was expressed by the term “Otzilen”, which means “I’m sorry, but I needed it”, an expression pronounced when hunting, fishing or cutting down a tree. It is a humble recognition that our presence in this world is intrusive and has consequences for other beings besides the land. This conception of the world, present in the various traditional cosmovisions of indigenous origin in Mexico, necessarily leads to an ethical position towards the other (where this otherness integrates non-human otherness).

It involves the recognition of coexistence in the world concerning other beings, as well as an attitude of responsibility towards them about one’s life decisions. The construction of the arch in the church of Uricho in Michoacán for the Holy Souls in November each year, or the pole for the dance of the voladores in Cuetzalan, Puebla, for the feast of the Child God, or the libations of pulque for Mother Earth in some Otomí festivals in Hidalgo, or the apologies to the earth before disturbing and hurting it to start planting in the Huasteca region of Veracruz, or even the Tlaxinqui dance in the festivals of the saints of Xalatlaco, in Mexico, where this character represents the guardian of the forest and people ask his permission to know which trees they can cut down, are examples that illustrate this peculiar relationship: the other inhabitants of the world are there and cannot be ignored, even when we use them for our survival; we do so according to certain guidelines of respect and devotion because this world is shared by the human, the natural
and the divine.

In this same sense, the rituals and offerings to the rain and air deposited in springs, caves, hills, cultivated fields, etc. where human interaction with national entities and sacred beings is recognised by these worldviews, all these expressions indicate an interpersonal relationship that goes beyond the boundaries of these worldviews, where human interaction with natural entities and sacred beings is recognised by these visions of the world, all these expressions indicate an interpersonal relationship that goes beyond the limits of simple human coexistence, integrating nature that manifests itself with different faces and personalities, but ultimately in a social relationship in which they are understood as active participants in a common destiny. (Photo: Mexico, Merida. Monument to the Fatherland at night. 123rf)

Ramiro A. G. Arzapalo/VP

The Vietnamese paradox.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

The middle class grows, but inequality increases. Galloping corruption, total party control over the people, an ambiguous relationship with China. Bamboo diplomacy.

Vietnam’s first impression is of spectacular economic development: modern districts of high-rise residential buildings, vast shopping malls, heavy urban traffic where cars now compete with myriads of motorcycles and where the bicycles of the past have disappeared, frequently updated transport infrastructure, electronic products, clothing, coffee, and rice dominating exports, and a continuously growing middle class.
Vietnam is now a lower-middle-income country. Its ambition to move to the next category in 2030 is realistic. The national goal is to become a “market economy with socialist orientation” by 2045.

Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh. Bitexco financial tower. Pixabay

It was the economic opening that began in 1986 with the policy of Döi Moi (renewal) that allowed Vietnam’s economic progress by implementing the official slogan of “market economy with socialist orientation”. This real break from the previous Marxist – but not Leninist – orthodoxy was necessary to put an end to widespread poverty, the crisis created by the devastation of twenty years of war and the inefficiency of the socialist model of state ownership of the means of production. Replacing Soviet aid and that of brother countries with a new development policy.Vietnam has thus become a showcase for development aid policy, a showcase that is not very common. As a result of its success, the country has attracted foreign investment. Occupying a central place in the economic dynamism of the country, first Asian (South Korea, Singapore, Japan, China, Taiwan) and only later Western. Vietnam also attracts foreign capital that has become wary of China. Large national public groups still powerful, private consortia close to the government and countless small and medium-sized private companies support this dynamic, not to mention financial transfers
from the Vietnamese diaspora.

Pham ngu lao, city centre. The country has attracted foreign investment. Occupying a central place in the economic dynamism of the country. Pixabay

The “socialist-oriented economy” means that the Communist Party respects and guarantees the functioning of the mechanisms of the market economy, but under its control and while maintaining a monopoly on political power. Party cells operate in public and private companies above a certain size. Any challenge to the system is banned and repressed. Opponents who dare to challenge the system pay with their freedom. The population does not challenge the political system, or, in any case, cannot challenge it. They lead their lives quite freely to the extent that they accept the control of the party-state. This control, which is reinforced by propaganda, is very real without assuming the intensity of Chinese totalitarian methods.
Political stability, freedom of enterprise, modest wages given the absence of freedom of association, and openness to the world are the ingredients of success, starting from a low level of development. ‘Doi Moi’ has released the energies and highlighted the qualities of the Vietnamese people: hard work, tenacity, and a positive spirit looking to the future that contrasts with the victim mentality found in some formerly colonized countries.

Prime Minister of Vietnam, Phạm Minh Chính. PM Office

The culture of ancient Vietnam persists with its deep-rooted traditions, such as ancestor worship and traditional values: of family, work, success, and nationalism, despite the profound and not always positive effects of the consumer society. The government strictly regulates recognized religions or beliefs, including Buddhism, Confucianism and Catholicism. Christians, mostly Catholics, represent almost a tenth of the population.While economic progress and stability are evident, there are also grey areas. Thus, two presidents of the Republic were successively dismissed, in 2023 and 2024, by order of the party’s general secretary, for corruption-related cases. The current head of state since May 2024 is Tô Lâm, the general secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam is Nguyễn Phú Trọng, while the prime minister is Phạm Minh Chính.
In a system without freedom of the press and expression, corruption is even more rampant than elsewhere. As a result, corrupt officials are among the new rich. Under these conditions, the “socialist rule of law” can only remain a theoretical goal. In the new Vietnam, the increase in inequality is striking with the appearance of a new bourgeoisie more or less tied to the party.
As in China, the Marxist dogma of class struggle has been abandoned while maintaining the domination of the Communist Party. A fairly basic social security system makes it possible to remedy, to a certain extent, the difficulties of life for the working classes.

The culture of ancient Vietnam persists with its deep-rooted traditions. Illustration Pixabay

Poverty is even more widespread among ethnic minorities. Family solidarity, which is real in a society marked by Confucianism, makes up for these inadequacies. In order to raise the level of primary and secondary education, the country has opened education, with questionable results, to foreign private schools, mainly English-speaking. The state has authorized the establishment of a single private Vietnamese university, an initiative of a private group. Rapid growth has led to a steady and significant increase in the middle class. The United Nations Human Development Index, which combines criteria based on GDP per capita, life expectancy and education, places Vietnam on par (115th out of 191) with Indonesia and the Philippines. Vietnam’s economy has recently become the third largest country in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), just behind these two most populous countries. Less rigid than China in its birth control policy, the country has succeeded in its demographic transition. In 2024, it will have more than one hundred million inhabitants. Its modern lifestyle could influence the birth rate.

Vietnamese students. The country has opened education, to foreign private schools. Photo Viet Tuan Tran/ADB

China has had a strong influence on the entire history and culture of the country since the time – the first millennium – when it occupied the northern cradle of the country. The centre of today’s Vietnam was Hindu Champa, defeated and occupied in the second millennium by the Dai Viet (the ancient name of Vietnam); the South was Khmer. This strong Chinese imprint persisted, even after the liberation from occupation by the Middle Kingdom, of which it remained a tributary state. It was the French who ended this link to colonize the country and leave their mark on it.The Vietnamese have regularly repelled invaders from the Central Country (this is how China is translated in both Vietnamese and Chinese), the last time in 1979. Vietnam is therefore the only state in the world to have been occupied by three members of the Security Council: France, the United States and China.
Whatever the ties between China and Vietnam, now governed by the world’s two largest communist parties, the powerful neighbour inspires distrust. Vietnam faces Beijing’s stranglehold on the atolls of the East Sea, over which it also claims sovereignty. It is doubtful that the country’s development will be of such a nature as to remove Chinese power. Hanoi’s foreign policy consists of not forming any alliances while modulating its relations to resist pressure: this is bamboo diplomacy, both solid and flexible. In 2023, Xi Jinping’s visit was soon followed by Joe Biden’s visit to Vietnam for a “broad strategic partnership”. The European Union has concluded a free trade agreement with Hanoi, which is almost unique in the region.

Whatever the ties between China and Vietnam, now governed by the world’s two largest communist parties, the powerful neighbour inspires distrust. 123rf

Is the new Vietnam a model? The pragmatism it has shown, in contradiction to Marxist dogma, by opening its economy to the private sector and the world, is an example. It allows the raising of the standard of living of a growing part of the population and economic modernization. The commitment of its leaders to the development of the country could be a source of inspiration elsewhere, even if it is the result of a particular history. To this success must be added the stability and security that reign in the country. On the other hand, the shortcomings noted above – widespread corruption, inequality and lack of political freedom – cloud the ranking. Political pluralism, characteristic of the modernity that emerged from the Enlightenment, is and will remain excluded in Vietnam for the foreseeable future. Its absence, as we have seen, hinders the fight against corruption and the establishment of a genuine rule of law. Perestroika without glasnost, to use Gorbachev’s terminology, is the model followed by both Hanoi and Beijing with the economic success we are witnessing. Even if “bamboo diplomacy” will allow Vietnam to maintain its independence, the future of its political regime cannot be read independently of that of China. During Xi Jinping’s visit in 2023, the two countries declared that they share a “communion of destinies” (“a common future” in the Vietnamese text) and committed to fighting “political evolution” and the “colour revolution” concerning the democratic changes in Georgia and Ukraine some twenty years ago. (Photo: Salt field. Pixabay)
Philippe Jottard/ME

Algeria. The economy. A state of dependence.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

It is the fourth largest economy on the continent but it is too closely tied to the fluctuations of the gas and oil markets. It remains a fragile structure compared to population growth. The new front with Morocco is called a gas pipeline.

The economy of the largest African country occupies fourth place on the continent in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) after Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa. The African giant bases its economy on hydrocarbons, starting with gas. A fifth of the GDP and 93% of the value of exports are represented by gas and oil.
The war in Ukraine and the suspension of Russian gas imports by Europe have placed the country at the centre of an intriguing geostrategic game at a global level, but also at an African level.

Factory worker in plant production drilling at metal machine. Algerian industry currently accounts for only 4.1% of GDP. 123rf

Yet the Algerian economy remains fragile compared to population growth, needs and internal consumption. In the 2000s, Algeria was Africa’s leading importer of foodstuffs, mainly cereals. Gas and oil, with their cyclical trend on international markets, remain a point of strength and weakness. The collapse of hydrocarbon prices starting from the end of 2022 and the increase in the value of imports have had an impact on the deficit/GDP ratio (5.2%) and have put the Algerian economy in serious difficulty. The fluctuations in the price of oil have then continued to trend downwards.

Diversifying the economy
Hence the need to diversify the economy and regain a leading role in diplomacy and especially international cooperation. Among the four African countries with the highest GDP, Algeria’s per capita income ($4,342) is second only to that of South Africa ($6,766), which also has the highest inequality index in the world.
In the Algerian case, however, the situation is less dramatic. According to the World Inequality Report, the richest 10% of Algerians take in 38% of the national income and own 10 times more than the poorest half of the population, who only have 19% of the national income.

View of the Algeri Port. The government has tried to make the Algerian economy more competitive and attractive to foreign investment. Wosunan/123rf

The incomes of the poorest part of the population have been stagnant for about fifteen years at very low levels, and raise the question of social justice in the country.In addition to social inequality, there is also gender inequality, as Algeria stands out as one of the countries with the lowest female share of income from work, only 12.5%; in neighbouring Morocco it is 14%, in Nigeria 28%, in Europe it is around 38-40%.
Unemployment has also decreased after the peaks of the years around 2000 when it exceeded 30% of the working-age population. After a brief increase around 2010, the unemployment rate fell to 12.3% last year. Youth unemployment remains very high, at 31.3%. Women are also significantly discriminated against in the labour market with an unemployment rate of 21.5%. Inflation, which reached 9.3% last year, is expected to decrease by the end of this year: according to World Bank estimates up to 5%.
In this picture of light and shadow, since 2020 the government has tried to make the Algerian economy more competitive and attractive for foreign investment. A new law on hydrocarbons has been adopted and some restrictions on foreign ownership and national companies have been eliminated. The government is aiming for a growth model driven by the private sector, which was severely affected in the past by the post-Bouteflika purges (2019).

Workers in a warehouse. Women face significant discrimination in the labour market. Wosunan/123rf

Algerian industry currently accounts for only 4.1% of GDP. It is therefore not surprising that, within this ambitious plan to redesign the economic system, the government is counting on finding once again in gas the resources necessary for its policy. In the context of successive reductions in OPEC quotas, Algerian oil production fell by 3.8% in 2023 compared to the previous year, while domestic consumption of petroleum products increased. A further reduction was decided by Algiers at the beginning of this year. All this resulted in a significant reduction in oil exports, only partially offset by the increase in gas exports. It should be noted, however, that gas exports decreased through pipelines, while those of liquefied natural gas increased. Italy, Spain and France are the main customers of Algerian gas, and Europe remains an important outlet market.

The gas pipeline war
Faced with this outlook, Algeria has decided to lead the strategic battle to become a gas distribution hub to Europe and beyond. This decisive battle involves the two eternal rivals, Algeria and Morocco, competing for the gas pipeline that will bring Nigerian gas to the Mediterranean. What is at stake is not backed up by data. Nigeria is in first place for gas reserves in Africa (eighth in the world), while Algeria is in second place in Africa and tenth in the world. Algeria is the main gas producer in Africa and tenth in the world; on the continent, it precedes Egypt and Nigeria.
Two alternative gas pipelines have been competing for some time: a trans-Saharan one that brings gas from Nigeria to Algeria through Niger. The other is from Nigeria to Morocco along the coast of West Africa. The historic rivalry between Morocco and Algeria has thus revived. The first to relaunch the two projects was Algeria with the breaking of diplomatic relations with Morocco in August 2021 and the subsequent suspension of the supply of Algerian gas to its neighbour; then, in February 2022, the Russian invasion of Ukraine put the gas market at the centre of Europe’s interests. Now the two gas pipelines are in open competition, also in terms of propaganda and communication.

The pipe and valve oil fields. 123rf

Algeria claims the lower cost of the project (about 1,500 km shorter), the greater speed of execution, the lower cost and the lower risks since it involves only one additional transit country, Niger. Morocco, on the other hand, supports the various opportunities offered to the development of West African countries with the extension of the existing connection between Nigeria and Ghana with the possibility of exporting additional gas as this part of Africa confirms the presence of offshore gas, as in Senegal and Mauritania. However, the environmental impact, the longer times and the complexity of the work are overlooked.
Adding to the uncertainty is the fact that both countries are asserting the signing of agreements with Nigeria, which skillfully plays both tables. Announcements follow one another, as does the approaching of the final decision, without anything decisive actually happening. The coup in Niger last year has renewed doubts about the trans-Saharan route and everything suggests that the two pipelines are destined to accompany one of the longest and most enduring conflicts in Africa. (Pumpjack oil extraction and cloudy sky in the sunset with the Algeria flag.123rf)

Luciano Ardesi

Indonesia. Challenges and Opportunities for Christians and Muslims.

Sunday, 1 December 2024 8:00

A complex history has shaped relations between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia. While challenges remain, there are opportunities to strengthen ties through interfaith dialogue and cooperation. Pope Francis’ visit to Indonesia has had a positive impact, reinforcing the message of peace and unity and encouraging efforts to build stronger relationships.

Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, is home to a rich mosaic of religious diversity, with Christianity being the second-largest religion. According to the 2020 census, about 87% of Indonesians identify as Muslim, while Christians – Protestants and Catholics – make up about 10% of the population. Relations between Muslims and Christians have shaped the country’s history, politics and society. They have been characterised by cooperation and conflict, unity and division, peace and tension.However, this complex relationship presents significant challenges and opportunities as Indonesia strives to preserve national unity while encouraging religious harmony. With the recent visit of Pope Francis, a new chapter in this relationship is emerging, which could reshape the religious landscape and pave the way for deeper collaboration to build a more inclusive and peaceful Indonesia.

Jakarta. Neo-Gothic style “The Church of Our Lady of the Assumption”. Catholic Cathedral. CC BY-SA 3.0/Gunawan Kartapranata

One of the key challenges for Muslim-Christian relations in Indonesia is religious tension, which has sometimes led to conflict. Cases of interfaith violence, particularly in the early 2000s in areas such as Maluku and Central Sulawesi, have left scars on both communities. These conflicts were motivated by a combination of religious, economic and political factors. The resurgence of religious conservatism and intolerance in some parts of Indonesia has at times strained relations between the two groups.
Indonesia’s blasphemy laws have also been controversial, as they are sometimes seen as disproportionately affecting religious minorities, including Christians. The case of former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), a Christian, highlighted concerns about the politicisation of religion and its impact on religious relations. Ahok’s imprisonment for blasphemy in 2017 highlighted the sensitivity of religious discourse in Indonesia and revealed underlying divisions.
Although the Indonesian constitution guarantees religious freedom, there are still clear challenges; for example, Christians face difficulties in obtaining permits to build churches, particularly in Muslim-majority areas. These challenges are not unique to Christians; other minority religious groups also face similar problems. However, these incidents sometimes contribute to a sense of alienation and inequality, hindering efforts to build a more harmonious society.

Indonesia. A Muslim woman and a catholic sister are happy together in Monastery Saint Franciscus in Semarang, Central. Shutterstock/INTREEGUE

Despite the challenges, considerable efforts have been made to bridge the gap between Muslim and Christian communities. Interfaith dialogue, promoted by religious organizations and civil society, has played a key role in promoting mutual understanding. Forums such as the National Interfaith Council and Initiatives led by religious leaders have contributed to peacebuilding efforts and encouraged religious tolerance.
Joint efforts in social justice and humanitarian action are another avenue for collaboration between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia. Both faith groups have a long tradition of community service, and working together on issues such as poverty alleviation, disaster relief, and education has fostered a sense of unity. Emphasizing shared values of compassion, charity, and social justice paves the way for closer collaboration.

Interfaith meeting at the Istiqlal Mosque, where the Declaration of Istiqlal was signed. Vatican Media

Pope Francis’s visit to Indonesia in September 2024 marked a historic moment in Muslim-Christian relations in the country. As a global religious leader who advocates for peace, dialogue, and inclusion, his presence and message resonated with Indonesia’s Christian and Muslim communities. During his visit, Pope Francis emphasized the importance of interfaith dialogue and the need for religious communities to work together for the common good. His call for mutual respect and cooperation touched the hearts of many Indonesians.
The Pope’s visit also gave impetus to grassroots movements for reconciliation between religious communities. Religious organisations and local leaders used the visit to launch initiatives for tolerance and understanding. The Pope’s message of peace and unity resonated with many Indonesians who want a future where religious differences are celebrated rather than feared.

Muslim Woman in a hijab is enveloped in a serene ambience as she prays among candles. 123rf

Younger generations in Indonesia are playing an increasingly important role in shaping the future of interfaith relations. Born amid the digital boom, they are more open to global perspectives on tolerance and religious diversity. Social media and online platforms offer young people from different religious backgrounds the opportunity to engage in dialogue and work together on common causes. The challenge will be to ensure that these platforms are used to build bridges rather than exacerbate divisions.
The future of Muslim-Christian relations in Indonesia will depend on the ability of both communities to build on the shared values of compassion, justice and service to humanity. By focusing on what unites rather than what divides them, Indonesian Muslims and Christians can continue to work together to build a more peaceful and harmonious future. (Jakarta. Catholics flock to Gelora Bung Karno for the Mass with Pope Francis. Shutterstock/Wulandari Wulandari)

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Photo Gallery – Jubilee 2025. Pilgrims of Hope

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