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Jamaica. The roots of reggae.

The mention of Jamaica immediately reminds us of reggae music and such figures as Bob Marley or Shaggy. This wonderful land, lost in the azure Caribbean has much more ancient musical roots that largely go back to the arrival there of African slaves. It is there that the rhythmic way of life which has always marked the musical traditions of this geographical area originated.

In modern times, this multi-coloured universe of sounds has been contaminated by other nuances of expression such as calypso music imported from nearby Trinidad or ska, the Jamaican version of rhythm’n blues that the local people would listen to on United States radio stations. It became a melting-pot, so to speak, that became even more vivacious in 1962 when the country gained its independence
from Britain.

Harry Belafonte. The king of calypso music. Photo: CC BY 2.0/David Shankbone

Ska music, with its devilish rising rhythms, was the perfect soundtrack for a people entering the modern world and looking with great expectations to a better future.
The Skatalites were the epitome of this new music, followed closely by Toots & The Maytalse and the Wailers, the band that launched the first Jamaican reggae star, Bob Marley. Meanwhile, however, the Jamaican scene had been enriched by two other stars capable of making a breakthrough into the international market: the king of calypso Harry Belafonte (a New Yorker, the son of a Jamaican and a cook from Martinique) who conquered the world in 1958 with the legendary Banana Boat Song, and Jimmy Cliff who had first become well known through the Universal Exposition 1964, and contributed such classical worldwide hits as The Harder they Come and Many Rivers to Cross.
The roots of reggae are to be found in rocksteady: slower music with less prominent wind sections and more obviously US sounds, where the figure of the lead singer became more prominent than the instrumentalists; the lyrics also revealed elements and approaches that reggae later developed.

Politics and spirituality were intertwined, also because, despite independence, Jamaica remained a country characterised by strong social tensions; a most fragile democracy besieged by organised crime, social inequalities, and bloody political clashes. It was out of all this that reggae grew among the streets of Kingston, nourished also by the political-religious legacy of the Rasta preacher Marcus Garvey, the great proponent of the return to Africa of the grandchildren of the slaves.

In the meantime, there came another creative figure with Caribbean blood in his veins. Chris Blackwell founded the Island Records in London: just what was needed to transform reggae from a local phenomenon into an enchanting world trend.
Bob Marley (who died of cancer in 1987) even today represents its greatest expression but reggae lost no time in influencing countless western rock stars (from Clapton to the Police) and continues to do so today, in an infinite number of styles from raggamuffin to dub. However, Jamaica has not yet healed its wounds (it is still a country with one of the highest murder rates in the world), and it is still searching for redemption.

Franz Coriasco

 

 

 

 

Afghanistan. The Loss of Life in a Twenty-Year War.

Life is precious and sacred. Many people believe in the sanctity of the human person with rights and dignity to be protected and preserved. This is not true for many more who kill and murder and execute their perceived enemies.

Those that declare war and invade other nations are also guilty of bringing death and destruction. There is no “good” war. In the end, after millions are dead and wounded, peace is negotiated and made, and life returns to normal. Why then fight the war in the first place and not negotiate a settlement of differences before violence is inflicted? That is because war is very profitable for weapons manufacturers. A prolonged “endless” war is the best thing ever for the industrial military complex.

This industry dominates and greatly influences American politics and the US economy. It is what President Dwight Eisenhower warned the nation about in 1946. He called it a danger to the nation. The permanent armaments industry is today immensely greater and more powerful. It needs, and perhaps, promotes continuous wars to sell more arms to prosper and grow.

The politicians, the arms manufacturers and traders get their political candidates elected who seemingly work continually to support military interventions. This is the great wrong behind all wars: immense greed fuelled by lies, ambition and power. The American people are mostly duped into believing that their national security is always under threat and a super strong military, always at war, with real or imagined enemies, is necessary.

The futility of the Afghan twenty-year unwinnable war has brought incredible suffering and death to millions of civilians and soldiers and generated hundreds of thousands of refugees and displaced people. The invasion was launched primarily to deprive Al Qaeda terrorits a haven in Afghanistan, which was then controlled by the Taliban.

When that was achieved, the occupation continued and was prolonged mostly for the glory of US career generals and the benefit of the US industrial military complex and a few thousand corrupt Afghan politicians and their cronies. The immorality of it is staggering. We do not live in a just or moral world. The disaster is still unfolding as thousands of people are rushing to the airport to escape the Taliban on US and UK planes.

According to research by Brown University, the number of innocent Afghan civilians caught in the crossfire or killed by suicide bombers is a shocking 47,245 men, women and children.
Countless others are wounded, having lost arms and legs and they will suffer for the rest of their lives.
Besides, half-trained 66,000 Afghan army and police were killed. The number of Taliban and other opposition fighters that were killed is 51,191. A total of 164,436 Afghan people died in this avoidable war.

In Afghanistan, in the 20-year war, as many as 2,448 American service members were killed up to April 2021. An additional 3,846 U.S. contractors, civilians and mercenaries were killed, and as many as 1,344 service people of the NATO alliance died also. The number of aid workers killed is 444. Seventy-nine journalists were also killed.  A total of 8,161 needless deaths.

How could a mostly unpaid guerrilla band of fighters, armed mostly with AK-47s, RPG rocket launchers, home-made bombs and riding pickups and motorbikes with walkie-talkie radios, defeat the greatest, most powerful sophisticated well-paid army, air force and navy in the world, the best funded and most expensive?

According to Brown University calculation, the US spent $2.26 trillion in Afghanistan, or $300 million a day. The 29,950 US troops with 300,000 Afghan military and police were beaten to a standstill by a much smaller force and the US under Donald Trump gave up and sued for peace.

It seems that the Taliban had a few things going for them more than guns and bombs, religion for one.
They were defeated in 2001 and driven out of Afghanistan but they hid in the mountains and regrouped. Their deep radical Islamic faith, some may call it fanatical, kept them going.

Their unshakable belief that Allah was truly on their side and their hope of establishing in their native land a strict even cruel, misogynist Islamic state, under Allah, was their unshakable dream. Besides, death in a Holy War would bring them their instant reward in paradise. That is what they fought for, not a paycheck.

Their medieval harsh religious faith motivated them sharply and they became ferocious fighters, taking risks and were a formidable enemy against a foreign invader on the battlefield with all the odds of weaponry and manpower against them. They had defeated the Russians and were convinced they could defeat the United States.

Crucial for victory was their positive negotiations with local tribal leaders to win the hearts and minds of the local population. This they did by infiltrating their sleepers into villages and municipalities. As their fighters drew near to a village or town or provincial capital and surrounded it, their sleepers had already prepared the way and emerged.

They had influenced local tribal leaders to support them without resistance by making deals and paying cash handouts. It worked. They allowed poppy cultivation and heroine production and earned millions of dollars from it to finance their war. They captured border points and collected tax on everything imported or exported.

The Taliban had a clear tactic to negotiate with government troops and police to persuade them not to kill fellow Afghans but save themselves and their families. They left them little choice, desert to us or die with their wives and children. Thousands of unpaid soldiers changed sides and they delivered their US-supplied weapons to the Taliban, too.

Many Afghan army commanders were corrupt and brutal to their troops so the deserter didn’t need much encouragement to switch sides. Eighty-five billion US dollars was spent on training them to fight, according to Brown University.

A pre-negotiated surrender seems to explain how the Taliban took provincial capitals quickly and Kabul without firing a shot. It was pre-arranged and the United States seems to be caught by surprise unless they had agreed to a secret surrender that came all too quickly for most. The human cost is immense as stated above. The financial cost to the United States is gigantic. It is obliged to pay health and disability costs for almost 4 million war veterans of the Afghanistan and Iraq wars costing almost $2 trillion, wars which have already cost the US $2.6 trillion to wage and most of it is borrowed with interests. By 2050, that interest is estimated to cost the American taxpayer $6.5 trillion. The banks and lenders are thrilled, they love lending to finance wars.

Where did most of the $2 trillion in war costs go? You may ask. Where else but to the industrial military complex and companies therein and they are very happy about it. They love wars, too.  What was achieved from these wars? Nothing but human suffering, devastation and misery. Now, the Taliban are back with promises of a less harsh regime than 20 years ago. But, will they keep them? That remains to be seen.

Fr. Shay Cullen

 

 

Mexico. Welcome to Tijuana.

The religious institutes have created a support network for the many migrants coming to the city in the hope of moving legally, or even illegally, to the United States. We visited the Migrants House.

The numerous white crosses close to the famous Las Playas beach are in memory of the many migrants who lost their lives attempting to reach the United States. This is Tijuana, known as the most typical of the frontier cities. It is situated in Lower California at only thirty kilometres from the American city of San Diego.

View of poor area of Tijuana Mexico with buildings on hill. Photo. Mdurson/123RF.com

In recent years, the city has become the point of arrival for many migrants and also the place where migrants return home after being deported from the United States. It is in this chaotic, disordered, and violent city that the religious institutes have sought to respond to the various needs of the migrants. The structures called albergues are located mostly in the Northern Zone of the city, close to the border. They work in contact with each other in common initiatives of training or protests, as in the case of marches organised to protest the closure of the border or the tightening of policies governing asylum seekers.
The emergency caused by Covid-19 has, inevitably, placed a strain upon the hospitality structures that were meant to be almost
completely self-supporting.

Tijuana. Main entrance of the “Casa del migrante”. Photo: Federica Mirto.

The Migrants House is one of the largest hospitality centres in the city. It was opened in 1987 and run by the congregation of the Scalabrini, with room for 140 guests. Before the Coronavirus epidemic, all the guests were male. The House is a place of welcome and offers a number of services such as legal advice, counselling, and a course on how to find work. Father Pat Murphy has directed the Tijuana Migrants House since 2013. “Most of the people coming here are from the south of Mexico or Honduras. They have one common aim: to escape from violence and poverty”.In the course of their stay which usually lasts about thirty days, the migrants may take training courses, avail themselves of medical services, and enjoy three meals a day as well as a place to sleep. The rules for entry are clear: each guest must help with the daily cleaning, in the kitchen, and other activities when requested. In the Centre, time seems to stand still. Due to the epidemic, people may go out to go to work, but permission is required to leave for any other reason. The daily routine is marked by a regular timetable.

Tijuana. Fr. Pat Murphy, Director of “Casa del migrante”.

Most residents go to work early in the morning and return in the evening in time for supper in the refectory. The aim of the Migrants House personnel is to assist the guests with bureaucratic procedures and assist them in actively looking for work so that they can rent a place of their own after their stay in the House comes to an end.Despite the closures due to the pandemic, there has always been work available in Tijuana: the migrants find work in the building industry, in laundries and hotels, as watchmen, or as road sweepers in the commercial centres. The main problem is that of low wages, insufficient to pay the very high rents, and the lack of public transport, which forces people to work close to where they live.
The Covid-19 also struck the Migrants House where there were some cases who were immediately isolated in rooms specially equipped for quarantine and with supplies of oxygen. The emergency lasted three long months. Lower California was one of the regions most affected in Mexico, but Father Murphy was not deterred by the collapse of the public health system; with the help of his collaborators, he decided to devote half of the premises to whole families.

Many stories to tell
Migrants House is a place where everyone has a story to tell. Stories of suffering, sorrow, and broken dreams. Doris, too, has her own story. She has just heard that her mother has died in Honduras, and she was not there to say her last goodbye.  Before reaching Tijuana, Doris’ family travelled for a whole year. Gerson, her husband, tells us he could never go back now that he has succeeded in escaping from all sorts of violence. Their first goal was Tamaulipas, the Mexican state on the border with Texas but even there they were the victims of extortion and kidnapping. Twice they tried to cross the border by contacting the ‘coyotes’, the traffickers who demand up to twelve thousand dollars
to cross the border.

The coyotes are contacted by word of mouth, even within the hospitality centres where they sometimes succeed in being accepted by pretending to be needy migrants. Their real aim is to find clients, promising a safe one-way passage to the United States. The coyotes are also known as ‘polleros’.  They operate not only on the northern border but all along the migration route that starts in Tapachula, in the state of Chiapas, on the border with Guatemala. The migrants’ route is one of the most profitable businesses for local organised crime. Organised crime has, for some years, had a grip on the phenomenon of migration. “Yes – Father Murphy confirms – because this really is big business. The Mexican government is not in control and corruption is widespread. It is all centred upon money”.
A few months previously, Gerson and his family had succeeded in crossing the Rio Grande using a makeshift dingy and entered the state of Texas only to be sent back by the border police. After the election of the new president Joe Biden, confident that migration policy would change, Gerson and Doris made a second try. This time they went overland, fearlessly crossing the desert area at the border. However, they were again disappointed and so they returned to Migrants House, waiting and hoping. They hope to reach their relatives who live in Minnesota.

Migrants reading information and maps. Photo: CC-BY-SA-4.0/ ProtoplasmaKid.

Moses is aged 32 and originally from Ghana, the only African guest at the House where he has been for six months now. He was one of the few who did not speak Spanish and showed no interest in learning the language: in his free time, he likes reading the latest news about the immigration situation in America. He left his native Ghana and his son to follow his ‘American Dream’ and join his brother in Ohio.  For him, the United States “is a country of unlimited possibilities in all aspects of life”. He is not slow to admit that he did not leave Ghana because of the lack of security, but because he wants to use his studies in marketing, develop his profession, and send money home to his family. He tried to cross the Rio Grande several times but was always sent back but he says: “sooner or later I will succeed”.

Biden and Harris
The change of tenant at the White House is viewed with hope.  “Unlike the previous administration, the Biden government sees immigration as a delicate problem that must be handled carefully.
Firstly, it has adopted a more flexible and human policy”, Luis Miguel from El Salvador tells us. The approach differs from that of Trump, but the proof will be seen in deeds.

Tijuana. Migrants. Photo: Federica Mirto.

In recent months, the official number of migrants to the United States has broken all records. Early in June, Kamala Harris made her first international trip as Vice President, visiting Guatemala (which, with Honduras and El Salvador, forms the ‘Northern Triangle’) and Mexico to promise development aid to stop the growing migratory exodus, but especially to repeat: “Do not come!”.
During her visit, Harris promoted the creation of two work groups to combat human trafficking, the drugs trade and corruption, as the first step in a plan to invest four billion Euro in the region. The long wait to see the fruits of these measures, while people suffer and migrate, shows the complexity of a problem that is more easily opposed than governed. Open Photo: Border wall between Mexico and the U.S.A. at Playas de Tijuana.  Mabrach/123RF.com

Federica Mirto

Trinidad and Tobago. Between Prosperity and Islamic Extremism.

Located between the Caribbean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean, Trinidad and Tobago are part of the West Indies Archipelago, a group of islands between Florida and Venezuela and shared with the Caribbean Sea, the Gulf of Mexico, and the Atlantic Ocean. Discovered by the Spanish led by Christopher Columbus, they are called the West Indies to distinguish them from the East Indies of South-East Asia.

Its territory is composed of two islands close to the northern coasts of Venezuela and Guyana. Trinidad, so called in honour of the Most Holy Trinity has an area of 4,800 km2 and is the larger of the two islands. Located just 11 km from Venezuela, it is an extension of the South American region, with its mountains that form a sort of continuation of the Andean chain. Tobago, located north of Trinidad, is instead much smaller and has an area of less than 300 km2.

The original intention of the Spanish colonisers was to reduce to slavery most of the Amerindian inhabitants of the island and take them to work in the new Spanish colonies of South America. Since Spain was much more interested in the race for gold, it paid little attention to the economic potential of Trinidad which had few precious minerals. It was only in the centuries following its discovery that the colonisers began to devote themselves to the cultivation of tobacco and cacao, using indigenous labour. This activity was pursued until 1720 when there was a fall in the production of cacao and a subsequent crisis in the industry. During those years, the Spanish encouraged the migration of Catholic workers living on the other Caribbean islands, with the promise of great rewards. Many slaves were brought to Trinidad from the African continent to be put to work on the cotton and sugar plantations. In 1802, Trinidad was ceded to the British, and after the abolition of slavery, began in 1845 to import thousands of ‘indentured labourers’ mostly from India, who began to work on the sugar and cotton plantations at the service of the colonisers. During those years, in addition, immigration of workers coming from various continents besides from the Caribbean islands under British rule, developed. In particular, these workers were Chinese, Syrian, Lebanese, British and Madeirans, transforming Trinidad into one of the most heterogeneous islands in all of the Caribbean.

Christopher Columbus monument. Columbus landed here on his third voyage in 1498. This is on the southern coast of the island of Trinidad, West Indies. CC-BY-SA-4.0/ Kalamazadkhan.

Tobago, sighted by Columbus, was originally designated as a Spanish possession. In the XVII century, it passed more than once into the hands of the British, French, Dutch, and even Courlanders. In 1704, it was declared a neutral territory. In 1763, it again came under the rule of the British who set up a colonial administration and worked for the development of sugar and cotton production, importing about ten thousand African slaves in a matter of twenty years.
However, in the years following, the island again passed on different occasions from British to French dominion and, in 1814, definitively came under British rule. The abolition of slavery dealt a severe blow to the economy of the island and created a deep economic crisis though this did not end the production of sugar and rum, which continued until 1884 when the London-based company which controlled the market went bankrupt. In 1889, following the crisis that struck sugar production, at the desire of the British, Tobago became the protector of nearby Trinidad while maintaining separate legislative and taxation systems. From the point of view of institutional politics, during the British colonial period, Trinidad and Tobago followed a two-house system with an elected assembly to which, in 1925, following constitutional reforms, seven new members were added. The desire for greater autonomy grew ever stronger among the islanders and exploded in a series of strikes and disturbances which marked the thirties and gave rise to the birth of an important trade union movement and the 1945 reform which granted universal voting rights. It was these processes that laid the foundation for unprecedented change in the political field represented, in 1956, by the triumph of the PNM (People’s National Movement). Independence was achieved in 1962 when Trinidad and Tobago became a republic.

The heterogeneous nature of the peoples present in Trinidad and Tobago forged a tradition of cultural and religious pluralism which saw Christians, Muslims, and Hindus living peacefully together for around two hundred years. However, this equilibrium was lost at the end of the sixties by student protests which, unlike those in the rest of the west and in Latin America, took on an ethnic character. The protesters were members of the African-Caribbean minority who saw themselves as excluded from society and the demonstrators aimed at the overthrow of the ruling, white-centred cultural power. The Black Power Revolution assumed a violent character and created deep ethnic divisions. The government only superficially managed to control the situation and suppress the revolution. This apparent success was due to the discovery of large oil deposits in the seventies and the economic boom that followed. Despite the apparent calm and the economic resources derived from the oil industry, unrest continued to smoulder beneath the ashes and the ideas relative to Black separatism gave way to or were integrated with African-Islamist separatism. This situation led to the rapid diffusion on the islands of the teachings of some African-American Black Panther and Nation of Islam (NoI) radicals which served to prepare the ground for the attempted coup on 27 July 1990 by members of the minority Muslim group called Jamaat al Muslimeen (JaM).

During those days, there were serious disturbances in the capital Port of Spain resulting in 24 deaths and 231 wounded. The local commissariat was attacked and the national television station, together with the parliament, was occupied. The situation returned to normal after four days of negotiations which marked a turning point for the country since the Jamaat al Muslimeen (JaM) emerged significantly strengthened and recognised as a de facto force present in the country; this allowed it to take root in the ghettos of Trinidad and Tobago which it transformed into a recruiting area for international Jihadism in the Americas. (F.R.)

South Sudan. Being part of a universal Church.

An extremely polarised country where belonging to a family or clan is much more important than one’s national identity. The new bishop of Rumbek, Mons Christian Carlassare, invites the Christians to be part of a universal family rather than to a clan or ethnic group.

The Gospel is indeed inspiring but that does not lessen the effort required to overcome all the obstacles one encounters on the journey of faith. The road is often tiring as there are not many reference points to show the way. Generations of South Sudanese have lived all their lives in a context of instability, violence, and conflict. There is much frustration that worsens the traumas of the past. Walking together is not a foregone conclusion, far from it. Even within the same ethnic group there are great differences of views between those who have been educated and live in the cities and the majority who live isolated in the rural areas, and are often illiterate; between those who can rely on a regular salary from their work as civil servants or from their jobs in humanitarian non-government organisations, and those who, instead, rely on their herds or who earn their living by fishing or agriculture; between those who reflect and make decisions in the light of the Gospel and those who, though they are Christians, follow a way of thinking based upon the categories of their tradition and culture.

The new bishop of Rumbek, Mons Christian Carlassare.

It must be noted that the Church operates in a context that is intrinsically very poor, not so much in terms of resources since there is sharing between Churches, as in terms of operative structures, qualified personnel, programmes, and the means to carry them out. The diocesan clergy has to make do with training that, in many respects, is incomplete, with economic restrictions, isolation and limited accompaniment. In many ways, the traditional culture, even while respecting the priest as a man of God, does not help him to live out his service. At the same time, the needs of the people are many and pastoral work is very demanding. Discouragement may affect even the strongest and most motivated.

The formation of the laity is decisive
The contribution of the religious and missionary institutes is very important. They do encourage a missionary pastoral that seeks to “go out” and meet those who are far away and often marginalised.
In fact, even those who are not included in the logic of the modern world may make an important contribution towards the betterment of the situation as well as to changing the dynamics that keep the country hostage to the past.

Direct evangelisation is certainly difficult for religious institutes when they are not well inserted into the context and are not familiar with the people, or when they are not able to guarantee stability with missionaries who are ready to incarnate themselves and spend their time and efforts in a determined place. The missionary institutes in South Sudan constitute a powerful impulse to human promotion by means of schools of all levels, dispensaries and hospitals, reception centres, the mass media, microcredit, self-sustaining projects, and the promotion of peace. There, too, are important ambits wherein to continue evangelisation understood as humanisation or as giving value to human beings and their fundamental dignity.

Girls walking at Good Shepherd Peace Centre. Photo: Paul Jeffrey.

The Good Shepherd Centre, promoted by the Association of Major Superiors of Religious Institutes, proposes to offer human and Christian formation to pastoral agents and all who are striving for peace and reconciliation. At the moment, there is a team of religious who have joined the initiative Solidarity with South Sudan, in which 170 religious congregations participate. Besides offering courses and retreats in the centre of Kit, close to Juba, it presents programmes and activities in all the dioceses of South Sudan specifically to reach as many people as possible, especially those who have important roles in the pacification of the population in the territories.
Another very important initiative is the one promoted by Bishop Emeritus of Torit, Mons Paride Taban, who, in 2005, founded a village at Kuron (East Equatoria) where people of different ethnic groups live together in a common project to develop the territory. The idea is to show how it is possible to overcome the logic of the clan when people of different backgrounds come together for the common good and not just that of a single group.

Overcoming devotionalism
The essence of the Church is communion, fraternity, and unity. When we see Christians divided along lines of ethnic group or clan, we understand how much the faith has not been interiorised. Day after day, we realise that the blood of culture and ethnic group is still thicker and more important than the sacred water of Baptism. The paradigm of “The Church as the Family of God” proposed by the first Synod for Africa in 1994, now seems to have been rejected.
In the first place, it may seem to be a contradictory proposal in light of the grave crisis the family is going through in Africa as in many other parts of the world. Secondly, one can see everywhere the radicalisation of the theme of identity which makes the Church weaker when it has to deal with ethnic reasoning that is not capable of promoting universal fraternity. From this comes the understanding that, in this time of missionary crisis, it is necessary to re-evaluate and revisit evangelisation with renewed energy and re-found courage.

The Gospel is not meant to be preached in church on Sundays to a small group of the faithful but must reach all corners of society, especially those that are not easily accessed, by means of appropriate initiatives and much creativity. A few superficial brush strokes of the Gospel to make us look like Christians by means of sterile devotional practices are not enough. It is necessary that the Gospel enters the flesh and penetrates the hearts of people in such a way as to produce Christians capable of transforming society. In preaching the Gospel, it is not possible to silence the many injustices, the violence, the indiscriminate use of arms or the lack of respect for human life. It must be openly said that silence is anything but Christian.

Investing in family pastoral
The Church is increasingly called to see to the formation of the clergy and the lay pastoral agents in general. It must invest more in family pastoral, forming base Christian communities that promote mature faith that devolves into daily life. It is necessary to overcome exterior devotionalism to form people with an incarnate spirituality of commitment in society for unity and peace. The Church also has an important role in civic training to promote responsible citizenship.

This can be done, not only through primary and secondary schools but also by investing in universities so as to create a new culture attentive to sustainable development in an open society ready to share. Dioceses must promote commissions of justice and peace that may accompany groups scattered throughout the territory, capable of meeting the population and seeking solutions to conflict at its roots. In short, the Church must try not only to safeguard the orthodoxy of its faith but above all to sustain a correct praxis that springs from faith, by means of truly Christian ethics. In this historical moment for South Sudan, the mission of the Church represents one of the few great hopes for the country since, like good yeast, the Gospel has the power to ferment the dough and give life to renewed humanity.

 

 

 

DR of Congo. The state and the main churches clash over next elections.

A battle between the supporters of President Tshisekedi and the two main churches of the Congo is ongoing. The transparency of the next presidential election is at stake.

Once again, the catholic church has clashed with the state in the Democratic Republic of Congo. This is a tradition since the first clash between Cardinal Joseph Malula and Mobutu in 1972 over the dictator’s policy of authenticity which namely consisted in the suppression of the Christian names from the civil registries.
During the 1990s, there were another confrontation between the regime and the catholic church which supported the democratisation process, specially after the massacre of 35 people during a pro-democracy march of the Christians in February 1992.
During the presidency of Joseph Kabila, the catholic church was also at the forefront in the struggle for transparent and credible elections.

In 2011 and 2018, the catholic Bishops National Conference of the Congo (CENCO) demonstrated by his own networks who collected electoral results from all over the country that both elections were massively rigged. And this fight for transparency is going on. Since several months, bitter discussions are ongoing between the government and the main churches of the country. According to the constitutional, the churches are supposed to appoint the successor of Corneille Nangaa who was very close to former President Joseph Kabila as chairman of the National Independent Electoral Commission (CENI). His role will be to lead preparation of the forthcoming presidential and parliament elections in 2023.
But there is no consensus on the candidate. The supporters of President Felix Tshisekedi would like to appoint electoral expert Denis Kadima as CENI’s chairman. Kadima is backed by the Kimbanguist Church, the revival churches, the Jehovah witnesses, the Islamic Community of Congo, the Orthodox Church and independent churches. And he has probably more chances to be appointed CENI chairman than his rival Cyrille Ebokoto, who is supported by the catholic church, despite the fact that these smaller churches represent barely 30% of the population. Indeed, the authorities wish rather to take into account the number of church denominations who support Kadima rather than the number of faithful which they represent.

Dénis Kadima Kazadi. Director of the Joburg-based Electoral institute for sustainable democracy in Africa.

Denis Kadima according many observers has probably the best curriculum to chair Congo’s CENI. He holds a master degree in political sciences from the Joburg-based Witwatersrand University and he has an experience of electoral processes. He has organised the independence referendum in 2010 in Southern Sudan and elections in Tunisia the following year, on behalf of the UN. He is also the director of the Joburg-based Electoral institute for sustainable democracy in Africa.
But the catholic church and the main protestant denomination, the Church of Christ in the Congo (ECC) consider that Kadima does not look impartial enough. Both churches want to avert the repetition of the scenarios of the 2011 and 2018 elections. In both cases, the respective presidents of CENI, Reverend Daniel Ngoy Mulunda and his successor Corneille Nangaa allowed a massive rigging of the election.
Both the catholic church and the Church of Christ in the Congo (ECC) which together represent around 70% of the Congolese population have made clear they want “better organised elections” and a “democratic alternation of power”, as stated the CENCO, ‘s secretary general, Father Donation N’Shole on the 23 July 2021.

Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo, Archbishop of Kinshasa.

Catholic and ECC circles are convinced that President Tshisekedi and his followers want to postpone the elections well beyond the 2023 deadline. Indeed, in an interview to the UN-sponsored Radio Okapi on the 16 March 2021, the chairman of UDPS’ directory, Victor Wakwenda, declared that his party wanted to convince the parliament that President Tshisekedi’s mandate which began in February 2019, in fact only started at the moment when he got rid of Kabila’s influence, in late 2020.
Accordingly, Tshisekedi’s mandate should continue until 2025, two years after the expiration of the constitutional mandate.
At any rate, the archbishop of Kisangani, Mgr Marcel Utembi who represents the catholic church in these discussions said it did not feel involved in the choice of Kadima by smaller churches. Besides, Mgr Utembi insinuated that representatives of these smaller denominations had been bribed. Jeeps were offered by the authorities to some church leaders in order to convince them to vote for Kadima, the President’s choice, said the prelate.
Such attitude irritated considerably the authorities who accused the catholic church and the protestants to support the political opposition. This irritation comes on top an anti-catholic campaign which has been developing on the social media since February 2021. It includes messages inciting to arrest Cardinal Ambongo, accusing the catholic church of creating disorder and urging the faithful to join the revival churches whose leaders paid allegiance to Tshisekedi.

Félix Antoine Tshisekedi Tshilombo, President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo.

Verbal aggressions were followed by physical ones. The secretary general of Tshisekedi’s Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) Augustin Kabuya was particularly hostile. Then, on the first of August, a group of Tshisekedi’s party youth league, the JUDPS, attacked the archdiocese of Kinshasa buildings which are Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo’s residence. Stones were hurled at the buildings, while the young militants shouted hostile slogans against the prelate and the roman catholic church.
Obviously, the attacks came after the catholic church refused to endorse the choice of Tshisekedi’s supporters as President of CENI. Other attacks against church premises occurred in ten parishes of the Mbuji Mayi diocesis, in the Eastern Kasai province, says a communiqué of the local bishop.
These attacks express the strong resentment among the Tshisekedi side against the catholic church since its spokespersons made clear in 2019 that CENCO’s parallel counting of the results showed that he scored only 18% of the votes, well behind the winner, Martin Fayulu who obtained more than 60%. The UDPS’s hostility against the Catholics was also fuelled by a CENCO statement in March which deplored the degradation of the situation of human rights in the DRC. At the time, the government retaliated, blaming the catholic bishops for their “insurrectional activism”.

The Commission’s headquarters in Kinshasa.

The UDPS Youth League protested against accusations by catholic sources that it had attacked and stoned Cardinal Ambongo’s residence and said the entire accusation was a fake. However, on the 10 August 2021, the cardinal tried to defuse tensions by making a statement announcing that he was pardoning his aggressors.
But the problems unlikely to go away. There is a growing gap between the catholic church and the pro-Tshisekedi side, on strictly religious matters. Many Congolese have been shocked by a video of a UDPS meeting, broadcasted in March, where one of the party leaders makes an almost blasphemous prayer beginning with “In the name of the Father, Ya Tshitshi (the late Etienne Tshisekedi), of the Son, Ya Fatshi (President Felix Tshisekedi) and of the Spirit, the People First (Felix Tshisekedi’s slogan)”. In fact, the cult of personality has reached proportions which compare only with the period of the late dictator Mobutu Sese Seko whose picture appeared at the beginning of each TV news broadcast, as coming down from the clouds, like if it were the Almighty God in person.

François Misser

 

 

Bolivia. The textiles of the Andes.

The textiles of the Andean Valley stand out not only for the technical complexity of the weaving process or for the beauty of their colours and figures, but also because their artistic symbolism reveals the socio-political, cultural, economic and spiritual worldview of the Andean people.

Once the wool is obtained from the sheep, alpaca, vicuña or other animals, it is washed in the nearest rivers to the communities; when it is clean, it is left to dry. When the wool is dry, lint and small dirt remains are removed by using sticks.
Then the wool is spun on a spinning wheel. The spun yarn is then wrapped in junis: balls of crossed and intertwined large loops. Once it is coloured, the yarn is left to dry and then it is twisted and spun again on a spinning wheel until the final fabric ball is obtained.

Natural ingredients for colouring the thread
According to ancient narrations, people once used natural elements to colour the wool threads. The brown colour was extracted from the corncob, which is the central core of an ear of corn. It is the part of the ear on which the kernels grow. The corncob was boiled in a container with plenty of water until it turned brown, then the juñis were immersed in the brown water to which salt and lemon were added in order to fix the colour and avoid dye bleeding.

Close up of an alpaca.

The maiz morado (purple corn) or kulli sara is an ancient variety of corn originating in the Andes of Peru. In order to obtain the purple colour the corn was left to soak in water, then it was boiled until the water turned purple.
Threads were immersed in it until they absorbed the colour.
The cochineal, which can be found in the prickles of tuna, was used to produce red tints. Cochineals were crushed until their juice was extracted and then it was boiled in a container.The colour green was obtained from Kimsa k’uchu, the Ch’akatea Kimsa k’uchu and ch’akatea, which are green plants.
The leaves of these plants were left to boil in water for an hour until the green colour was obtained.
Lemon and salt were added to the water to get a vivid colour and then threads were immersed into the green coloured liquid.
The Ajrawayu is a hard plant with many thorns. It was used to make the yellow colour.Several different fabrics are produced in the Andean Valleys: utensil fabrics are used to make items for everyday use such as: aguayos, the inkuñas, the phullus, the sacks, the chuspas, the wayaqas and others, while clothing fabrics are used to produce clothing items such as the aymilla, the rebozo, the ajzu, the calzuna, the chumpi, the jacket, the pantipata, the poncho, scarves and others.
In all fabrics ancient and modern figures are represented with different colour combinations.

Meaning of the figures in the fabrics
Andean artisan fabrics show different patterns and figures, and each figure has a particular meaning depending on the ayllu (political, social, economic, and administrative unit of the Andes) where they are made.
The chuwa pattern  symbolizes a concave plate of common use, which is used to serve food. Another common motif in the Andean fabrics is the condor, a sacred animal to Andean peoples.
The condor is seen as the protector of the indigenous people and the messenger between Janaj Pacha and  Kay Pacha (the divine world and the human world). Birds among Andean people are considered as messengers of a future event, the arrival or the death of a relative for instance, or of the arrival of rain, etc.

Other typical figures and motifs in the Andean fabrics are flowers, which symbolize love and friendship between two young people. Once, when young people fell in love, they romantically showed the loved one a flower as a symbol of their love. Sun is another motif. It symbolizes the light and source of energy for humans, plants and animals.
While ants in the textiles of the Andean Valleys, are the symbol of perseverance and bravery, they live in and work for the community like the Andean elderly used to do. Another typical figure of the Andean fabrics is the llama, the important transport animal living in the Andes Mountains, which provides people with wool, food, and a way to transport goods. Llamas’ foetuses were also used in ancient times as offerings for wilanchas (animal sacrifices).
Another common pattern in the textiles of the Andes are the leaves of the molle tree which symbolizes resistance.
The molle is an evergreen tree which has medical properties and which offers food and home to birds.

Meaning of the colours in the fabrics
Colours are also extremely meaningful in the Andean fabrics: the red aguayo symbolizes the blood spilled from the sacrifice of animals to Pachamama (the Andean earth-mother figure). Pachamama is the highest divinity of the Andean people since she is concerned with fertility, plenty, the feminine, generosity and ripening crops, besides providing protection. But red is also the festive colour, red aguayos, in fact, are used for special places and events such as uywañak ‘aku or to cover the table, during the ch’allaku (offering to the pachamama).
The red aguayo is also worn by the indigenous authorities, such as the tata jilamp, the tata segundo and the mama ralla and on the occasion of wedding ceremonies, since the red colour symbolizes the love between a newly married couple.

The aguayo in the green colour, which symbolizes hope and the blessing of nature, is mainly used for the ch’allaku ritual for the khuyuris on occasion of San Bartolomé and San Juan patron saints’ festivals.
The aguayo in the black colour, which symbolizes darkness, mystery, and death is generally used on the occasion of sad events. Traditionally it was known as the clothing of mourning for the loss of a loved one.
The Andean-Amazonian fabrics were and continue to be a sort of parchments that reflect the cultural and spiritual wisdoms of the Andean people through symbolism, yet another way of dialoguing
with the Pacha.

Jhonny Mancilla

A flourishing economy.

The discoveries of large deposits of oil and gas between 1970 and 1990 brought about considerable growth in the economy of Trinidad and Tobago which is now the most flourishing in the Caribbean.

Its GNP, in fact, even if it has been slowing down since 2009, is among the highest in the entire region, thanks to the large reserves of oil and gas, while the value of exports is greater than that of imports. There is therefore no doubt that the energy industry is the driving force behind the economy of the islands whose reserves are believed to be 0.716 billion barrels of oil, mostly in offshore deposits and 0.2899 trillion cubic metres in 2020 of natural gas. The export of energy resources is an important item of national GDP, making up around 22% of the annual income of the government.

Liquefied natural gas lng carrier ship with five tanks.

The petrochemical industry is also well developed especially in the production of ammonia and methanol that make Trinidad and Tobago the largest exporter of these products in the world. The first installation for the production of methane was built in 1985 and today there are seven of them with a total production of around 0.36 million tons. Also, very important in the petro-chemical industry is the production of urea of which the USA was a large importer in the eighties. The energy industry also has an important role and produces 99% of national electrical energy needs. Unquestionably, the development of the petroleum industry was also facilitated by strategic alliances with well-experienced international partners such as British Petroleum Trinidad & Tobago and the BHP Billiton, by means of which this country succeeded in the early 2000s to consolidate considerable energy potential while, in recent years, a start has been made to implement a plan to privatise the gas and oil industries.

Even though its economy still depends on energy resources and by-products, the country may boast an industrial economy that is certainly an anomaly for its neighbours, with its agricultural, tourism industries and services that guarantee a high level of employment.
The unemployment rate stands at 4.4% and is the lowest in the entire region and its services sector which is the largest provider of jobs, employing 63% of the national workforce. The country is also in possession of an important infrastructure network that has made Trinidad and Tobago attractive to foreign investments and also for the development of the tourist industry – in expansion especially on the island of Tobago. It is also an important financial centre. Internal transport is guaranteed by a dense road network of around 8,200 km, while overseas contact is assured by the maritime services (active in the ports of Port of Spain, Pointe-à-Pierre and Point Lisas on Trinidad, and Scarborough on Tobago) and air services using Piarco International Airport on Trinidad as the main hub. In order to modernise the infrastructural system, the government, together with the Caribbean Development Bank, has incentivised a system of public-private partnerships that serve to attract foreign investment for the modernisation of the airport, the building of a new hospital in the capital, a solar centre for energy and other sectors.

Port of Spain. Fresh vegetables and fruit displayed for sale on local market. Photo: photosvit/123RF.com

The agricultural sector, with a sound tradition going back to colonial times, is an important producer and exporter of cacao, citrus fruits, sugar, and coffee. However, it must be noted that, while the agricultural sector has for many years been the basis of the economy of the islands, there has been a steep decline in production in recent years substantially due to the development of other economic sectors that absorbed investment resources. The dimensions of the phenomenon are most easily understood by observing the reduction, measured in thousands of tons, relative to the production of coffee and sugar that took place in the eighties and nineties.
There has also been the development of the heavy iron and steel industry, its main market outlet being the United States, though a certain amount of iron and steel is destined for the internal market with its growing building industry. This industry also provides a stimulus for the cement industry whose production is absorbed internally by the real estate sector. A further well-developed sector is fertiliser production making Trinidad and Tobago one of the world’s major producers.
To facilitate trade, during the past fifteen years, many customs barriers have been eliminated by the signing of a number of free trade agreements with countries such as Cuba, Venezuela, Panama, Colombia, Guatemala, El Salvador, and Costa Rica, apart from those of the CARIFORUM and the EU, signed in 2008, which include Trinidad and Tobago as a member of the CARIFORUM. (F.R.)

Islamist danger.

As well as the high crime rate and the phenomenon of migration from Venezuela, during the past thirty years, Trinidad and Tobago has verified the extraordinary growth of Islamic radicalisation.

The phenomenon began to spread after the coup in the nineties, continuing up to the present day with the proliferation of various radical organisations that are a sort of mixture of religious organisations, criminal bands, and private militias. Of these, Jamaat al Muslimeen, JaM, which planned and led the coup in the nineties, is the best known and most active. The organisation was founded in the eighties by the Imam Yasin Abu Bakr with the aim of helping immigrants of African origin to rediscover their identity through conversion to Islam, held to be the original religion of all African-Caribbeans.

Yasin Abu Bakr, leader of Jamaat-al-Muslimeen

In order to finance its own religious and charitable works and the construction of mosques, useful means to achieving its declared goals and establishing branches in the territory, the JaM has set up a veritable criminal structure dedicated to drugs and arms trading and the exploitation of prostitution, robbery, extortion, and kidnapping. In 1993, with the help of the British preacher David Muhammad, it reached an accord with the NoI with the aim of spreading Islam, supporting the African community, collaborating in the development of social programmes, maintaining mosques, spiritually supporting detainees, and introducing Islam into the prisons.
Despite everything, the organisation has also enjoyed the support of some international sponsors among whom, according to investigations carried out in the United States, was Muammar Gaddafi, with the intention of creating a threat on the doorstep of his eternal rival the United States. Proof of this is the fact that, in 2007, the United States secret service foiled an attack on John F. Kennedy Airport in New York by a JaM cell. From then on, the US agents broadened their field of enquiry and discovered that the JaM, apart from its terrorist activities, was doing business with organised crime in the region and, in particular, with the Mexican and Venezuelan cartels and FARC in Colombia.
With the death of the Libyan leader, there was a rapid spread of Wahhabite groups on the islands, shown by a lot of strange comings and goings from Riyadh to Port of Spain and of Islamic State, indicated by the numerous departures. Proof of this is seen in the fact that, according to estimates, about 400 Trinidadians left the Islands to go and support the war conquests of Islamic State led by Abu Bakr al Baghdadi.

An Isis propaganda image showing fighters from Trinidad and Tobago during military training in Syria.

Trinidad and Tobago thus became the largest source of recruits to Daesh in the Americas, even though the country has one of the lowest rates of combatants in the world. An anthropological enquiry conducted by Dylan Kerrigan shows that there are distinctive characteristics held in common by subjects who joined Islamic State. Foremost among these are: their age, from 16 to 25 years, having a criminal record, their economic situation and living in ghettos, as well as little or no education. Consequently, the conclusion reached by this anthropological research is that the large-scale departures were not determined exclusively by religious questions but most of all by the economic advantage recruits hoped to gain. In this regard, the undoubtedly important considerations of analyst Emanuel Pietrobon must be noted, in which he states: “It is certain that the findings of the anthropologist contain some truth, but to reduce the departures to a matter of money would lead to an over-simplification of the problem incapable of offering solutions”.

According to Pietrobon, economic gain explains the departures only in part since there are glaring examples that deny this thesis, above all the story of the boxer Tariq Abdul Haqq, an international celebrity who in 2013 decided to abandon the honours and privileges of his status, as well as his career in boxing, to go to Syria where he died among the ranks of Daesh. This is but one proof among many that the JaM is in line with Daesh and Islamic Jihad, even though Abu Bakr has denied several times that these relations exist, while the local authorities continue to ignore these alliances despite the supply of information from Washington and the terrible crimes committed during these years. If not brought under control, this situation could certainly create a huge problem for the social, economic, and political wellbeing of the country and even become a threat to the entire region.

Filippo Romeo

 

 

Conflict Minerals: Towards a Revision of a Failed Regulation.

Anyone who has visited a mining area in Africa must have been struck by the negative impact that the activities of extractive companies have on the land, as well as the lack of security around the mines, the health consequences and the displacement of populations.

At a glance, one recognises how mining activity changes the landscape; the traffic on the adjacent roads flooded with heavy trucks that destroy the roads; and there are comings and goings of people attracted by the crumbs that mining companies leave behind and mountains of mineral wastes. In addition, it is common to find crowds of people (including children) scavenging for scraps of minerals among the excavated rocks that are discarded for their low yield but which nevertheless provide them with means to of earning some money to live on.

These scavengers, as well as artisanal miners, find (irregular) mineral markets as a means of livelihood. And if these activities are carried out in conflict-affected and high-risk areas, the economic benefits of this mining activity often end up in the hands of armed groups.

In order to prevent the profits of buying and selling minerals ending up in the hands of rebel and armed groups, the European Union adopted the European Conflict Minerals Regulation that entered into force on January 1, 2017. The original spirit of this Regulation required mineral importing companies of the EU to trace minerals throughout the supply chain of their providers.

In addition, the European Directive would sanction companies that purchase minerals from business groups (smelters and refiners) that have bought these minerals from armed groups.

As with other legal provisions, the business lobby did not miss the opportunity to water down the content of the Conflict Mineral Regulation. First of all, the mining companies succeeded in making the Directive transitional.

The implementation of the Directive started as voluntary regulation in 2017 and entered into force as mandatory in January 2021. The implementation of the Conflict Mineral Regulation has not improved the situation in places where rebel groups control mining areas. Thus, in 2020, 44% of investigated companies were unable to make a final determination on conflict mineral origins.

The laxity of companies in their implementation of the Directive requires greater attention from the EU in the control of its multinationals and it is necessary to establish homogeneous measures to accompany the implementation of the Directive.

Secondly, the conflict minerals directive was insufficiently and unwillingly drafted by the EU. Its scope was reduced to certain minerals such as tin, tungsten, tantalum and gold (3TG) and excluded other minerals of equal relevance for new technologies such as cobalt and nickel.

In addition, in recent years the EU has developed new needs for rare metals that are necessary for the transformation of energy production through renewable energies, such as lithium, indium, lanthanum, yttrium and europium.  For the revision of the Directive planned for 2023, the directive should include all rare minerals and metals essential for developing the transition to a green economy.

Thirdly, the business lobby of mineral importers influenced the process of creating the Directive to limit it to certain geographical areas and got the EU to draw up lists of “reliable” companies so that importing companies would deposit the civil liability of their imports with third parties’ companies (through external auditing) that would have to guarantee the traceability of minerals.

The lack of transparency on the part of the Member States in making public the lists of companies that must be subjected to the directive, and the fact that the companies exempt their responsibility in the audits carried out by third parties, make the directive doubly ineffective.

In this way, civil society has no access to the control of the mandatory reports that could indicate risks and cannot act in coordination with the competent authorities in each country to monitor the implementation
of the directive.

The Directive requires accompanying measures to enforce the ban on imports of minerals that finance armed groups in conflict-affected and high-risk areas. Member States do not agree on these measures to implement the Directive and offer varying and undemanding solutions in case of infringement of the Directive.

The revision of the Directive should include sanctioning mechanisms by Member States in order to ensure unity of coordinated action and to prevent states from reducing the effectiveness of the Directive.

The Directive allows Member States the possibility of choosing sanctioning measures in the event of company infringements. Thus, while most EU countries consider that companies importing minerals from conflict zones that do not comply with the Directive should be subjected to a financial penalty, countries such as Finland and France support the idea of banning imports from such companies for a certain period of time, ranging from one month to one year.

Other countries such as The Netherlands, Sweden or Czech Republic choose to make public the names of companies in breach of the Directive as a coercive measure to encourage companies
to comply with the law.

There is no unanimity on the part of the Member States to fine companies that infringe the Directive, and the countries that opt for a monetary sanction also disagree on the amount of the sanction, which ranges from the ridiculous amount of 726 Euros in Austria to 100,000 Euros in Luxembourg.
In some cases, these penalties can even be made conditional on the mining companies’ commitment to rectify their mistakes.

The variety of corrective measures for breaches of the Directive by member states and the lack of severity of sanctions for serious acts of financing armed groups highlight the EU’s lack of political control. The solidarity so often touted by the EU in its negotiations for the extension of the post-Cotonou agreement should start with something as basic as supporting African states in their fight against the terrorism of armed rebel groups and preventing any human rights violations.

The change from a voluntary to a mandatory directive is a positive factor in the fight against the impunity of large companies operating in Africa, but it is clearly insufficient. The transpositions of the directive by the member states do not even include penalties for companies that repeatedly import minerals from conflict zones without justifying their traceability. It is sufficient to justify that the imports have been carried out through qualified intermediaries (the so-called white list) in order to exempt any kind of civil liability.

José Luis Gutiérrez Aranda,
Trade Policy Officer,
Africa Europe Faith and Justice Network (AEFJN)

On defense of water and the right to live well.

On August 23, 2021, at the Tacagua’ camp of Challapata, Oruro (Bolivia), thanks to the support of the CASA Collective, about 150 members of the communities that make up the National Network of Women in Defense of Mother Earth gathered. The concern was the threat of mining companies in their attempt to explore in order to exploit their territories.

The purpose of this apthapi was to join forces in defense of collective rights, including the Right to Water, to self-determination and to live without contamination, by denying the mining companies access
to their territories.

Apthapi means bringing and it is an Andean communal practice where, without restrictions or hierarchies, food, ideas, feelings, knowledge, and decisions are shared. It is a tradition that is close to suma jakaña or suma qamaña, the good living. In the center – one of the many conflicts over land, water and other natural resources that lead to violations of human, social and economic rights of minorities and indigenous peoples – which casts shadows on the human quality of our common future.

On the other hand, it was also one of the many communities and civil society initiatives that opened the heart to hope even though tinged with patience knowing “that nothing is for tomorrow” when it comes to making a change in the exploitative mentality of multinational corporations.

However, this multiplication of initiatives in the defense of water, of territory, and of human rights against the abuse of multinationals, especially mining companies, also question the same advocacy: if they exist, what are the common basis of all these actions? Why are they not making significant progress? In the last analysis, why are there so many unsolved conflicts?

In Tacagua – along with the representatives of the communities, were the traditional authorities of the 7 ayllus of the marka Challapata, the Association of Users of the Irrigation System, the civil authorities of the Acallapu and Tolapujro Cepeda communities, the traditional authorities of Tapacari Condor, Apacheta and Collpaña and Ataraque, all respectively from the municipalities of Peñas and Caracollo. In other words, in Tacagua all the administrative and civil authorities were present, along with representatives of civil and traditional society.

It is worth mentioning that in the Quechua language, a certain space is an ayllu. Four ayllus form a marka which, therefore, is an association of ayllus. An ayllu is made up of about 500 inhabitants. In Tacagua, the apthapi began with a sharing of local products: quinoa, beans, potatoes, cheese, and yogurts produced in Challapata thanks to the
water from the Tacagua dam.

However, the reason for the encounter was the fear that the communities would soon be victims of exploitation by mining companies. These communities are agricultural, livestock and dairy producers, and are highly productive: therefore, they do not want to abandon their traditional vocation, which requires them to oppose the entry of mining companies into their territories.

Experience shows that mining entails multiple very negative environmental and social impacts and constitutes a threat above all to the sources of water that are so necessary for agro-dairy production.

During the apthapi, then, the community spoke out publicly against the entry of mining companies and denounced the complicity of AJAM (Mining Administrative Jurisdictional Authority in Spanish acronym) with the mining actors, undermining the right to Free and Informed Prior Consultation of the community.

AJAM is an entity with its own legal personality but is under the supervision of the Ministry of Mining and Metallurgy. It is in charge of the direction, administration, registration, control, and supervision of mining activity throughout the territory of the pluri-national State of Bolivia. This collusion of the State with private interests has already occurred in Challapata where more than 50 irregularities led the way to the request to annul the process. It turned out that the consultation that had been with indigenous representatives “bought” by the mining companies. This fact has provoked suspicions and resentments from all the indigenous communities against AJAM.

The Indigenous Peoples of Collpaña, Caracollo, Tapacari Condor Apacheta de Peñas and Challapata then demanded that the authorities respect the decisions of the apthapi of Tacagua because entire communities who had exercised their self-determination by decreeing “zero income to mining” in their territories were there.

The statement also requested that the rights of women be respected because they are the first to suffer from mining impacts, and that the discussion and approval of the Water for Life Framework Law should be resumed. This law wants to modify the mining law about the right of Indigenous Peoples giving them the right to use water in their territories. The apthapi was concluded with a symbolic gesture, the delivery of vases of water to seal the commitment to fight together in the defense of water, the right to self-determination, so that decisions are respected.

The apthapi of Tacagua calls into question the mining activity but also raises questions about the advocacy action. On the one hand, a country like Bolivia in pursuit of its development cannot stop taking advantage of the riches of the subsoil.
On the other hand, not respecting indigenous rights to self-determination in a country that by constitution declares itself as a Pluri-national State, is highly conflictive, as well as contradictory.

The question, then, is: Why is there such a lack of inclusion? Why is the complexity of the problems not accepted? Why are shared solutions that sincerely respect both the rights of indigenous communities and the interests of the national community not sought after?

Everywhere it is accepted that individual rights end where those of others begin. So why is this principle not applied to the confrontation between the rights of minorities, of groups of individuals, of communities or peoples, and how to do it? Where to place the meeting point and balance between individual rights when they confront the interests of the community, the rights of minorities, the rights of small or numerous indigenous or local communities against the rights of the broader national communities? And, to go further, the rights of each country versus those of the international community, that is, of the human community in its complex universality?

Jean Paul Pezzi

Afghanistan-Sahel: similarities and radical differences.

Two scenarios seem analogous. But if both are characterized by long years of involvement of foreign troops in countries with weak and unstable governments, the Jihadist groups active in the Sahel do not have the deep roots and experience of the Taliban. And the French will not completely abandon that territory.

The dramatic consequences of the withdrawal of the troops of Washington from Afghanistan are being followed by a mixture of trepidation and joy thousands of kilometres away in the African region of the Sahel where another foreign power, France, has shown its willingness to end its long drawn out counter-insurgency operation, at least in its present form.
In examining the points both conflicts have in common, it is immediately obvious that both are characterised by Islamic ideology and many long years of involvement by foreign troops in countries with weak and unstable governments.

It is also true that the Afghan scenario could repeat itself in a country like Mali affected by endemic corruption, strong political polarisation and the fragility of its armed forces. The idea is not so far-fetched which says that in the near future Mali may be dominated by Jihadists, like what was happening at the beginning of 2013 when, with all speed, the then French President François Hollande launched Operation Serval to provide providential military and logistic aid to the Malian armed forces.
It is equally undeniable that the Taleban movement emerged in September 1994, guided by the Mullah Mohammed Omar, in the middle of the civil war that started in 1992. After taking control of Kandahar, the students of the Koran rode the waves of their initial successes and, in a matter of two years, succeeded in conquering Kabul, after they had stormed Jalalabad and Herat.

An operator from SOF Task Force Takuba coordinates an airstrike with a French Mirage jet in the Sahel.

A more or less analogous view identifies the Somali extremists of al-Shabaab, initially affiliated to the Islamic courts that sprang up in the summer of 2006 to restore order and peace to the Horn of Africa, at the end of a devastating civil war that started in 1991. The Islamist group gained some popular legitimacy when the Ethiopian troops invaded their country in December 2006, under pressure from the transitional Somali Federal Government. Al-Shabaab took the leadership of the anti-Ethiopian muqawama (resistance) and, from early 2007 to the second half of 2010, took control of a large part of Somali territory.

The substantial differences
The differences between the two scenarios are now clearer since the myriad of Jihadist groups active in the Sahel do not have the deep roots and experience of the Taleban who, already in the second half of the nineties held power in Afghanistan. Furthermore, the violent extremism in the Sahel is not about the territory of a single state but large peripheral areas that for at least a decade have been the object of incessant decomposition and re-composition.

Islamic insurgents in Mali. (Reuters photo)

When comparing the two crisis areas, reference was made to the imminent end to the Barkhane military operation in the Sahel, which was announced on 10 June last by French President Emmanuel Macron, ignoring the fact that the Barkhane which, on the first of August 2014, integrated Serval into Mali and the Épervier into Chad, will not allow a total and definitive withdrawal as happened in Afghanistan.
The French contingent which now numbers 5,100 men deployed between Mali, Niger and Chad, ought to be reduced by 40%, diminishing the French involvement to around 2,500 units. At the same time, the 500 commandos of the special French forces of the Task Force Sabre will continue to hunt down terrorists affiliated to al-Qaida and the Islamic State. France will remain in charge of the new contingent of European Interforces, Takuba (in the local Tuareg language means ‘sword’), which on 2 April last, became operative with the participation of almost a dozen European countries including Estonia, Italy, Denmark and Norway.

Increase of 33% in Islamist violence in the Sahel
In Macron practice, rather than withdrawing from the Sahel, he is trying to create a strategy that can halt the Jihadist insurgency in the vast desert region which, since mid- 2016, has caused the most dramatic escalation of violence in Africa. Proof of this is the new report published by the Centre for Strategic Studies with its headquarters in Washington. In the last twelve months, it has recorded an increase of 33% in Islamist violence in the Sahel.
In this regard, there is another analogy with what is now happening in Afghanistan: the bloody attacks on civilians being carried out by ISIS-K, the Afghan flank of Islamic State active in the province of Khorasan, can only favour the Taliban.

In the same way, the brutal attacks and the raids on entire villages perpetrated by Islamic State in Great Sahara (Isgs) make the JNIM less extreme and more ‘moderate’ in the eyes of the local population.
The same is true for the Jama’atu Ahlis Sunna Lidda’Awati wal-Jihad (Jas), one of the two factions of Boko Haram, which until three months ago was led by the now defunct Abubakar Shekau, sadly noted for the civilian massacres inside mosques and crowded markets in the north-east of Nigeria.
This is a much more radical approach than that adopted by Islamic State West Africa Province (Iswap), which caused a considerable loss in consensus and possible adherence to the Jas faction.
On the contrary, the ostensible attention of Iswap to the needs of the population in territories under its control has helped to reinforce its popularity. Even though the local communities are well aware that, though it concentrates its attacks on military targets, Iswap can  inflict collateral damage on civilians as well.
In conclusion, there is another quite disturbing similarity that both crisis scenarios have in common. A similarity that derives from the patience and tenacity with which the Taliban continued to fight the Americans, knowing that, in the end, they would have prevailed over their enemy. It is that same patience and tenacity being demonstrated by the militant extremists active in the Sahel, who seem ready to wait and wear down the foreign forces convinced that, in the end, they will leave.

Mario Giro

 

Advocacy

Semia Gharbi. Fighting against eco-mafias.

She played a key role in a campaign that challenged a corrupt waste trafficking scheme between Italy and Tunisia, resulting in the return of 6,000…

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Baobab

The swallow brings the summer.

The Black and white swallow flew high up in the clear, blue sky, wheeling and diving, his fast, pointed wings carrying him at a great speed. Swallow…

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Youth & Mission

Pope Leo and the Youth.

Welcoming, listening and guiding. Some characteristics of Pope Leo with the youth During the years when Father Robert Francis Prevost was pastor of the church of Our…

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