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New Technologies and Geopolitical Balances.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

The changes taking place in the sectors of new technologies related to 5G, internet, automation, robotisation, biogenetics, big data,
cognitive systems, and new materials will significantly
affect international balances.

The effect is disruptive and is generating significant changes in the geopolitical, economic, technological, and political scenarios. A radical and profound change in the field of action whose axis has shifted from traditional competition – held in the naval, land and air sectors – to the virtual one governed by new technologies.
This has expanded the concept of national security by extending it to new areas, making the risk factors difficult to calculate (also due to the constant processes of evolution in the field of technological innovation), unhinging the traditional calculation method in which the typical geographical and demographic constants allowed a greater reliability
of the risk prediction.

This change, which was drastically accelerated by the Covid 19 pandemic, was generated by the exponential growth that the Chinese power has produced in economic terms and by its considerable commitment to the innovation process through increasing investments in the research and development sectors. In fact, China, besides investing in transport and connection infrastructures – including the land and sea Obor project, better known as the ‘New Silk Road’, conceived by Beijing with the main objective of getting China closer to the rest of the Eurasian continental mass – is also strongly focusing on new research infrastructures considered by the government to be strategic for growth and development. These infrastructures have the aim of promoting a system that favours the formation of large technological clusters (as it is happening in Shanghai with SSRF) capable of attracting foreign talents and offering them a comfortable environment that has all the necessary conditions for research. This creates a system that is making China a real technological power.

This has generated a contrast with the United States which for years have dominated unchallenged in this sector in which they have invested, and continue to invest today, obtaining considerable results that have allowed them to increase their supremacy over the other countries. To date, in fact, the US State Department of Defence, through its agencies, is the world’s largest investor in the field of technological research and development. Within this scenario in which these two great powers are opposed, (suffice it to remember the well-known ‘Huawei case’ – the Asian 5G giant accused by the Americans of being ‘a military entity disguised as a private company’ – which broke out a couple of years ago representing a sort of officialisation of the competition), the US counter-offensive represented the acknowledgment of a whirlwind wave that is strongly expanding and that could jeopardize the critical technologies of the country. In recent times there has also been a rallying against Chinese companies regarding semiconductors. Chinese companies in fact are performing exceptionally well in the market and intend to compete on an equal footing with the US counterparts that hold the leadership. In this competition, Chinese companies have been favoured by the Asian relocation carried out, over the years, by some US giants which has allowed them to acquire the necessary know-how to find opportunities in these new areas. This is the case of Apple which, as prof. Gagliano points out, delegated part of its production to Foxconn Technology, officially Hon Hai Precision Industry Company Ltd., a Taiwanese industrial group specialized in the manufacture of electronic products, mainly located in the People’s Republic of China, in the city of Shenzhen, which also supplies companies such as Sony, Motorola, Dell, Microsoft, Amazon, Nintendo, Hewlett-Packard, Samsung, LG, HTC, Acer, Asus, Lenovo and Huawei.

Today Apple has decided to produce its own chips, and so have other big US companies including Google, Amazon, Facebook, Microsoft, Tesla, internal chip production being important to power their cloud services and electronic products. Competition with Chinese companies led the then Trump administration in 2019 to require the US giants to terminate partnerships with Chinese companies with the aim of moving American productions out of China to prevent US know-how from ending up in the opponent’s hands, with the consequent loss of strategic sectors and technological sectors.
In this regard, analyst Alberto Cossu’s considerations are illuminating, according to which Trump’s action sent a strong signal to companies aimed at convincing the American production system to completely reconsider the supply chain taking into consideration not only the economic advantages, but also strategic and national security. A move that, we might say, was aimed at countering Chinese civil and military development, whose modernization objectives are in fact supported and developed by American companies, universities, and research programs. The initiatives taken in 2019 were followed by US technology embargo in 2020 whose preventive response from Huawei was to equip itself with a chip stock for 5G antennas and for its high-end smartphones.

President Joe Biden said China should expect a period of ‘extreme competition’ with the United States. However, according to analysts China could be advantaged since the country controls the world’s rare earth supply chains. Rare earths are essential for the production of modern batteries, chips, and components of PCs and smartphones.
It is therefore clear that technology is redefining the geopolitical scenarios and that it will play a key role in determining the new power relationships between powers: the United States, the main player, which is strengthening ties with Taiwan, and South Korea in the development of semiconductors; then China. Meanwhile, Europe, except for the part linked to biotechnology and some northern European companies that have developed 5G, seems to have a completely marginal role and to be almost fully dependent on foreign markets, particularly with regard to semiconductors and information technology, with the exception of some German excellences.
This is not only an alarming scenario for the protection of European security and that of the various nations, but also for the ecological transition process put in place which, certainly, cannot ignore an adequate digital transition, under penalty of dependence on foreign markets for the essential components that are at the base of the process, among all, wind turbines and lithium batteries. This dependence, besides reducing the room for manoeuvre by European political decision-makers, determines high risk variables, especially if we consider that the new technologies that will play a leading role in the future challenges, concern environment and health.

Filippo Romeo

The Gadamoji Celebration.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

Every eight years, the feast of final Borana passage called Gadamoji, when a man reaches complete social and ritual maturity, is celebrated.

Due to the fact that it is celebrated at such long intervals and its importance and influence in various aspects of the life of the tribe, this is one of the more typical manifestations of the Borana culture.
When the Bufa moon appears, immediately preceded by the Wachabaji moon, the village of the Gadamoji is completely rebuilt. Each elder builds his own hut next to those who will make the ‘passage’ with him. This results in a wide semi-circle of huts in which the Gadamoji come to set up house with their families.

The doors of all the huts face the single, large cattle enclosure, more or less elliptical in shape and different from that usually used by the Borana to guard their cattle. The usual enclosure has, in fact, just two openings and is in the form of a circle, while this one may be considered a multiple enclosure. Corresponding to the hut of each cattle owner, there are two openings in the hedge: one facing the hut and one towards the other side. The huts of the Gadamoji are different from ordinary huts: instead of one single room, it is formed of a number of communicating rooms. However, there is still only one opening to the outside and anyone wishing to enter or exit has to pass through it. Near the entrance to the hut cattle hides are arranged on which various animals are depicted: lions, buffalos, elephants, sheep or camels. There are also some human figures. They symbolise the wealth and courage of the person being celebrated.

A Time of Peace
The families of the Gadamoji stay in the village for the whole month, waiting for the celebration. This is a period of peace, tranquillity, and serenity during which, either in the home or in the village, harsh words, unpleasant acts, complaints, cursing and all gestures that may disturb the atmosphere of harmony, are forbidden.
The real celebration commences when the so-called Wachabaji moon appears. On the evening of the New Moon, the men gather in a corner of the hut and, in a circle, spend the night singing to the sound of a drum, chatting and expressing the invocations (ebissa) from time to time. The women gather in groups in front of the dwellings where they sing and dance on hides spread out on the ground.

In the morning, at sunrise, each Gadamoji approaches the opening in the cattle enclosure corresponding to the opening in his hut. There the cutting of hair takes place, a ceremony that is essential to the celebration. Jarsa mata bufadde: the old man whose hair has been cut, is the name given to the man who has completed the passage of the Gadamoji. The haircutting is begun by the wife and finished by the eldest son. The hair is gathered in the palms of the hands and carefully taken by the same son to the prepared place called fodu, close to the entrance to the enclosure opposite that facing the house and is there buried under a heap of cattle dung (on the right side, inside the entrance).
Once the haircutting is finished, the old man enters his hut and stays there segregated for three days. In the meantime, inside the animal enclosure, to the left of the opening facing the hut, each family slaughters a fat calf, called a jarra, and leaves it there with its throat cut.

The procession then follows. All the male children of all the Gadamoji, with their faces painted, their heads crowned with the kalacha (a kind of metal horn tied with a leather strap to their foreheads), each holding in their hands the rod of their birth, called danissa (a black stick pointed like the kalacha), gather outside the enclosure, in front of the external entrance of the first Gadamoji.
A woman with a child on her back and flanked by two girls comes and places herself in front of the place where the hair has been buried. When everyone is present, the woman and the girls start to move, opening the procession which passes through the external opening, through the enclosure and through the internal opening of the enclosure itself, towards the house of the first Gadamoji. The small crowd moves in procession slowly, singing.
When everyone is inside the enclosure, the external opening is closed and guarded by two men armed with whips (lícho) who prevent anyone else from following them. The Gadamoji inside his house finds before him a large vessel full of milk called madala, supported by the usual framework of branches (chanchala).
The procession stops in front of the hut. Only two or three sons are then allowed inside where they call to the old man: buta! He then begins to enumerate, in a loud voice, his former glories, his wealth and his merits. All the other people crowd around the hut to hear what he is saying.

When the old man has finished his speech, those inside the hut come out, carrying the still closed vessel of milk. They open the vessel, dip their sticks in it and apply it to their moustaches saying: afaressa! They then take the vessel back into the hut.
When the procession for the first Gadamoji is over, the children approach the external opening of the enclosure corresponding to the hut of the second Gadamoji and everything is repeated in the same order. The same is done for each ‘passage’ candidate.
Once the processions are over, the fat calf previously left in front of the hut is skinned. Each person has already marked themselves on their foreheads, their throats and also the doors of their houses. Each family group skins its own calf. As always happens when sacrifices are being offered, the skins of the animals are cut into strips, called medicca, which each takes, using a stick and then ties it to their arms. Only the wife of the Gadamoji, who, on this occasion, wears the traditional hide (gorfo) and carries a sort of rattle made of small gourds tied together (usually called saka but in the case of the wives of the Gadamoji, called a hapa) places the medicca around her neck.
The meat is taken into the huts and cooked. There is plenty for everyone. The next night is also spent dancing and singing. After three days, the elders come out of the huts and that concludes the celebration which will be repeated every eight years when hair will be cut at the following Gadaa. Gadaa, like lubba, means age-group or class.

Uncertain future
Today the territory of the Borana is regularly struck by periods of drought. The elders recall the time when ‘the sky was friendly’ and the regular rain allowed people to live happily according to the movements and settling of the nomadic life. There is a real danger that the ongoing rapid process of desertification may force the group to abandon for good the savannah where, for many generations they have pastured their camels, oxen, cows and herds.
The rains are less frequent and the problem of water supplies is becoming difficult. There is an increase in arguments, conflicts and even armed clashes (with lives being lost), that are often caused by attempts to use, even illegally, the few wells still functioning.

It seems certain – and the representatives of the nomadic groups said so during their various meetings organised in Kenya, Tanzania and Ethiopia – that the nomadic life has a poor future in eastern Africa and in the Horn of Africa. Boundary conflicts, population growth and progressive desertification are leading to water sources drying up.
While it is true that human mobility and the pastoral life still strongly permeate Borana culture and tradition, nevertheless, the difficulties and disadvantages of nomadism today exceed the benefits of the past. Sickness, drought, malnutrition, environmental degrading and the high cost of moving are forcing communities to become sedentary.
There is an urgent need to introduce appropriate methods of using the agricultural land, without excluding a degree of mobility of herds, which must not cause any further deterioration of the environment. Commercial exchanges may be promoted to create work and increase sources of income. Above all, what is needed is new infrastructure: roads, schools, health facilities and access to potable water. There is no other way to guarantee the survival of the Borana in the territory they have lived in for centuries and to preserve their cultural aspects which forged their identity and their structures of social relationships.

Provvido Crozzoletto

Why Monkeys Choose to live up Trees.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

From sunrise to sunset, old Bushcat was out hunting, but she had not been successful in finding food, not even a snake.

So, exhausted, she lay down in the shade of an old gnarled tree that was about the same age as she was. They had both known almost 20 summers. But Bushcat was restless as she tried to find rest in the shade.

Fleas attacked her incessantly and she grew more and more irritated. Then, just as she lifted her head to capture the last rays of the setting sun, she caught sight of Monkey in the tree above her.

“Please help me to get rid of these fleas that arc attacking me,” Bushcat pleaded with Monkey. Monkey swung down from the leafy branches of the tree and started picking the fleas off Bushcat’s tawny body. Bushcat was so soothed by Monkey’s action that she fell asleep. Monkey then seized the opportunity to tie Bushcat’s tail to a low branch of the tree and ran away chattering to himself.

When Bushcat awoke and tried to stretch, she felt that her movements were restricted. Then she noticed that her tail had been fastened to the tree and she twisted her body this way and that, trying to free herself. But she was tied fast. Darkness was falling and as Bushcat fixed her vision on the ground in front of her, she noticed a tiny creature creeping slowly past her. “Snail, please untie my tail,” she said.

“You’ll eat me, Bushcat,” said Snail, trying to get out of Bushcat’s way. “I promise I won’t,” said Bushcat in a reassuring voice. So Snail slowly untied Bushcat’s tail from the lowest branches of the gnarled tree and crept away into the darkness that was just lit by a crescent moon.

When Bushcat arrived home, she immediately issued the following instruction to all the animals. “Five days from now, tell everyone that I am dead and that you are going to bury me.” The animals were surprised, but they agreed.

When the fifth day dawned and the early morning silence was broken by the first birds, Bushcat lay down flat against the hard earth and feigned death. The animals danced around her and continued to dance, exactly as they had been instructed to do.

Suddenly, Bushcat jumped up and tried to pounce on Monkey. But Monkey had already sprung into the tree above the animals, thus escaping Bushcat’s anger. And so to this day, Monkey does not consider it safe to stay on the ground, as Bushcat might catch him. That is why he chooses to live up a tree.

Folktale from Ewe people. Togo

Mexico. Tortillas, God’s food.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

Mexican people and other cultures have been a corn-based diet culture since ancient times. Mexican creativity has no limits on corn. Proof of this are the multiple ways in which this grain is integrated into our table: tortillas, quesadillas, chilaquiles, chalupas, tamales. But also as a drink. Let’s discover the great richness of Mexican cuisine.

When torn into four perfect triangles with a curved base, how perfectly it responds to the pressure of our fingers, folding just enough to wrap, capture and enhance the flavor of a mouthful of beef, or stewed pork rinds, or beans, or rice, leaving the last triangle to collect the final vestiges of salsa and then disappear into our joyful mouths!
But if we can’t or don’t want to sit at a table, taking hot tortillas one by one from the basket where they have been placed after being swathed in an embroidered napkin, that means it’s time to go for tacos: with one tortilla or two, overlapping them until they’re as long as the rolled tacos called flautas. We wrap them around whatever is at hand: guacamole or carnitas, chicharron or barbacoa, just salsa if necessary or, as a last resort, just salt. Certain heretics have tried to imitate our tacos using crepes, but they’ve got nothing on the tortilla.
Rolled like a cigarette against the palm of the obliging left hand, the tortilla awaits the generosity of the other, curling up in expectation of its surrender to the right hand which will carry it to the avid mouth where it will die by dismemberment, dripping just enough salsa to warrant licking one’s fingers. (Pipian is a famous dish; the flavour alone will make you want to eat your hands.)

Besides the taco, the tortilla has other incarnations that can and should be enjoyed at the table. There are the enchiladas: green or red; with or without cream, cheese and onions; either stuffed with chicken or not. The enchilada represents the wandering taco’s reinstatement at the civilized table – the return of the prodigal son, now grown, experienced and sophisticated. And what about quesadillas? Filled with potatoes, cheese, squash flowers or brains, and always with a slice of chili.
The tortilla makes yet another appearance as the tostada, which can be spread with refried beans and then topped with shredded chicken, avocado, perhaps a chipotle chili or tomato salsa, a spray of chopped onion or aged cheese. Or it can simply be a totopoxtle – a large tortilla, toasted until golden – brown and crunchy. Or we can cut the tortilla into triangles and fry them for use as croutons in certain Mexican soups such as Sonora-style cheese soup or black bean soup.
Then there are the tortillas left over from the day before: sliced and bathed in the appropriate salsa, then sprinkled with cheese, they become chilaquiles just when we crave them most.
Mexican ingenuity knows no bounds when it comes to corn and corn dough: our flesh and our sustenance. There are also the peneques, thick potato-and-cheese gordos swimming in tomato salsa; or the chalupas, tortilla boats dripping green salsa; or the garnachas, spilling over with charred rubies of chorizo sausage crumbled onto a bed of ground beans and topped by a few shreds of fresh lettuce.

And then we come to the tamales: the classic ones which can be spicy, sweet or rich. The dough, expertly beaten until it foams, is then spread sparingly onto cornhusks which have been dried and then soaked. Each tamale is endowed with whatever filling it is meant to hold – pork, chicken, raisins, almonds – and then placed in the pot for slow steam-cooking.Some tamales are cooked in banana leaves, whether costeňos or oaxaquerios. The triangular michoacanos are cooked in green cornhusks. There are also tamales cooked in clay pots, which come in endless varieties: from the nalga gorda of Zacatecas, to those of Yucatan, which include pibiles and mucbi-pollos, whose main ingredient is the sacred corn. This state is also home to a dish called huevos motuletios, which consists of fried eggs served between tortillas dressed with refried beans and a vinegary salsa.
Finally, we drink corn: in white atoles or chocolate cham-purrados, or strawberry atole (also a popular flavor of tamale); or in chilatole, like in Sahagiln’s time. Also in sende or tzen-decho, which is a fermented corn drink; and tlazcalate (flax-calatl) from Oaxaca; and in tesguino, with which the Tarahu-mara Indians get sacramentally drunk.
To thicken their sauces quickly without spending money on extra egg yolks, sly cooks and thrifty housewives use another product of this plant: cornstarch. Corn syrup is a frequent ingredient in desserts. The corn flakes that Americans love to eat for breakfast are simply tiny, thin tortilla chips. Polenta and borona, served in many regions of South America and Europe, are also made of corn.

And so, every part of an ear of corn is used: we eat the kernels and use the husks to make tamales. What’s more, I have a sneaking suspicion that since the fabrication of tortillas and corn dough became government regulated, the tortillas produced have been tougher, owing to the fact that even the cobs are ground and mixed into the dough. That is pure speculation. I am not making any accusations. But if you truly want to eat good tortillas, you need to make them at home, even making the nixtamal, which is simply corn cooked with quicklime.
Even the corn silk can be used: there is no better diuretic than water in which the silk has been boiled. Scientists have studied the nutritional properties of corn and discovered that it contains inositol, a B-complex vitamin which helps lower cholesterol levels in the blood and unblock the arteries. Animal testing has shown that when deprived of this element in isolation, they lose their hair, but that it grows back when they begin ingesting it again.If all this is true, then it explains a lot about the Mexican people and other cultures that have had a corn-based diet since ancient times. In indigenous communities, for example, indigenous men do not go bald. And finally, many indigenous people boast a full set of healthy, white teeth until a very old age, having used only ground burnt tortillas to clean them.

Salvador Novo

Indo-Pacific. China-USA: An Ocean Apart.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

If the “Pivot to Asia” – the strategic rebalancing of American interests from Europe and the Middle East to East Asia – was former President Barack Obama’s goal, it seems to be now more than ever US President Joe Biden’s mantra, given the bolder approach of the current administration to counter Chinese leader Xi Jinping’s increasingly assertive policy. This is happening not without jolts from Washington, which has pulled more than a few blows to its allies.

Firstly, for the lack of coordination with its historical allies on the hasty exit from Afghanistan, and then with AUKUS, the new pact between the United States, Australia, and Great Britain, whose announcement has infuriated France, which lost a massive submarine order. Not to mention the European Union, whose launch of the new Indo-Pacific strategy took place in the same days and was clearly overshadowed by the announcement of the tripartite pact.

To seal the new transpacific centrality was the recent QUAD summit, the quadrilateral security dialogue among the United States, Australia, Japan, and India. Dusted off in April, QUAD was recently celebrated on the 24th of September, when President Joe Biden received Australian Prime Minister Morrison, outgoing Japanese Prime Minister Suga, and Narendra Modi, the Indian Prime Minister, at the White House.

According to reports, Japanese Prime Minister Yoshihide Suga was the first to raise the issue of Beijing’s aggression in the Indo Pacific area, as well as the Taiwan issue. But Suga must not have felt alone, given the declaration issued at the end of the summit by the four heads of state and government according to which: “The area of the East and South China Seas is free and open, subject to international law, and free from any coercion. “The leaders also pledged to strengthen their security and prosperity.” China and its hostile acts towards its neighbours are not mentioned, but there is no doubt whom the message is addressed to.

At least one third of the world’s maritime trade goes through the South China Sea. Many studies refer to huge reserves of oil and natural gas, which are found under its seabed. Finally, it is a crucial area for the fishing and food survival of many countries.
As such, this is a key region, which China does not want to give up even for a strategic reason, as the area is considered as a sort of buffer zone in the event of a conflict with the United States.

Beijing claims to have secular rights to these waters and refers to an old, 1947 map of the Kuomintang Navy (the Chinese nationalist party), later adopted by the Communist Party. With the so-called nine-dash line, China claims about 90% of those waters, clashing with all the coastal countries: Vietnam, Malaysia, Brunei, the Philippines, and Indonesia, with which there is a long contention. Under pressure from President Obama, in 2015 Chinese President Xi Jinping promised not only restraint, but also that the Paracel and Spratly islands, the two most disputed archipelagos, would not turn into military bases.

This promise was not kept, as proven by several satellite photos. For instance, the part of the Spratly coral reef called Fiery Cross Reef, first used as an observation point, was transformed into an artificial island and subsequently into an operational base in the middle of the Pacific. In the Spratly archipelago alone, there seems to be 3000 acres of artificial land transformed by the Chinese into military bases, which have severely damaged the coral reef with consequent serious environmental damage.

In 2016, an Arbitral Tribunal in The Hague tried to clarify this, ruling that China cannot have claims on the waters in question or on the many disputed islets. A sentence to which, however, Beijing has given no value, and to which it has responded by strengthening its Navy, which has now become the largest in the world, and populating the waters of the Pacific Ocean with warships. Furthermore, taking advantage of the worldwide distraction caused by the pandemic, China has increased in number and intensity the incursions into Taiwan’s airspace, up to continuous provocations in recent days.

China’s growing military presence has irritated many of its neighbours, which are forced, under its influence, into a sort of a double game: fighting Chinese meddling under the table on the one hand whilst making the best of a bad situation on the other. A complex condition, which has in fact widened the scope for American diplomacy. During the Trump era, the US rejected all territorial claims of the People’s Republic, claiming China was “bullying and replacing international law”.

In less drastic terms, but on a similar note, the Biden administration seems to be trying to create a sort of containment belt around Beijing, which has taken decisive diplomatic action. In this context, the numerous and recent visits by the highest level of the US administration to the region are worth mentioning: Deputy Secretary of State, Wendy Sherman, went to Indonesia, Cambodia, and Thailand in June; Secretary of Defense, Lloyd Austin, visited Singapore, Vietnam, and Philippines last July; John Kerry, special envoy for climate, went to Japan at the end of August and to Tianjin in the People’s Republic. Vice President Kamala Harris traveled first to Singapore, perhaps the closest American ally in the region, and then to Vietnam, interested in receiving support in the South China Sea dispute.

The ideological proximity and the very strong commercial ties with Beijing do not allow Hanoi to make drastic choices, which leans on what can be defined as a dual-track strategy, aimed at maintaining excellent relations with both the PRC and US. For the United States, Vietnam remains a privileged partner in the region, not only for their important trade exchange (strongly skewed in favour of Vietnam, for which the US is the first outlet market for goods), but mainly for its geopolitical relevance. And it is no coincidence that Vietnam and Singapore are the only two countries in the region explicitly mentioned in the Interim National Security Strategy Guidance that the Biden
administration issued in March 2021.

Japan is concerned about the situation, as epitomized by its China Exit plan to incentivize Japanese companies to transfer production activities outside the territory of the People’s Republic. Tokyo is also very active in supporting Taiwan and has not failed to support the Hong Kong protests. It has also responded to the manoeuvres around the Senkaku / Diaoyu Islands, which Japan has controlled since 1895, but which Beijing contends with a dynamic that could be defined as mirroring that
of the South China Sea.

Directly proportional to the cooling of relations with Beijing is Canberra’s rapprochement with Washington. Australia has been increasingly troubled by the Chinese expansionism of the Xi era, which passed the first chain of islands that circumscribe the South China Sea (Japan, the Philippines, Taiwan, and Indonesia), entering the traditional Australian sphere of influence.

In 2018, after criticizing China’s penetration into its political system, Australia banned Huawei and ZTE from developing the national 5G network. They spared no criticism to Beijing on the violent process of assimilation of Uyghurs in Xinjiang and the repression in Hong Kong. Finally, Canberra was among the first to ask for an international investigation into the origin of the virus, to which China reacted with a drastic cut in supplies of Australian products, triggering a de facto trade war. It is therefore not surprising that Australia has tried to strengthen its ties with the United States, by far its most powerful ally and the only one truly capable of increasing its military arsenal, to counter Beijing’s hegemony in Asia.

India’s role is more complex and nuanced. Delhi is not directly involved in the South China Sea but remains a key regional power in Asia. Professor Harsh Pant from the ORF Foundation-India said that “the question of a closer relationship with the United States also passes through Afghanistan. The American departure from the country left Delhi more vulnerable. Actually, the Indian government has never had relations with the Taliban and had invested heavily on what was considered until last August Afghanistan’s legitimate government.

There are now fears of negative repercussions in Kashmir, which has always been an open wound in its relations with Pakistan. Prime Minister Modi is willing to help the United States, but in return he asks for “strong intelligence support to contain any terrorist attacks”. Delhi intends to continue supporting US policy through joint military exercises in the Pacific, while continuing to maintain tense relations with Beijing. There are therefore no conditions for India to take Australia’s clear-cut positions against Beijing.

A few months after Biden took office, Chinese leaders looked at the US hoping to leave the Trump era behind, but they had to acknowledge a renewed resolve by Washington on most key issues.The reaction to the announcement of the AUKUS alliance, condemned as irresponsible, and negatively judged by the Foreign Minister and State Councillor Wang Yi, was immediate and straight to the point: “AUKUS brings hidden danger to regional peace, stability and the international order.”

The day after the announcement of the tripartite pact, China requested to join the CPTPP – Comprehensive and Progressive Agreement for Trans-Pacific Partnership – a free trade agreement involving 11 countries, including Australia and Japan, which was originally conceived by former US President Barack Obama as an economic bloc to balance Beijing’s growing commercial power.

However, his successor Donald Trump had withdrawn Washington from the agreement. “The Chinese request to join the pact is an indication of strong concern for the coalition policy in the Indo-Pacific led by the United States”, Alan Yang, director of the Taiwan-Asia Exchange Foundation (TAEF), said “but it also highlights the void left by the Americans, and the fact that the very country against which this pact was born is able to ask for its accession. The CPTPP will be yet another battleground with Taiwan, which formalized the entry request
a day after Beijing.

CPTPP is a trade pact with clear rules and advanced standards, therefore Chinese state-owned enterprises with their international commitments linked to the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) represent a clear obstacle to joining the project. Taiwan, being a model of good governance even in the economic field, should not face the same kind of problems.”

However, the tension between Beijing and Taipei goes far beyond trade issues, as the reunification with the mainland seems to be a clear goal of PRC leaders in a not-too-distant future. The recent intensified air incursions by Beijing military planes into Taiwan’s Air Defense Identification Zone (ADIZ), are just another message to Taipei.

Whether it is for economic-commercial or political-strategic dominance, the Sino-American rivalry is only destined to intensify in the coming years. Without necessarily resorting to an inevitable clash as foreseen by Graham Allison with his reference to the Thucydides’ trap, the Washington-Beijing opposition has now become the centrepiece of international relations. For the first time the pendulum of history has shifted from the transatlantic fault to the transpacific one, with all that that entails for our old Europe.

Francesca Baronio/ISPI

Mexico. A Price on his Head.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

The daily life of a Mexican priest, threatened with death and target of an organized smear campaign launched in response to his fight for justice and truth. Father Marcelo Pérez has refused police escort.

It’s two o’clock in the morning when Father Marcelo Pérez receives a threatening phone call from an unknown individual, identifying themselves as ‘Colonel’, threatening him and his team. Death threats are not new to him, but in recent weeks they have become more frequent. The day before he received that phone call, a vehicle had followed him for about 30 minutes, then some individuals got out of the car and stared at him when he stopped to talk to some people.
The priest noted that the occupants of another vehicle had joined the first group and were constantly staring at him. Father Marcelo remembered that, a week earlier, a van had followed him from Huitepec to the town hall of San Juan Cancuc.

Father Marcelo is not afraid. During his first post as a priest, in Chenalhó, the survivors of the Acteal massacre, which was carried out, in 1997, by paramilitary forces who killed 45 Totzil indigenous people, taught him ‘to talk, build peace and walk with the people’ regardless of the consequences. “I am aware that they can kill me at any time. I have faith in God. Peace is more important than my life”, says the priest. Father Marcelo is an indigenous priest and human rights defender based in Simojovel. He currently coordinates the Social Pastoral of the Province of Chiapas, which integrates the Dioceses of the municipalities of San Cristóbal de Las Casas, Tapachula, and Tuxtla Gutiérrez.
He actively supports and collaborates with organizations and groups of the religious indigenous movement such as the Pueblo Creyente por la Defensa de la Madre Tierra which promotes the collective rights of indigenous peoples and denounces projects that threaten their beliefs and their autonomous living.

In his 10 years of service in Simojovel, the priest received several threats. At first, a price of 150,000 Mexican pesos, about 6,000 euros; then one of 400,000 (17,000 euros) and, finally, another price of one million (over 40,000 euros) were put on his head. “I denounced generalized and structural violence, and I was not scared to say that the country was ruled by narco-politicians”. Father Marcelo also leads pilgrimages and activities related to issues such as access to healthcare, poverty, and violence.
The priest has also collaborated with the Tsotsil, Tseltal, Zoque and Mestizo peoples, supporting the fight for the defence of the lands and the rights of these populations, mediating conflicts, and assisting displaced communities. This courageous priest also offers his help to migrants and to all those who have been criminalized for their commitment to the defence of human rights.

In July, the Fray Bartolomé de Las Casas Human Rights Center (Frayba) and the Swedish Movement for Reconciliation (SweFOR Mexico), expressed concern about the acts of criminalization towards the priest, Marcelo Pérez, for his work in the defence and promotion of human rights. They indicated that the defender has been the victim of ‘delegitimization, defamation and constant discredit’, and since the beginning of this year the attacks have intensified.
The last extremely serious criminal act, an assassination attempt, was perpetrated in August.
In recent weeks, national and international institutions, joined by the Swedish cardinal Anders Arborelius, have denounced the criminal acts against Father Marcelo. The state government offered the priest a bodyguard, but he refused for several reasons: first of all, because having a bodyguard goes against the Gospel and his pacifist principles, since ‘a bodyguard is authorized to kill’, and then, Father Marcelo is not fighting for his safety but for that of the other people. He says “I could never accept to be protected and safe while others are not”. And besides, he doesn’t trust police either.

There is a campaign to stigmatise Father Marcelo on social networks, as well as illegal monitoring of his activities in addition to public stigmatization by the mayor of the municipality of Pantelhó, in the state of Chiapas. Father Marcelo thinks defamatory statements have to be related to the reaction of the political parties, which he has often accused of corruption, and to armed groups operating in the state of Chiapas. Messages posted on social networks also include death threats against the priest.
The Bishop of the diocese of San Cristóbal, Rodrigo Aguilar Martínez has taken a clear position on this matter, and has declared that any act against Father Marcelo is an act against the Church. The bishop has also added that: “Father Marcelo is a faithful servant of God, he is in communion with the spirit of our diocese and he is committed to sharing the Gospel with the community”.

Pedro Santacruz

The Expansion of Cryptocurrency in Africa.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

The African crypto-economy has grown over 1200% over the last two years. Moreover, five countries in the continent rank in the top 20 of the Global Crypto Adoption Index. But risks to monetary systems are enormous and largely unpredictable.

According to Chainalysis, the private New York company that studies the applications of new technologies called blockchains, the cryptocurrency market in Africa has grown by more than 1,200% over the past two years. Nigeria, Kenya, Togo, South Africa and Tanzania have been rated the top 5 countries in the world where crypto currency is quite popular. The other 15 countries are all emerging or small countries, with the exception of the US.
What is relevant with regard to Africa is not the issue of market share, which is the smallest in the world, but that of the number of citizens involved. According to a study by the World Economic Forum, Africa’s crypto market grew by $105.6 billion in 2020.
The so-called blockchain is a set of information technologies that make it possible to create a digital register that stores data transactions between different parties connected to each other, in an open and secure way. It is a new technology which, as such, can have positive and innovative applications in various sectors. It can also be used in relation to the so-called “internet of value”, with which, instead of information, values, such as coins, are exchanged. This is where cryptocurrencies come into play. Bitcoin is the most widely used crypto-currency to date.

Crypto-currencies operate globally through computer networks that connect users and their computers directly, peer-to-peer. P2P are decentralized networks that comprise a group of devices (users) connected together to share and store information with each other. Each node or device acts as an individual server. In blockchain technology, the definition of P2P usually refers to exchanging virtual assets or crypto-currencies through a distributed network. In such a P2P network, buyers and sellers implement transactions without the need for go-betweens like banks or governments.
There are hundreds of crypto exchange platforms around the world. Even tech giants like Amazon, Google, Facebook, and the Chinese Alibaba, are working to create their own crypto-currencies, totally private and outside any kind of government and institutional control. Currently there are several crypto-currencies on the market for all types and sizes of financial transactions: for example, Dash is used for small purchases, Litecoin to pay bills and subscriptions, Paxful for remittances, and so on. Crypto currencies make the life of African citizens easier since around 57% of the population in the continent does not have a traditional bank account. Crypto payments require just a smart phone.
The weakness of local currencies, volatile exchange rates, unstable political and banking systems, financial restrictions, inflation risks, lack of trust in national institutions have certainly favoured the growth of the crypto market in Africa.

In sub-Saharan Africa, remittances have become a major economic lifeline. Migrant workers eventually need to transfer money to their loved ones back in their home countries. This situation inevitably leaves the migrants at the mercy of third-party institutions such as banks and money transfer operators that charge exorbitant fees. But blockchain technology and cryptocurrency now offer hope to radically transform the African remittances industry in favour of migrant workers and their families. Many African migrant workers are turning to crypto money-sending platforms that they use in large numbers to send money to their families across borders. The transition costs are lower than those applied by money transfer companies. In sub-Saharan Africa remittances are estimated to exceed $50 billion. One third of Paxful users are located in Africa, particularly in Nigeria, where there are already one and a half million users
Crypto-currencies may look attractive for small trades and at local level. But on a global level thing are different. If we look at the trend of bitcoin in 2021, we can see that it grew dramatically in the first months of the year up to $ 64,000, but it collapsed to $ 28,000 in July, and then rose to $45,000 in a few weeks. The cost of Bitcoin recently exceeded $ 60,000. Some estimate a peak of $ 100,000 by the end of the year.
It is not a question of simple “volatility” of its value, but of the effect of frenzied and uncontrolled speculation. Several crypto frauds have been reported and several managers of some crypto-currencies have been investigated for their fraudulent behaviour. This has also happened recently in South Africa. There is no safety net. In the event the cryptocurrency collapses, everything is lost.
Besides, cryptoassets have tripled in 2021 alone, and have increased from 16 billion dollars worldwide five years ago, to 2.3 trillion dollars today. The cost of bitcoin alone has reached 1,240 billion dollars. Crypto- currencies could spark a global financial crisis if strict regulations are not put in place. Suffice it to remember that on the eve of the great crisis of 2008, the subprime mortgage bubble had reached 1.2 trillion dollars, before dramatically deflating and contributing to the bankruptcy of Lehman Brothers.

Cryptocurrencies, although not regulated, are in the current system. Their collapse could therefore trigger an avalanche effect.
It is therefore not surprising that all governments and central banks of the world are very concerned about the stability of the monetary system. Furthermore, by evading all control, cryptocurrencies can be used by criminal and terrorist organizations for illegal financial transactions.
“When something in the financial system grows very quickly and in an opaque and unregulated space, financial stability authorities need to take action,” central banks rightly argue. The European Commission has proposed a regulatory framework for crypto-assets.
The G7 and the Bank for International Settlements in Basel defined cryptocurrencies as a “growing threat to monetary policy, financial stability and competition”.

Cryptocurrencies and digital currencies
Digital currencies must not be confused with cryptocurrencies, Nigeria’s eNaira, for example, or the digital euro are not cryptocurrencies. All countries in the world have to face the progressive digitalization of payments and monetary transfers, which has greatly increased in recent years. The European Central Bank (ECB) is studying how to apply the digitalization of money in an efficient and safe way. The difference between digital currencies and cryptocurrencies is enormous. Digital currencies are centralized, meaning that transaction within the network is regulated in a centralized location, like a bank, which also plays the role of lender and guarantor, while cryptocurrencies use blockchain and a decentralized ledger, which means that no single individual or supervisory authority controls or is guarantor of the transactions in the network. They are private currencies, as in the Middle Ages, when each prince of a small or large state minted his own coins. But today, public monetary sovereignty is at stake.

Paolo Raimondi

India. A chain of solidarity from organic cotton.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

Some Franciscan Sisters have succeeded in combining tradition and innovation. The ‘Assisi Garments’ project is not only a brand name but a way of life that respects people and the environment.

It was in 1994 that some Franciscan Sisters present in India, in the southern state of Tamil Nadu, decided to launch an activity to help young unemployed people with particular attention to those afflicted with various disabilities, especially the deaf and dumb.
The religious Sisters decided that the income should be used not only to grow the enterprise but also to sustain their other charitable welfare works. What better way is there to provide work in India than working with cotton? No sooner said than done: the sisters set up a business which today provides work for around 300 girls, up from 100 initially, and the name of the company leaves no doubt as to its origins: ‘Assisi Apparel’. Three years later it became ‘Assisi Garments’, specialising in handmade cotton clothes. Little by little, these high-quality garments produced in Tamil Nadu found an increasingly broad niche in the alternative business market.

The young women who work for ‘Assisi Garments’ come from the nearby state of Kerala where the Catholic component has its importance. They are provided with board and lodging by the Franciscan Sisters, apart from a good monthly wage and insurance coverage. They are also given in-service training courses to improve the products, not only making sure they do not involve the use of dangerous biological products but also to make the products more competitive on the international markets in the Americas and various European countries.
The profits from sales are used, as already noted, for various other works such as a clinic for cancer patients (due largely to the use of chemical fertilisers in agriculture), as well as a hospice, an orphanage, a centre for Aids sufferers, to aid lepers and provide education, including a school for the blind.

In the almost thirty years of its existence, ‘Assisi Garments’ has also succeeded in the added task of combining tradition, innovation and the protection of the environment, creating a system of one hundred per cent organic cotton products. Today it is something unique in the textile industry with an integrated chain from the cotton plant to the finished product. The cotton they use is, therefore, organic and so contributes in a responsible way to the protection of the environment, a considerable achievement, even in India. On the other hand, the Global Organic Textile Standard, the organisation that issues certificates, takes into account a whole series of parameters: the first is, of course, ecology but also the productive and social conditions throughout the chain.

These include the harvesting, spinning, cutting, and dying of the cotton and the control of materials and processes used in the transformation of cotton or other organic fibres. For example, ‘Assisi Garments’ does not use dyes containing heavy metals or formaldehyde so as not to cause allergies in foreign buyers.
‘Assisi Garments’ has become an outstanding exception in the textile industry. One small community of Franciscan Sisters has succeeded in challenging the great Indian textile industry. As the Sisters remind us, “Working with organic cotton involves respect for people and the environment“.

Mary Wilkes

Africa. Forward to 2027, the new single currency.

Wednesday, 1 December 2021 8:00

The pandemic and the doubts of some countries have postponed the adoption of the Eco, the single monetary unit of Western Africa.

The new road map, which expects a pact of convergence to be actuated during the period 2022-2026, became necessary due to the delays caused by the pandemic. This is the explanation recently given by the leader of ECOWAS (Economic Community of Western African States). The single currency would aim – and this has been debated for years – to stimulate commerce, first of all trans-frontier commerce, the economic growth of the member states and, in a way, to increase the cohesion of the political realities that make up this region of the continent, an area with 385 million inhabitants.

As explained by the Togolese economist Kako Nubukpo, the introduction of a single currency is a real “credibility test to see if the leaders of Western Africa are capable of acting together to create a currency”. It will certainly test their ability to detach themselves from French influence. Of the 15 ECOWAS member countries, 8 use the Cfa Franc (used in 6 countries of Central Africa). In total, therefore, the Franco-European currency is still used in 14 African countries with a total population of about 150 million and a total GDP of 235 billion dollars. Critics call it a colonial network, but it is seen by Cfa supporters as a way of ensuring financial stability in a sometimes-turbulent region.

Effects on the economy
The Cfa is, in any case, a currency ‘imposed’ on French colonies and never removed after independence, linked to the Euro and therefore too strong. Taxes on exports are affected as are those on imports and the result is a frequent (or permanent) deficit. We may also add that interest rates in the Cfa area are always very high, even reaching 14%. Furthermore, as economists say, the Cfa encourages the outflow of capital which would be better used within the African countries. It is the currency of the elite, many say, which works against the majority of the population and continues to be a sort of slavery that economically and psychologically holds to ransom a large part of the continent.

ECOWAS Bank for Investment and Development headquarters in Lomé, Togo. Photo: CC BY 2.0/ Willem Heerbaart

This is why the introduction of the new currency does not simply aim to facilitate commercial and financial trade, reduce the cost of transactions between countries and increase competition but also to gain extremely important political results.
The Eco first assumed a concrete aspect in December 2019 (though discussions had started well beforehand). On that day, the West African Economic and Monetary Union (WAEMU) agreed with France to change the Cfa into Eco and to break some financial ties with Paris. According to this agreement, the Eco would remain tied to the Euro but the ECOWAS would no longer have to keep 50% of their reserves in the French treasury. In addition, the agreement stipulates that there will no longer be a French representative on the African Monetary Union Council.

Mali. Timbuktu. People selling and buying at town market©sebastianbass/123RF.COM

Despite the enthusiasm expressed by the Francophone African leaders and President Emmanuel Macron himself, the implementation of the accord was postponed three times. Four times, to be precise. Is it a technical or political problem? Obviously, criteria have been set for the adoption of the African currency: a deficit in the balance of payments of no higher than 3% and annual inflation at less than 10%. Furthermore, the financing of deficits by the Central Bank should not exceed 10% of income from tax in the previous year and there must be gross external reserves for at least three months’ imports. These parameters had not yet been achieved by the end of 2019.

Large debts
Then there was the pandemic. It must be said that many member states of the group are under economic pressure due to their large debts, but also socio-politically. An example of this is the instability in the area of the Sahel. Admittedly, not all the countries in the Anglophone area seem to be willing to take on board the problems (economic problems, especially) of bordering countries or even those of the same economic community. It is precisely in the Francophone countries, instead, where opposition to the Cfa Franc has always been strongest and recently there has been intensification not only of criticism and analysis by experts, but also of protests by the citizens, especially in Senegal and Benin. It is clear that a single currency and the breaking of ties with France is of most interest to Francophone countries and their citizens and leaves substantially indifferent, or not wholly involved, the citizens of the Anglophone countries.

We may look at Nigeria with its more than 200 million inhabitants and a strong and fierce entrepreneurship, a country that does not seem willing to ‘make any sacrifices’ to come to the aid of the weaker economies of the group. The impression is that it wants to continue to do business in its own currency, the Naira, the Cedi, the Ghanaian currency and, of course, the Cfa.
The same is true for Ghana, with an economy substantially growing and whose population is already coming to terms with the consequences of the pandemic. Any change now would be difficult to manage or even to render acceptable to Ghanaians. Besides, returning to the case of Nigeria, there is the fear that the largest economy of the region may end up dominating the monetary policies of the entire area. Another important matter is clarity concerning fiscal, industrial, and commercial policies, all of which are being discussed. Apart from technical questions, the African leaders seem to be largely in agreement to take this historical step which, as the Togolese economist states, will be a way to demonstrate the political as well as economic maturity of the African nations.

Antonella Sinopoli

Mozambique. Music and Dance of the Makua. To the sound of drums.

Monday, 1 November 2021 8:00

It began in an Islamic context as a religious dance but today it has a more secular character and is managed by the women of the Makua ethnic group who compose the words and music, singing and dancing. It is also an occasion of social liberation.

The tufo music and dance, with its centre in the Island of Mozambique, represents the most ancient style of traditional Makua music, expressly authorised by the prophet Mohammed on 16 July, 622, on his entry into Yterib, present-day Medina.
The term tufo derives from the word ad-duff, which refers to the drums and tambourines still used today, which becomes adufe or adufo in Portuguese. Due to its profound ties with Islam, tufo was originally a religious type of music called taira and played exclusively by believers and followers of Islam. The Sufi branch of Islam which was widespread in the Isle of Mozambique facilitated the passage towards more secular and feminine tufo, to be used in social gatherings.

In Mozambican Sufi, in fact, the intertwining with the matrilineal Makua culture has always been bi-directional: even though three quarters of the population of the Island are Muslim, the role of women has remained central (there are three zourias, places of prayer reserved for women and six mosques with separate spaces). And while the religious leader, the xehe, has always been male, the halifa (a sort of vice-xehe) is reserved for women, unlike what happens in more orthodox Islam.

Four groups
Today, tufo is sung and acted out only by women, usually aged from 15 to 20 years or sometimes a little older, arranged in groups of 3-4 lines with 4-5 dancers in each line. The feminisation of the tufo leaves to the men just the leadership of the various groups that are more formal and organisational than substantial, since it is only the women who compose the words and music and decide upon the annual programme.

The women of the various tufo groups dress in the same fashion according to strict rules of elegance that look to tradition, with two capulanas (cloth of Indian origin, coloured and decorated, from which various clothes are made throughout the country) which are used to cover the legs, like a skirt and also the upper part of the body. A third capulana is used as a sort of turban, typical of Makua women, also in daily life. Each tufo group has its own colours and, in the complicated preparations, make-up using mussiro is essential. It is obtained from the small trunk of the homonymous tree which, once it is soaked, produces a natural cream that is applied to the faces of the women, producing extremely smooth and shiny skin.
The tufo music is sung by all the dancers with two main voices, one in a low tone and the other high. The dancing then begins, following the rhythm of the music. At first, the women kneel down; then, following the rhythm, they stand up and begin to dance by rotating their bodies, heads and shoulders, with the right hand closed and the left resting on the hip. The musical part of the tufo is provided by four drummers; one plays the khupurra (with a deep sound), another plays the ngajiza (in a higher tone), with a rhythm similar to that of Arabian music, while the pústuwa and the duássi produce a higher tone that is closer to the Bantu rhythms and tonalities.

Island of Mozambique.

On the Island of Mozambique, there are ‘Mother’ tufo bands that have their own ‘Sisters’ scattered all over the Makua world, including the cities of Pemba and Nampula. Today, the tufo texts, apart from the celebratory ones which are indeed more numerous, concentrate on the daily life of the Makua such as unions between men and women, betrayal, maternity, poverty, norms of morality and behaviour etc. The regulating centre of this social universe is the female figure. The tufo musical texts are mostly handed down orally and they can now be recorded thanks to the radio and videos available on YouTube. One of the best-known interpreters of tufo was Zena Bacar, who died in 2017. He always defended the values of the Makua culture in harmony with the fundamental rights of the women of Mozambique.
Belonging to a tufo group gives economically and socially marginalised women the possibility to acquire a recognised status, a precise artistic and professional identity. The tufo does not bring large economic benefits but widens the network of contacts that may be used to acquire a minimal economic status. The very fact of ‘becoming someone’ allows these young Makua women to develop their identity which will also be of help in daily life, apart from their artistic calling.

Laura António Nhaueleque and Luca Bussotti

The Voice of Communities in the Management of Natural Resources.

Monday, 1 November 2021 8:00

The management of a country’s natural resources depends exclusively on its government. In the case of mining and extractive activities such as gas or oil, it is important that governments ensure the correct processing of administrative and geological requirements that allow extractive activity.

In addition, governments need to ensure strict compliance with environmental regulations that protect ecosystems affected by extractive activities and that allow for optimal conditions for the development of the lives of people and communities.

In this context of exploitation of natural resources, the states also have the obligation to protect their citizens from all violation of human rights caused by foreign extractive companies in the exercise of their economic activity. Nothing can justify the concession of the land of the local communities, who are the legitimate owners of the land and whose main livelihood depends directly on the land to foreign companies that put their benefits before the well-being of the people.

Mining and extractive companies are always involved in controversies with the host communities. The economic power of the transnationals allows them to act with impunity even in the face of crimes committed in process of their economic activity.

It is difficult to bring Transnational corporations (TNCs) to court when international trade and investment treaties do not recognize the primacy of human rights over the economic interests of transnationals. Populations affected by extractive activities encounter innumerable obstacles to accessing justice and there are no legal mechanisms to protect those who report such behaviour. That is why must be extra vigilant in granting concession to mining and extractive companies.

If the authorization to mining operations remains with the governments, they must equally establish mechanisms to protect the interests of the local communities when the extractive companies show interest in certain areas that affect the population especially asserting their rights over the territories that legitimately belong to them.

The arrival of foreign investors to countries in the global south used to elicit a collective enthusiasm from local populations a few decades ago. The communities saw foreign companies as an opportunity to improve their living conditions and welcomed the promises of investors in exchange for the exploitation of the land. However, local populations now feel pained seeing how they have been cheated through decades of greedy exploitation of natural resources.

The abuse of power of TNCs has elicited disappointments among the population due to unfulfilled promises of economic compensation, non-compliance with international treaties and the systematic violation of human rights. Hence, in the face of the extractive fever we must encourage and support the communities to protect their lives, their territories, and their traditional ways of life.

The populations need to be informed about the specific wealth of the subsoil of their territories, the ways in which they are extracted, the techniques that are used and the risks that the extraction of minerals can cause to the population. In the face of the arrival of foreign investors, the communities need to be united to give a common response to the intention of starting an extractive activity and to report any attempt at bribery by the authorities or the companies themselves.

While states should be the first to protect and inform the public of what mining operations entail, sometimes we find states playing the opposite role, hiding information about the adverse effects of mining and being the first interested in bringing forward mining activities. Thus, the population must be informed and accompanied by independent experts of the civil society to discern their decisions to cede the use of the land.

It is a common practice for companies to offer to give economic aid to the population, jobs, and financial compensation for the loss of territory, however once the extractive exploitation begins, they are never carried out. Hence the importance of local communities having the support of independent legal advisers and civil society to enable them to exercise their rights in the event of opposition to the project or at least to help them enforce the promises offered by the companies and governments.

In recent years, extractive companies and investors have developed strategies to convince local communities of their acceptance of extractive activities in their territories. Governments, companies, and investors know that community support is essential to the success of their extractive projects, and they try to secure the backing of leaders.

However, these strategies are not accompanied by the implementation of the promises made by TNCs and the process of consultations to the affected communities becomes false hopes for the population,
which are never fulfilled.

The management of natural resources affect the directly fundamental rights of communities enormously because the protection for human life, the respect for cultural heritage received from the ancestors and aesthetic environment are jeopardized. However, the cases of killing human rights defenders and the harassment of indigenous communities fighting for their rights continue to grow every year.

It is for this reason that Africa Europe Faith and Justice Network (AEFJN) underlines the right of communities to say no to extractive exploitations as an expression of the right of peoples to manage their natural resources. In this vein it becomes imperative for the governments in Africa and Europe to get involved in the negotiations for a legally binding treaty; a treaty that imposes direct obligations to companies in their extractive activities but overall a treaty that protect traditional ways of life of indigenous communities and ancestral cultures linked to the land and the value of the sacred.

José Luis Gutiérrez Aranda,
Trade Policy Officer,
Africa Europe Faith and Justice Network (AEFJN)

Marriage an expensive venture.

Monday, 1 November 2021 8:00

Marriage is highly esteemed among the Banyakole and it is one of the most expensive and honored ventures. Among the things that have persisted in the Ankole culture is the marriage rite.

Before westernization found its way in the Ankole culture, by the time girls turned eight or nine, particularly among the Bahima, preparation for marriage began. Girls were mostly kept indoors, where they ate beef and millet porridge and were forced to drink milk in large quantities; in contrast to Bahima men, girls were considered attractive by becoming as fat as possible. Marriages often occurred before a girl was sexually mature, or soon after her initial menstruation. For this reason, teenage pregnancies before marriage were uncommon. Polygamy was associated with rank and wealth. Bahima pastoralists who were chiefs typically had more than one wife.

The bride is covered with hanging bids until the groom unveils her. (Photo/ Namanya Elias Makuka)

The Bahima and the Bairu did not, as a rule, intermarry. Among both groups, premarital virginity was valued. A marriage fee was required among the Bairu, but this was not as elaborate as among the Bahima. Commonly, 14 cows were given by the prospective groom to his father-in-law. The cows were then distributed by the father-in-law to his brother and to a favorite sister and all members of his extended family where he had obtained his wife. The goats were in exchange with the child that would be born to the father’s family and not the mother’s family.
Among the Bahima, marriage exchanges were much more elaborate, but the same principles operated. When the bride came to take up residence with her husband, she was received by her future father and mother-in-law by sitting on their laps.
Later, while sitting on a mat, the couple sprinkled each other with grain, then stirred millet flour in boiling water to symbolically illustrate that a new domestic unit had been established. Exchanges of food and gifts occurred thereafter for several days between the two families, to the accompaniment of music, dancing, and beer drinking.

Ankole women in mshanana. Photo: CC BY-NC 4.0/ Kalungi Nathan

Today, Christian marriages are common. What has persisted is the value attached to extended families and the importance of having children as a measure of a successful marriage. Polygamy has been replaced largely by monogamy, the prescribed form of marriage of Christian religions. However, the traditions of marriage have also stayed, especially the events such as the introduction where the girl introduces her man. On the introduction, a Munyankole father, occasionally assisted by his relatives, is obliged to get a wife for his son by paying the required bride-wealth. This consists of five cows, three goats, and some pots of beer among the Bairu; among the Bahima it may range from five to twenty cows, depending on how wealthy the person is.
Once the bride-price has been paid, preparations for the traditional marriage begin. On the introduction day the bride’s father slaughters a bull for food. Other forms of food and a considerable amount of beer are prepared for feasting at the bride’s home.
This is followed by another feast at the bridegroom’s home, where the marriage is consummated. At the wedding ceremony the girl’s aunt confirms that the groom is potent and that the bride defended her virginity before the marriage was consummated.

One of the significant traditions during the marriage day is the tradition of Omugamba (a stick containing various gifts). This is presented on the traditional give-away ceremony by the girl’s family to the man’s family. Omugamba consists of various gifts including: Ebyanzi (the wooden vessels made of smoked black wood, covered with beautiful, handmade covers known as emihaiha, woven with sisal and other fibres printed in geometric patterns). These vessels are used while milking, serving and storing milk. They are given according to the number of cows the bride’s family has received as bride price. Ekirere, this is a small calabash used for drinking skimmed milk or preparing yoghurt which is known as amakamo, and is made by sieving raw milk in the morning. Eicuba, this is a wooden container/bucket used to draw water and fill the drinking trough during okweshera (time for cows to drink water). Rukomyo, this is a perfume pot used for personal hygiene. It is a pot with three holes where scented smoke used as perfume by women is contained.

Ankole women dancing cultural dance during the introduction selemone. Photo: CC BY-NC 4.0/ Jotham wambi.

Ekicunga, this is a clay pot used to fumigate milk pots/gourds. Akacwende, is a calabash used for string perfumed ghee which is used as petroleum jelly by women. The ghee in the calabash is mixed with scented herbs to produce a nice scent. Emboha, a rope made of sisal that is used to tie the hind legs of a cow during milking. Enkuyo, is a broom-like tool made of sisal used during milking to keep flies away from the cow while being milked.
Today, marriages are delayed, given the attendance at school of both girls and boys. One consequence of this delay has been a rise in teenage pregnancies out of wedlock. Girls who become pregnant are severely punished by being dismissed from school or disciplined by parents. Open Photo. Ankole women in their traditional wear. CC BY-NC 4.0/ Kalungi Nathan (G.L.M.)

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