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The Path of Reforms.

Thursday, 1 September 2022 8:00

A country like India that aspires, at least in Asia, to be the first competitor of the People’s Republic of China and to guarantee stable and sensitive progress for a young population, with an economy that has many difficulties in launching itself, now sees a further slowdown at the conjunction of pandemics with conflicts causing a marked uncertainty regarding the development of the consequences of both.

With a GDP planned for 2022 at an encouraging 5.4 per cent, it cannot ignore the winds of change that could be favourable to what was initially planned. Again, in January, specialists indicated that the value of exports could exceed pre-pandemic levels, rising to 418 billion dollars for the fiscal year ended in March. In reality, adding the export of services to those of goods, the figure exceeded 650 billion, with a positive balance of 40 billion on total imports. Positive signs, which are open to further improvement in view of the ambitious goal of 5,000 billion GDP by 2030 (almost doubling the current figure), even more so having on the doorstep the examples of China and Bangladesh whose growth rate of exports are, respectively, 3 and 4.2 per cent, or 3-4 times that of India which – on the admission of the country’s own analysts – India does not fully exploit its potential in various sectors.

Container terminal full of containers with flag of India. 123rf.com

Its reluctance to intervene with greater incisiveness in foreign markets has also made it difficult for India to take full advantage of the changes in the flow of foreign production and investments in search of more favourable markets. Many industrial giants are looking for locations where they can set up production less linked to the intensity of work and India offers good opportunities with potential for employment that could guarantee 80 million new jobs.
Despite the evident potential, economic policies that are sometimes inconsistent or applied with urgency and a still ambiguous strategic location do not help to ease international scepticism about its possibilities and if India, unlike other Asian countries, has not based its growth on exports, on the other hand, the growth of the internal market is still burdened by statism, bureaucracy, administered prices and
poor liberalization.

Truck backing up getting ready to pour concrete into the foundations. ©amlanmathur/123RF.COM

Pravakar Sahoo lecturer at the Institute for Economic Growth of the University of Delhi and an internationally renowned academic and government consultant of India says, “While India does not actively promote an export-based growth model, it is fully integrated into the global economy with a high degree of trade openness. Indian growth, however, is based on the combination of domestic demand and exports, but like all developing countries, adequate levels of investment are needed to allow for the objectives set, as well as a sufficient consumption to support a better quality of life. These aims can be achieved simultaneously with the development of exports, not as an alternative to it”. How can India set itself objectives that are appropriate to the needs of the population and its potential? “The country is in transition and there is a growing demand for public works and infrastructure – said Sahoo. Poverty reduction and the creation of new jobs have so far not met expectations. Growth is necessary for the government to meet socio-economic needs and create jobs in a country where the average age is 25, but it can only be sustained if the government pursues the path of reforms that improve governance and if investor confidence is restored”.

Obviously, much will also depend on international contingencies because – the economist again points out – “we can certainly say that external factors, such as stagnation in the USA and Japan and the crisis in Europe, are partly responsible for the difficulties of the Indian economy which are above all due to internal factors: the difficult implementation of official policies, the lack of investor confidence, and the delay and resistance in initiating foreign direct investment reforms, especially in the banking and financial sectors. Some past decisions, such as the blocking of foreign investment in multi-brand trade and the retroactive use of certain income tax measures have contributed to a certain slowdown in the economy”. Two years of pandemic and, now, the uncertainties generated by the Ukrainian conflict are further obstacles to the elaboration of coherent and effective development policies.(Open Photo: Indian rupee currency symbol with many mirroring images of itself on red background. 123rf.com)

(S.V.)

Ethiopia. Beyond the question of ethnicity.

Thursday, 1 September 2022 8:00

On November 4, 2020, a new war began in Ethiopia. Just three years earlier, the country had signed a peace agreement with neighbouring Eritrea that earned Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed the Nobel Peace Prize in 2019.

The current conflict, which pits the central government against a coalition of its Kililochs (region-states), has caused thousands of deaths and more than 50,000 refugees, mainly in neighbouring Sudan.

Many experts have analysed the conflict underlining its ethnic character. Supporting the perception of the French journalist Vincent Hugeux (“explaining everything through the prism of the tribe is absurd, denying it is inept”), we believe that this approach does not allow us to understand the root causes and we propose to expand it with three internal and external motivations that explain the current situation.

First, Ethiopia has been a relatively stable federal state since 1995. Granting autonomy to its regions was one of the reasons for the creation of the Ethiopian People’s Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF)
in May 1988.

After coming to power, Abiy Ahmed opted for a centralist policy that favours the most populated regions of the country to the detriment of the others. It cannot be forgotten that centralism was the key element of a profound trauma in Ethiopian history: the famine that spread between 1983 and 1985. Government aid was placed in the most populated regions, forcing hundreds of thousands of people to move close to them.

In addition to this factor, many forget in their analyses that this is not the first conflict in Tigray.
Already between 1974 and 1990, the Tigray People’s Liberation Front (TPLF) opposed the successive governments that led the country through armed struggle and had special importance in overthrowing the Mengistu regime and establishing the current federal state.

Tigray has had an enormous influence both in history and in the Ethiopian government, which Abiy Ahmed has tried to mitigate by excluding Tigrayans from the army and the aforementioned tendency towards centralism.

Finally, it should not be forgotten that most civil conflicts cross the borders of the country at war and Ethiopia is no exception.

On the part of the federal government, the main ally is Eritrea, which actively participated in the support of federal troops following the peace agreement mentioned above.
The main dispute between Ethiopia (when it was under the TPLF government) and Eritrea was the city of Badme, and its handover by Abiy Ahmed to the Eritreans was seen as a betrayal in Tigray.

The presence of the United Arab Emirates, which sent Chinese drones to Ethiopia, is more subtle, while Turkey has provided it with war material that has allowed it to stop the TPLF offensive and launch a counter-offensive. Furthermore, by March 2020, Turkey had already committed to training the federal armed forces.

From the Tigray viewpoint, things aren’t so clear. There is a relative slant of the United States in its favour, highlighted by the imbalance in reporting the crimes committed by each side. Furthermore, the Addis Ababa government denounces the support of Egypt and Sudan, interested in prolonging hostilities to delay the Great Renaissance Dam.

In short, focusing on ethnicity misleads the understanding of the Ethiopian conflict. It is a gesture of resistance of the less populous Kililochs to continue to count on the Ethiopian political landscape, compared to the more populous ones like Amhara – from which Abiy Ahmed comes. This situation is aggravated by internal and external geopolitical interests.

Dagauh Komenan
Historian, specialized in International Relations

New political openings.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

Suriname is a unitary Republic with executive power vested in the President of the Republic, who is elected by the members of parliament for a five-year term; while the Chamber, composed of 51 seats, has legislative power.

The 51 members of the assembly are chosen from the ten electoral districts into which the country is divided from an administrative point of view. Six of these are located in the coastal area.
Paramaribo elects seventeen, while the district of Coronie, located a little farther west, elects only two.
The accentuated intercom division present within the country is also considerably reflected in the political sphere. Bouterse, of Creole origin, has always taken advantage of this, betting on the card of nationalism and unity among the few thousand inhabitants during his electoral campaigns. The years of his presidency, however, were marked by isolation in the international arena and an important break with the Netherlands which led to all types of financial aid being cut off.

Flags of different countries of the historic city of Paramaribo. 123rf.com

The only relations Suriname maintained at that time were with Guyana, and Venezuela. In particular, a bilateral cooperation relationship had been established with Venezuela in the fields of agriculture, communications, legal assistance, fisheries, energy, transport, culture and health. In 2005, Suriname decided to participate in Petrocaribe, an alliance proposed by Venezuelan President Chávez aimed at strengthening cooperation and solidarity relations between Caracas and the Caribbean countries. This relationship was essentially based on the sale of oil at a reduced price and on favourable terms. In addition to Guyana and Venezuela, the country has only sporadic relations with the rest of the countries of the South American region.
This, above all, was due to the cultural diversity of the country and the poor flow of trade which is directed mainly towards the USA and Europe. In fact, even with respect to the large organizations set up by the countries of the region, the country initially limited itself to participating in the Amazon Cooperation Treaty – that is, a cooperation between neighbours for the preservation of the Amazon forest – and from the 1990s, after the end of the dictatorship, it began to weave timid relations with its neighbours, and in particular with the countries of the Caribbean area.

Chandrikapersad “Chan” Santokhi is the 9th president of Suriname.

In fact, since 1995 Suriname has been a member of CARICOM, an organization that aims to promote the economic integration of members, subsequently also entering the CARICOM Single Market and Economy, a strategy developed by some members of CARICOM to further strengthen economic integration. It was only after 2008 that it joined UNASUR, CELAC and Mercosur.
Due to its strategic position and the mineral resources present within it, Suriname was tempting to Chinese investments whose penetration was further favoured by the historical Chinese community present in the area. In this regard, suffice it to say that Huawei and other Chinese companies are playing a central role in the creation of ‘smart cities’. Furthermore, China is Suriname’s largest creditor. As it is obvious, the Chinese purpose is to invest in the countries of Central America and the Caribbean basin with the main objective of increasing its presence in this area in order to challenge the diplomatic domination of the United States in the region.

Jules wijdenbosch bridge over suriname river in paramaribo, capital of suriname. ©mathess/123RF.COM

This strategy certainly also includes the agreement signed between China and the CELAC countries for the three-year period 2022-2024 to strengthen economic cooperation. It should be noted that in the last two decades the links between China and Latin America and the Caribbean have grown commercially, especially in the period from 2000 to 2020.
In 2020 the National Assembly elected Chan Santokhi to lead the country, thus ending the Bouterse era. According to some analysts, this constitutes a new era, also in terms of international relations and therefore a greater opening of the country towards the Western hemisphere. (Open Photo: Presidential palace in Paramaribo. ©mathess/123RF.COM)

Filippo Romeo

Herbs & Plants. Euclea natalensis. An important medicinal plant in Tropical Africa.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

It is an important and frequently used medicinal plant in tropical Africa. It can be used to treat various human diseases.

Euclea natalensis (Family Ebenaceae) is a dioecious shrub or small bushy tree with a straight trunk and a dense spreading crown. It grows to an average of 15 m in height.
The bark is dark grey, thin and finely cracked. The leaves are hard and leathery, dark green and shiny above and paler underneath.
The flowers are small, bell-shaped, cream to yellow and are carried in many-flowered, branched sprays in the axils of the leaves. The fruits are rounded, fleshy berries, 7-13 mm in diameter, borne on hairy stalks. They are smooth or bristly, yellow, orange, red and black, in dense, conspicuous clusters. They are edible and attract birds.
The name Euclea means ‘good report’, from the Greek eucleia (eu– good, and kleos report). The species name natalensis means from Natal, South Africa. The plant is widely distributed in Sub-Saharan Africa.

Photo: David Becking.

Euclea natalensis is an important and frequently used medicinal plant in tropical Africa. The roots, bark, twigs and leaves of Euclea natalensis exhibit several medicinal applications are used to treat and manage various human diseases and ailments throughout its distributional range including abdominal pains, diabetes, diarrhoea, malaria, roundworms, stomach problems, toothache, venereal diseases and as an antidote for snake bites. The roots and/or bark decoction or infusion is used in traditional medicine to treat worms, stomach disorders, toothache, headache, chest complaints and pleurisy, urinary tract infections, venereal diseases, schistosomiasis, dysmenorrhoea and scrofulous swellings, abnormal growths on skin and leprosy.

CC BY-SA 3.0/ / Karen Wiebe

The infusion of the Euclea natalensis root is used as a purgative and for abdominal complaints, but is liable to produce emesis. In some communities, Euclea natalensis charred and powdered root is topically applied to skin lesions in leprosy treatment and also taken internally for ancylostomiasis. The root powder can be applied to relieve toothache and headaches.The herbalists and traditional healers administer orally the root decoction of Euclea natalensis to treat diabetes.In some sub-Saharan African countries, the root of Euclea natalensis is an ingredient in a number of herbal concoctions containing roots of other medicinal plants used to purify the blood. Infusions and concoctions of the roots and bark are used to treat intestinal worms, stomach disorders, chest complaints, urinary tract infections, headache, toothache, leprosy, abnormal skin growths and as a purgative. The bark decoction of Euclea natalensis is administered in some communities for the treatment and management of prostate cancer.
A decoction of the roots is administered as an anthelmintic. In some communities, the Euclea natalensis root decoction is taken orally for treating infertility, menstrual problems, puerperium and as an abortifacient. The topical application of the root decoction mixed with other medicinal plants is known to relieve chest complaints including those patients suffering from pleurisy and pleurodynia.

CC BY-SA 3.0/ / Karen Wiebe

The root infusion mixed with roots of other medicinal plants can be administered orally to treat amoebic dysentery. In addition, the root infusion can be administered for sexual stimulation, the treatment of urinary tract infections and vaginal discharge. The root infusion can also be administered for the treatment of constipation, diarrhoea, enema, as a purgative, and for stomach problems. The powdered leaves applied topically or a root decoction can be administered orally as an antidote for poisoning and snake bites.
In addition to the medicinal uses, Euclea natalensis twigs are used as toothbrushes. Both the peeled twigs and unpeeled roots are used as chewing sticks in order to clean the teeth and maintain oral hygiene. This is due to the fact that the bark contains compounds with antimicrobial activity. In some communities, the root bark of Euclea natalensis is chewed mixed with chewing gum to clean the teeth in the belief that it benefits oral health. The antimicrobial potential of Euclea natalensis roots may explain its use for oral care.
The pounded roots are boiled and used to make a black dye which is often used as a floor stain, and also for dying mats and basket wares. The roots are chewed by women to impart a red colour to their mouths. (Photo: CC BY-SA 3.0/ JMK)

Richard Komakech

African Youth Survey 2022.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

The 2022 African Youth Survey (AYS) sponsored by Ichikowitz Family Foundation, a leading African foundation encouraging active citizenship across the continent, shows how young Africans plan on building a better future for themselves, their countries, and the continent that ties them together.

The Youth Survey of 4,500 face-to-face interviews with 18-24 year old’s revealed that African Youth are concerned about climate change:
– 78% are worried about increasing levels of pollution (Most concerned including Ghana – 92%, Ethiopia – 89% and Rwanda – 88%)
– 72% are highly concerned with the increasing frequency and severity of extreme environmental events (Top countries including Rwanda – 90%, Ghana – 89% and Ethiopia – 88%)
– 77% are concerned that climate change will lead to an increase in infestation and crop destruction from insects (Greatest concern expressed from Ethiopia – 91%, Malawi – 91% and Kenya 88%
– 74% worry that climate change is destroying natural habitats critical for wildlife, farming, or living (Countries indicating greatest worry including Ethiopia – 87%, Malawi – 86% and Rwanda – 83%)
– 72% are concerned by extreme heat waves or cold spells that last for abnormally long periods (Top countries including Ghana – 85%, Kenya – 85% and the DRC – 80%)
In step with those concerns, Africa’s youth, according to the Survey, want to see their governments doing more to address climate change, doing more to reduce carbon emissions and doing more to adopt green energy solutions.
– 85% of youth polled believe that their government needs to be more proactive in addressing climate change (Top countries including Rwanda – 99%, Ethiopia – 95% and Malawi – 95%) – 84% believe their governments should be working harder to adopt green energy solutions (Top countries including Rwanda – 98%, Malawi – 95% and Ethiopia – 94%)
– 81% believe that their governments ultimately need to make a more concerted effort to reducing carbon emissions (Top countries including Rwanda – 97%, Ethiopia – 94% and Malawi – 93%)
The covid-19 pandemic hit Africa hard, having a detrimental effect on education, health, and economic well-being.
However, Young Africans today are anxious to re-open their economies, create jobs, and start their own businesses. Respondents are also more optimistic about Africa’s prospects (34%) than those of their own country (28% on average). Faith in the African Union (82% favorable) remains the strongest of any multi-lateral or external actor when it comes to shaping the continent’s future.
The survey found the lack of well-paying jobs to be a top concern among respondents who, at the same time, voiced overwhelming support for entrepreneurship and enterprise. The survey reveals:
– Employment: 86% worry whether they will be able to garner well-paying jobs, youth in Kenya (94%), Zambia (94%), and Ghana (93%) expressed the greatest doubts. Some 69% are dissatisfied with their government’s job creation efforts.
– Entrepreneurship & Personal Ambitions: While only 30% of respondents call their current standard of living “good” – an 11-point fall since 2019 –77% expect that condition to improve over the next two years. 78% plan to start their own businesses in the next five years. With the world’s fastest-growing youth demographic, Africans are demanding more from their governments.
In the field of communications, democracy and equality, the survey shows:
– Connectivity & Media: 71% of respondents see Wi-Fi connectivity as a fundamental human right. Yet one out of three polled presently had no access to the Internet outside of work, 62% found mobile data to be too costly, 23% reported they cannot afford mobile data at all, and only 13% could afford data at all times.
– Democratic Ambitions: While 74% prefer democracy to any of its alternatives, over half (53%) say a Western-style version of that may not be suitable in the African context and that Africans must find their own solutions. Only 18% are interested in running for office.
– Equality: Almost half of respondents (47%) said they have experienced discrimination, and a whopping 83% say their country should do more to protect ethnic minorities. 81% are concerned about gender-based violence.
“Once again, this survey has demonstrated that Africa’s greatest resource is our rising generation,” noted Ichikowitz Family Foundation Executive Chairman Ivor Ichikowitz.
For the 2022 AYS, the survey interviewed youth from Angola, Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC), Mozambique, Sudan, and Uganda in addition to those from 2020 survey nations of Congo Brazzaville, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, and Zambia. (C.C.) – (Open photo: 123rf.com)

XI Assembly of the World Council of Churches. A Courageous Confession of Faith.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

After last year’s postponement due to Covid-19, the XI World Assembly of the WCC (World Council of Churches) will be held in Karlsruhe, Germany from 31 August to 8 September 2022.
The theme of the Assembly: ‘The love of Christ moves the world to reconciliation and unity’.

An extremely topical issue, especially in the difficult and tragic situation of the Russian-Ukrainian war into which Europe has fallen, which makes the appeal for reconciliation and peace even more urgent and necessary. Although it was decided well before the war (and pandemic) events, it may seem daring to affirm an action of God operating in history when the unfolding of events marks the defeat of fraternity and peace.
Yet precisely in this situation, the title takes on the value of a courageous confession of faith which, even in a dark time like ours, leads to renewal and hope.

The XI World Assembly of the WCC (World Council of Churches) will be held in Karlsruhe, Germany.

From the very beginning, the themes of the Assemblies of the WCC have constituted interesting lenses with which to scrutinize the spirit of the times, the theological orientations, and the hopes of the Churches. Also, in this case, the theme of the love of Christ is a way to summarize the legacy of more than seventy years of communion of the member Churches in the work for unity, justice, and peace. At the same time, it is also a formulation that indicates the way forward for the work of the WCC: a theme that provides a yardstick for evaluating what has been said and done on the path of unity, and still is today, and last but not least, the indication of a clear eschatological perspective.
The proposal of love-agape, the heart of the Christian faith, suggests the love of Christ, the proclamation of agape, perhaps because it is considered too obvious or banal.
In reality, we are faced with the central message of the Gospel, well-rooted in the divine plan of unity and reconciliation for all human beings, which is made visible in the incarnation of God’s love in Jesus Christ.

Rev. Prof. Dr Jerry Pillay, the new general secretary of the World Council of Churches. Photo: Peter Williams/WCC.

The Church, as the body of Christ (Ep 1: 22-23), receives this love and is immersed in it, bearing witness to it, and sharing it with others so that peace and justice may spread especially where the children of God are sounding the cry of suffering.
In this way, the Churches can see with new eyes the common vocation in the various spheres: in the search for communion (koinonia); in defining one’s service to each person and to creation (diakonia); in the commitment of the divine mission to love the world (Missio Dei); and in the translation into words of the common prayer for one another and for the whole world (leiturghìa).
The action of the Church, the body of Christ, is so founded and rooted in the love of the Lord that it makes us one with him, urges us to love and, at the same time, makes us love itself.

The Love-Church-World relationship
The Karlsruhe theme does not so much mention the Church, but the world, immediately indicating the task and role of the Christian community. Moreover, attention to the human community and the need to bear witness to life and faith, in the midst of world events, has always characterized the Christian Churches since the birth of the WCC.
Indeed, it is the Church, the body of Christ, who receives God’s love and feels invested with the responsibility of communicating and manifesting it to all. ‘The Church is at the service of God’s love and must constantly fight alongside those who suffer, both through her presence and her action. In sharing this love of God, the Church allows them to perceive the patient love of God in Jesus Christ on their behalf, and the Church herself is also led to a deeper experience of this same love’ (Faith and Constitution, Church and world § 38.1990).

37th Word Student Christian Federation (WSCF) General Assembly, Berlin, 24 -30 June 2022, Photo: Anam Gill/WSCF

In this text the mission of the Church in the world appears clearly, as a sign of this love for those who suffer, which allows humans to experience and meet with divine compassion and, at the same time, receive a further deepening of this love.The Church, therefore, learns to be more modest in recognizing and exercising her mission, but also in admitting that not all of her members always make visible the depth of God’s love: ‘We lament our current disunity, our lack of mutual love, which make us servants of Christ a poor and mediocre sign’ (Christ’s Love Moves the World to Reconciliation and Unity, p. 17).

The unity of the Church, as a witness of reconciliation, needs to identify itself and be in contact with its service for the transformation of the world. Church and world, therefore, are no longer separate realities but united by the one love of Christ.
Love thus manifests all its ecumenical relevance. As human beings, we know that unity and love go together and that, more than shared ideals and projects, it is love that unites and creates unity.
Communion among Christians is not a question of reasoning intellectuals or abstract ideas, but of love. Many in the Churches are pushing for the search for unity not only to be an institutional or formal question but to be based on relationships, on common prayer and above all in mutual love. The fact of focusing on love not only unites us as Christians but also leads us to a deeper relationship with all believers and all people of good will. This is the value of universal unity proper to love. Bringing back to the centre the love of Christ ‘poured into our hearts through the Holy Spirit’ (Rom 5: 5), the WCC once again reaffirms spiritual ecumenism as the privileged and most effective way for a true ecumenism of the heart.

A new ecumenical paradigm?
In Karlsruhe, therefore, the love of Christ will catalyse the attention of the Churches and will certainly be the force that will animate them in the work to live an experience of reconciliation and unity. In this perspective, Karlsruhe can be the place where ecumenical relations are set up in a different way, shifting the focus from the ‘product’, understood as the result achieved, to the ‘production process’, that is the necessary aptitudes and qualities to reach the set goal.This means that attention to the final goal of unity and to the problems that the Churches will have to face, or to what the impact of their action will be, is reduced to the advantage of sharing in the achievement of each single goal. Consequently, ecumenism is also called to question itself about the hermeneutical changes it must undergo, that is, whether it is necessary to define a new paradigm of action and its possible declinations.

But the dynamic vitality of the love of Christ, which inspires and moves the Churches, can only suggest a paradigm in progress (dynamic paradigm) more suited to characterize the current moment.
In fact, this meaning hosts in its definition the dialogic and dialectical dynamism of love itself, allowing an evolutionary vision in tension towards fulfilment, capable of taking into account a hermeneutic of differences according to which diversity is no longer the element most difficult to manage, but the humus in which the path towards unity comes to life and advances the road to unity.
In this way, it is not so much the definition of the characteristics and requirements of unity that is increasingly delineated, but the face of the homo oecumenicus: hospitable, responsible, a disciple of Christ, one with whom all Christian traditions can collaborate and who will be able to think and act in a new way with respect to the past.
Ultimately, what is lived together as a relationship and sharing is worth more than what is studied together, and what today constitutes the mutual patrimony of intentions and commitments will be the binding force of the unity that still remains to be built, of which the next WCC Assembly will mark an important stage.

Lorenzo Raniero/MO

Kenya. The Thousand Faces of the Parish Community.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

A large number of initiatives have been started in the parish of Kariobangi in the outskirts of Nairobi to respond in concrete terms to the needs of the people.

The parish of Kariobangi, in the outskirts of Nairobi, was founded in 1974 by Comboni missionaries. The parish territory includes three large areas – Kariobangi, Huruma, and Korogocho – with a population of over 100,000 inhabitants, of which about 20,000 are Catholics. Korogocho is a shanty town of houses built with corrugated iron sheets located near the Dandora landfill, the largest in East Africa, where the waste generated in Nairobi and other parts of Kenya is collected.
In the other two areas of the parish – Huruma and Kariobangi – most of the inhabitants make a living by selling objects recovered from
Dandora and doing odd jobs.

In this social context, the parish carries out numerous initiatives and projects in favour of life, without neglecting pastoral care, liturgy, and preparation for the sacraments. The four Comboni priests of the parish, supported by some sisters and catechists, carry out this essential service, at the centre of which are the base communities.

Fr Andrew Wanjohi, parish priest of Kariobangi.

According to Fr Andrew Wanjohi, parish priest of Kariobangi, “they are small domestic Churches, made up of several families, which meet weekly for Christian formation and to respond to the first aid needs of the sick and the poor. Only later do we add the other projects run by the parish”.The parish also runs five primary and one secondary school, where about 1,600 boys and girls are taught. Father Andrew continues; “Education helps our kids to see a future that is different from the one around them. Our approach goes beyond teaching notions but tries to enter the heart of tradition through knowledge of African lifestyles, myths, languages, beliefs, stories from different cultures, poetry, legends, and proverbs”.

From health to sport and music
During the 1990s, AIDS had a major impact in Kenya, with the emergence of a large generation of orphans. To welcome them, the Comboni Missionaries opened a centre called Watoto Wetu (our children), which still functions today.
At the same time, they launched the Comboni Health Program (CHP) project in Korogocho to accompany HIV-positive people.
Today the centre accompanies 671 people, mostly Korogocho residents. Associated with the CHP, in the parish complex of Kariobangi, a physiotherapy centre for children with movement problems and paralysis operates two days a week.

However, the largest health facility in the parish is the dispensary in Kariobangi, where hundreds of people receive medical care every day.
Another example of the initiatives carried out in Kariobangi is the San Juan Sports Society, which the Combonians started in 2003. In Korogocho, in particular, there is no public park or sports centre where young people can meet to develop activities that take them away from the permanent danger of alcohol and drugs.
For this reason, a football field and courts for basketball and volleyball were built on the property of the San Juan chapel. In addition, a chapel building has been fitted out for the practice of other sports such as boxing, karate, or taekwondo. Boxer Elizabeth Akinyi, who represented Kenya at the Tokyo 2020 Olympics, trained here.
Sport gets young people moving and so does music. In 2007 the Comboni Missionaries participated in the foundation, also in the San Juan area, of the Ghetto Classics Music Program, a music school that has trained hundreds of boys and girls in Korogocho and is recognized nationally and internationally.Another example is the San Juan library, which has about 300 reading stations and makes thousands of schoolbooks available to users for consultation.

All these social initiatives were born with the aim of uniting and creating bonds between people in a place where ethnic divisions are evident and which in times of crisis, such as during some electoral elections, has been the scene of acts of violence.
Attention to the most vulnerable, in all stages of life, defines the social commitment of the parish of Kariobangi. For 30 years now, the Pro-Life program has been helping young women who have been victims of domestic violence or are pregnant. Two specialized social educators, Ann and Georgina, work full time listening to these girls and raising awareness in schools and families. For the most serious cases of girls who have to leave their families, the Missionaries of Charity have opened a space to welcome them to their community of Huruma.
They also welcome abandoned children with neurological problems or mental illnesses.

A further challenge for the parish is the question of the street children. Many families are unable to guarantee food or school fees for their children and some of them decide to make a living on their own, often in the Dandora landfill, where they first experience how harsh life can be. In this context, many of them often end up consuming alcohol and drugs. To try to recuperate these boys and girls, the Comboni Missionaries have created specialized programs, through which they accompany hundreds of them.
The Comboni Missionary Sisters, present in the parish since the 1980s, manage the Kariobangi Institute for the Promotion of Women, a professional school for girls with problems of social integration. The centre offers three training options: tailoring, hairdressing, and beautician courses. At the end of their training, young women receive a certificate recognized by the Kenyan government which allows them to face life with a greater chance of success.

Enrique Bayo

The use of language at global climate talks.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

The yearly UN climate summit or Conference of the Parties (COP) produces international agreements that guide countries in their response to the climate crisis. At least, it should.

Instead, the climate pacts so far have largely played into the already inaccessible climate discourse. High-minded rhetoric excludes the people most impacted by the climate crisis by keeping its language confusing and difficult to communicate.

The vagueness of the language means that countries most responsible for the climate crisis can easily take advantage of the situation to benefit themselves. We saw this in the use of seemingly similar words like ‘should’ instead of ‘shall’ in the 2015 Paris Agreement, which suddenly signalled a less intense commitment from global north countries to lead the way in reducing emissions.

The COP27 agreement, which will be held next November in Egypt, cannot be just another text that serves dirty industry
and energy lobbyists.

At COP26 in Glasgow last November there was a lot of attention on the switching of coal phase-out to coal phase-down. Developed countries most responsible for the climate crisis were ‘disappointed’ by India’s intervention. It is true that the language was watered down.

However, something just as crucial was not just switched out but erased – the concrete mechanisms for climate finance to be transferred from developed countries to developing countries for loss and damages were reduced to a dialogue. With this crucial information in mind, India’s intervention makes more sense when the global north countries most responsible for the crisis refuse to pay climate reparations.

Language is used as a tool to compromise and delay action. Why are the parties at the COP still acting as if there are compromises to be made with the worst polluters and emitters? The climate crisis presents itself in no uncertain terms: billions of people across the globe are already experiencing the worst impacts.

Weakening key phrases of landmark agreements does us no favours when we are surer than ever of what we stand to lose as we inch closer to ecological and climate collapse. There can be no room for uncertainty, no ‘should’ taking the place of ‘shalls’ and ‘musts’; no calling for may ‘phase-downs’ when what we need are complete phase-outs alongside reparations for loss and damages experienced by global south countries and for adaptation.

For the global north to dodge and diminish the overwhelming urgency of widespread, systemic climate action is to sign away the lives of millions upon millions of the most vulnerable populations and groups.

Six Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change (IPCC) reports have been published, each more pressing than the last in calling for immediate and global climate action. Why is this watering down still happening?

The latest IPCC reports have already explicitly named colonialism and other socio-economic injustices as active drivers of communities’ vulnerability to the climate crisis. Both the I PCC and grassroots movements have long demonstrated that dirty industries have no place in any sort of climate-resilient society.

The only thing left is for world leaders, through COP, to make a definitive choice: profit, or people and planet. We must consign the dirty industries to the past, or we have no future.

The COP27 agreement cannot be just another text that serves dirty industry and energy lobbyists to hinder genuine progress and climate justice. We demand nothing less than clear-cut messaging across the board to single out the worst perpetrators. Global north developed countries need to be explicitly held accountable.

We need to see real mechanisms put in place to hold the largest polluters especially to their promises and pledges of deep emissions cuts. We need concrete mechanisms to facilitate climate reparations from the global north to the global south in the form of finance and technology transfer, both to minimise and manage loss and damages and to adapt and transition into a renewable energy system.

Yes, language matters. But at the end of the day, it is only a reflection of the political will of leaders and their willingness to actually bring the COP agreements into policy. The landmarks we have seen so far of language being clearer in naming the systems that are destroying the planet have been a feat of the people — civil society, scientists, the most marginalised sectors — pushing leaders to enact the people’s will.

Mitzi Jonelle Tan/ Spokesperson of Youth Advocates
for Climate Action Philippines (YACAP)/ Resurgence & Ecologist.

Suriname. A Multi-coloured Country.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

It is the smallest country in South America with a population of just over 600,000 inhabitants and a population rate that has been steadily decreasing since 1970. About 245,000 people live in Paramaribo, the capital. Located near the mouth of the 480 km long Suriname River that crosses the country from south to east, colonial architecture predominates in the city and the historic centre is
a UNESCO heritage site.

The country is located on the Atlantic Coast, even if it is considered a Caribbean country, and is nestled between French Guiana, with which it borders to the east, Brazil to the south, and Guayana to the west. The country occupies an area of 163,821 sq. km of which about 80% is covered by uncontaminated rainforest. It is rich in waterways and mineral resources and is in continuity with Guyana both geographically and morphologically. In the past, these territories, which constituted a single segment, were perceived by the Spanish and Portuguese as unhealthy and not to be dealt with, despite being located in the part of the South American continent closest, as the crow flies, to Europe or, more precisely, to the Iberian Peninsula.

Suriname political map with capital Paramaribo. 123rf.com

This refusal was perhaps determined by the presence of swamps and the appearance of the forests. Unlike the Spaniards and the Portuguese, the English, the French and, above all, the Dutch – the latter belonging to the powerful West India Company – did not disdain to establish themselves in those territories on which they established their respective sovereignties, carrying out a division into three parts defined as follows: British Guiana, Dutch Guiana or Suriname and French Guiana.
The name Guyana probably derives from the name of a village called ‘Guyane’ already present in those territories and inhabited by indigenous people. By founding the first establishments with exclusively commercial purposes, the settlers effectively began colonization through the abundant use of slaves imported from Africa. In the course of the following centuries, Dutch Guyana or Suriname changed hands several times between the English and the Dutch depending on which country held the balance of power. The reclaimed territories were used for coffee, cocoa, and sugar cane crops. However, the settlers had to face the problem of manpower since Indians, Black Africans, and Creoles did not want to work in the plantations under their orders and, therefore, decided to withdraw to the virgin forests, little known at that time.
This forced the Dutch to enter into five-year contracts with the mostly Chinese and Indian workers employed on these plantations.
In the following years, in addition to these crops, stock-raising, the mining of gold and bauxite, as well as the production of timber
were also developed.

Cannon at fort Nieuw Amsterdam in Paramaribo. 123rf.com

In the history of Suriname, 1950 undoubtedly represents an important date since in that year it was granted self-government by the Netherlands. This process, which became complete in 1954, allowed Suriname to become part of the kingdom of the Netherlands and therefore to develop its own political life characterized by a close confrontation between the National Party of Suriname (PNS), an expression of the black and mulatto majority who favoured independence, and the Asian-backed Progressive Reform Party (PPR), which advocated maintaining ties with the Netherlands. This confrontation reached a turning point on 25 November 1975 with the achievement of independence by the country which, however, throughout its history was not immune from interference by the military who, as in many other countries in the region, played a crucial role in the political equilibrium of Suriname by determining its isolation from the rest of the international community.
In 1975 a new government was formed headed by the major representative of the National Party Henck A. Arron and whose members were representatives of various ethnic groups – Creoles, Africans, Indonesians and Chinese – while many Dutch citizens returned to their homeland and Holland allocated a few billion florins to help Suriname take its first steps with a certain degree of tranquillity. However, after about five years of activity, Arron’s government was overthrown in 1980 by a military coup and replaced by the military junta, chaired by D. Bouterse who imposed two years of martial law on the country, after which, following harsh protests by the population, a constituent assembly was appointed which produced a constitutional text approved in 1987. During those five years, the country was isolated, which caused both a decrease in exports of aluminium and bauxite and the suspension of economic aid from the Netherlands and the United States; factors that aggravated the country’s already precarious economic situation.

Ferries in port of Paramaribo. ©mathess/123RF.COM

With the launch of the new constitutional charter, new elections were also held which ended with the victory of the Front for Democracy and the affirmation of Ramsewak Shankar. However, Bouterse was appointed head of the Military Council, and this allowed him to have control of domestic politics. This balance showed all its precariousness after just a short time, dissolving in 1989 when the government tried to reach peace with the ‘bosch neger’ (descendants of slaves who fled to the forests) who had already been defending their autonomy since 1986. They met with strong opposition from the military who sent against them the ‘Amerindians’ of the Amazonian Tucayana. In the face of this pacification process implemented by the government on December 24, 1990, the military overthrew R. Shankar and called new elections, held on May 25, 1991, which assigned the victory to the nationalist New Front and the presidency to R. Venetiaan.

The National Assembly in Paramaribo.

The new government concluded an economic assistance agreement with the Netherlands, promoted constitutional changes to limit the influence of the military, and formalized Suriname’s entry into the Caribbean community in 1995. The constitutional changes did not prevent Bouterse from playing a crucial role in the political life of the country in the years that followed. After several ups and downs, which also saw him involved in drug trafficking, he finally returned to the vertex of the state in 2010, when he was elected president of the Republic, confirming his mandate also in 2015. The last presidential election was won by Chandrikapersad ‘Chan’ Santokhi, a former police officer and exponent of the Vooruitstrevende Hervormings Partij (Progressive Reform Party, VHP), a social-democratic party founded in 1949 by the union of old Hindu and Muslim parties. (Open Photo: 123rf.com) (F.R.)

DRC/Rwanda. The East African Community destabilized by the rebel upsurge in Eastern Congo.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

A rebel upsurge in Eastern Congo has led to a spectacular rise of tensions between the DRC and Rwanda.
The East African Community is faced with the challenge of bringing back peace between two of its members.

Since the end of 2021, hostilities have resumed between the rebels of the Movement of the 23 March (M23) and the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC). The M23 which was dissolved in 2013 after it was defeated by SADC troops under UN umbrella, started again the guerrilla fight, claiming that the Congolese authorities did not honour their commitments on the demobilisation of their fighters.

Congolese soldiers in North Kivu province. (Reuters)

According to the M23, some of its fighters wanted to be reintegrated in the FARDC with the same rank. Others asked for an amnesty. But the Congolese authorities classified the M23 as terrorists. Patrick Muyaya, the DRC government spokesman, says that the rebels were excluded from the Nairobi peace talks initiated by the Heads of State of the East African Community to find a lasting peace in the DRC which joined the EAC on the last 29 March.
Bertrand Bisimwa, the leader of one of the M23 factions, accused Kinshasa of choosing “the military option”, instead of implementing peace measures such as the rebels’ integration into the society.
In a communiqué released by end May 2022, the M23 also accused Congolese army officers to sabotage the peace process, in order to protect their own businesses.
It is an open secret that the permanence of conflict in North Kivu allows FARDC officers to resell fuel and weapons to anybody including to armed groups, or to exploit gold or coltan mines for their own profit.

According to the UN, the clashes between the M23 and the FARDC displaced at least 75,000 people.

On the 13 June, the M23 inflicted a major defeat to the FARDC when it took over the town of Bunagana at the Ugandan border. Indeed, 137 Congolese soldiers and 37 policemen crossed the border and surrendered to the Ugandan People Defence Force, after having fled in front of the enemy, reported military sources in Kampala. After the attack, the M23 started setting up its own administration in Bunagana, which created concern in the capital of North Kivu, Goma whose one million inhabitants fear that food shortages might occur, as a consequence of the fall of Bunagana. On the 20 June, the M23 rebels reopened the border and local people began to return home. But the toll is considerable. According to the UN, the clashes between the M23 and the FARDC displaced at least 75,000 people and more than 11,000 crossed the border into Uganda.

Rwanda accused and shelled
The Kinshasa government says that Rwanda is supporting the insurrection. As a result, the bilateral relations have deteriorated considerably. On the last 28 May, the DRC government suspended all Rwand’Air flights to protest against Kigali’s alleged support to the M23. But the Rwandan Foreign Minister Vincent Biruta retorted immediately that the matter was a domestic Congolese problem since the M23 are Congolese citizens who have an issue with their own government.
The deterioration of the security situation in North Kivu is also reviving ethnic hatred across the DRC, where Congolese Tutsis say they do no longer feel safe. Civil society groups from other ethnic groups in North Kivu claim that the M23 “terrorists” are Rwandan Tutsis who are trying to disguise themselves as Congolese.

Rwanda flag on soldiers arm. 123RF.COM

By mid-June, in Kinshasa, politicians from Felix Tshisekedi’s Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS) were inciting to hatred against the Tutsis, reminding of the atmosphere prevailing in August 1998, after the rebellion of the Rwandan and Ugandan-backed Congolese Rally for Democracy had led to pogroms.
The members of a UDPS so-called “Special brigade” wearing brown shirts were filmed in the Kinshasa streets, armed with machetes searching vehicles for Rwandans. Reverends of revival churches, wearing military fatigues made speeches encouraging faithful to denounce the Tutsis. Some extra-judiciary executions were reported at Kalima, in the Maniema Province, where one alleged “Rwandan citizen” was burnt, according to a video posted from Kindu.
On the 16 June, the Goma-based think-tank Pole Institute reported that after the capture of Bunagana by the M23 rebels on the 13 June, the civil society of North Kivu organised a march of support to the FARDC in Goma. Accordingly, the demonstration turned into a pogrom against the Tutsis. Kinyarwanda speaking people, regardless of their citizenship, were attacked by the demonstrators who thew stones at them. Tutsi shops were systematically looted.

The Democratic Republic of the Congo’s President Felix Tshisekedi.

On the 17 June, President Tshisekedi urged his compatriots “to avoid the snare of xenophobia” but no sanctions against the perpetrators were decided. On the 21 June, the UN Commissioner for Human Rights, Michele Bachelet condemned in a joint statement with the UN Special Adviser on the Prevention of Genocide, Alice Nderitu, the “escalation of hate speech and incitement to discrimination, hostility or violence throughout the country” By then, the UN had already identified eight cases of hate speech and incitement to violence.
The anti-Tutsi feeling is not recent in Eastern Congo. Part of the problem is that the presence of Tutsis and Hutus inside the DRC territory is a consequence of the arbitrary borders established at the Berlin Conference of 1885, by 12 European states, the Ottoman Empire and United States. Indeed, the delineation of the borders of King Leopold II’s Congo Free State with the German protectorate of Ruanda-Urundi, cut inside the original kingdom of Rwanda which included the territories of Masisi and Rutshuru, which now belong to the DRC.
Therefore, qualifying Hutus or Tutsis Congolese, born in these areas as foreigners is inaccurate.

Rwandan accusations
But Rwanda and its own grievances. While Kinshasa accuses Kigali of interference, on the 9 November 2021, the Rwandan Defence Force (RDF) denied that it was supporting activities of the M23. Rwanda also accused the FARDC of supporting remnants of the 1994 genocidaire army, the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (FDLR).

United Nations Organization Stabilization Mission in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (MONUSCO) in North Kivu.

Moreover, on the 11 June 2022, Rwanda reported shelling in Gasizi village in the Musanze District by the FARDC, while the Congolese military claimed that the RDF had sent 500 Special Forces in disguise into Congolese territory. But John Ruku-Rwabyoma, member of the Parliamentary Committee on Foreign Affairs, blames the UN Peacekeeping force in the DRC , MONUSCO and the FARDC for being
“in bed” with the FDLR.

A regional force to bring back peace in Eastern Congo
On the 19 June, President Tshisekedi called upon the international community to condemn the “invasion” of the DRC territory and to put pressure on Rwanda, in order to obtain the withdrawal of the RDF from the Congolese territory. Both countries don’t speak to each other anymore since a couple of months. They have instead communicated through mediators like President João Lourenço of Angola, chairman of the International Conference on the Great Lakes Region (ICGLR), and Congo-Brazzaville’s President Denis Sassou Nguesso.
On the 22 June, the Congolese government spokesman declared that “Rwanda was at war with the DRC” and that Kinshasa was about to break its diplomatic ties with its neighbour. But on the 24 June, President Tshisekedi said that the diplomatic path was ideal and preferred option to instore a lasting peace in Eastern DRC.

Kenya’s president Uhuru Kenyatta.

The dispute involving two EAC members, prompted its chairman, the Kenyan President, Uhuru Kenyatta to convene a regional summit in Nairobi on the 20 June 2022. The heads of state adopted a Concept of Operations, a Status of the Forces Agreement and Rules of Engagement to facilitate the operationalization of a Regional Force which should, in cooperation with the Congolese military and administrative, stabilize and secure the peace there. It should also cooperate in implementing the disarmament and demobilization of the armed groups. The final communiqué also called for an immediate ceasefire.
The EAC summit agreed that participation in the political processes of the DRC, fate of combatants during reintegration of foreign armed groups are critical issues that require urgent and durable solutions. The heads of state also emphasized that hatred speech and threats of genocide must stop. But so far there has been still a disagreement on the composition of the force. Kinshasa wanted it to be under Kenyan command and excluding Rwandan Defence Force troops. But the communiqué did not mention such demand.
Meanwhile, one of the consequences of the deterioration of the security situation in Eastern Congo is that according to Jérôme Bonso, the chairman of the Congolese National League for Free and Transparent Electins (Linelit), it will be difficult to organise on time the forthcoming presidential and parliament elections, scheduled for end 2023. Some observers believe that the tensions with Rwanda might be used by the pro-Tshisekedi side as an excuse to remain in power beyond the end of the presidential term.

François Misser

Africa. World Press Freedom Index. Digital authoritarianism.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

Censorship, information regulation, isolation from the outside world. These are the new ways in which digital authoritarianism is exercised by various African governments.

The causes and effects of these forms of authoritarianism are indicated by the World Press Freedom Index, released by Reporters Without Borders, and a work by Access Now and the #KeepItOn coalition. One of the worst situations concerns Eritrea, where the freedom to express one’s opinions is reduced to almost zero. President Isaias Afwerki’s regime does not contemplate an independent and critical press.
Equally complex situations prevail in the Sahel and in all those countries that have suffered coups d’etat or where armed conflicts are under way in recent months. We refer in particular to Sudan and Ethiopia. In Tigray – an area of Ethiopian conflict between the Popular Liberation Front and the federal government – from 11 April 2020, citizens, if they have the means, are denied access to the Internet while phone calls and text messages work intermittently. These are the so-called ‘targeted closures’ to silence a specific population, further marginalizing already vulnerable communities.

123rf.com

But it is the position of Ghana, a country considered among the most respectful of freedom of the press and of opinion, which makes us understand how quickly these freedoms are deteriorating. Accra has slipped down 30 places on the World Press Freedom Index. This is a foregone conclusion given the pressing threats to investigative journalists and considering that a third of the media – from radio, to TV, to print media – are owned by politicians or entrepreneurs connected to one of the major parties.
According to the report ‘The return of digital authoritarianism to the African continent’, in 2021, there were 19 network closures in 12 countries, three more nations than the previous year.

123rf.com

Governments have increasingly resorted to it, for example, in the course of protests and political unrest. This has happened in Burkina Faso, Chad, Eswatini, Ethiopia, Nigeria, Niger, DR Congo, Senegal, South Sudan, Sudan, Uganda, and Zambia.
Closures are either total or aimed at social platforms. Disruption of the Net is used as a tool not only to counter and disrupt protests but also to hide human rights violations commonly linked to the repression of protesters by the security forces, particularly in countries with authoritarian regimes or weak democracies. In some cases, even access to virtual private networks (VPNs) has been successfully blocked to prevent bypassing censorship.
In this case, censoring governments have become smart and are testing and employing more and more techniques to hinder the detection and avoidance of their blocks.

123rf.com

Another situation in which the internet shutdown is resorted to is that of elections. ‘A disaster for democracy’, is how the #KeepItOn coalition defined this abuse. Citizens of Chad, DR Congo, Niger, Uganda, and Zambia are among those who have suffered the most from this.
The official motivations, which stand out for their vagueness, range from reasons of ‘public security’ to ‘national defence’ to the need to control ‘unrest and anarchy’.However, a positive development should be noted on this front: countries such as Benin and Gambia, which had previously closed the internet during major national events, maintained access during the 2021 elections.

Net closed during exams
The censorship of governments is also seen on the occasion of school exams. The stated objective is to prevent cheating during sessions. To show the damage, it is sufficient to mention the Algerian case: in June of last year the authorities shut down the internet between 8 and 12 while 731,000 students were taking the state exams. Outages continue throughout the day, alternating between full blackouts during rehearsals and throttling (slowing down of connection capacity).

123rf.com

Millions of people pay the consequences, especially those who use the internet and social media as work tools. In 2020 alone (when the practice was already consolidated) the country lost about 388 million dollars due to Internet blocking during the exams. Blockages which, when they occur in areas at the centre of conflicts, also have dramatic consequences at the humanitarian level, as often denounced by UN bodies.
Lack of communication also means difficulties in organizing the sending of aid and its effective distribution. But if despotic and authoritarian regimes have learned to manage dissent, getting their hands less dirty, civil society and human rights organizations have also been organizing for some time to combat these abuses on a legal level and to bring individual cases to court. Their aim is to establish legal precedents and build jurisprudence against this form of censorship. A small and recent victory in Zambia concerns the agreement with Telecom which will have to inform users of the reasons for any internet outage at least 36 hours before it takes place. (Photo: 123rf.com)

Antonella Stipoli

How the Tiger Got His Stripes.

Monday, 1 August 2022 8:00

Once upon a time, ages and ages ago, so long ago that the tiger had no stripes upon his back and the rabbit still had his tail, there was a tiger who had a farm.

The farm was very much overgrown with underbrush and the owner sought a workman to clear the ground for him to plant.The tiger called all the beasts together and said to them when they had assembled, “I need a good workman at once to clear my farm of the underbrush. To the one of you who will do this work I offer an ox in payment.”

The monkey was the first one to step forward and apply for the position. The tiger tried him for a little while but he was not a good workman at all. He did not work steadily enough to accomplish anything. The tiger discharged him very soon and he did not pay him.

Then the tiger hired the goat to do the work. The goat worked faithfully enough but he did not have the brains to do the work well. He would clear a little of the farm in one place and then he would go away and work on another part of it. He never finished anything neatly. The tiger discharged him very soon without paying him.

Next the tiger tried the armadillo. The armadillo was very strong and he did the work well. The trouble with him was that he had such an appetite. There were a great many ants about the place and the armadillo could never pass by a sweet tender juicy ant without stopping to eat it. It was lunch time all day long with him. The tiger discharged him and sent him away without paying him anything.

At last, the rabbit applied for the position. The tiger laughed at him and said, “Why, little rabbit, you are too small to do the work. The monkey, the goat, and the armadillo have all failed to give satisfaction. Of course, a little beast like you will fail too.” However, there were no other beasts who applied for the position so the tiger sent for the rabbit and told him that he would try him for a little while.

The rabbit worked faithfully and well, and soon he had cleared a large portion of the ground. The next day he worked just as well. The tiger thought that he had been very lucky to hire the rabbit. He got tired staying around to watch the rabbit work. The rabbit seemed to know just how to do the work anyway, without orders, so the tiger decided to go away on a hunting trip. He left his son to watch the rabbit.

After the tiger had gone away the rabbit said to the tiger’s son, “The ox which your father is going to give me is marked with a white spot on his left ear and another on his right side, isn’t he?” “O, no, – replied the tiger’s son -. He is red all over with just a tiny white spot on his right ear.” The rabbit worked for a while longer and then he said, “The ox which your father is going to give me is kept by the river, isn’t he?” “Yes, “replied the tiger’s son.

The rabbit had made a plan to go and get the ox without waiting to finish his work. Just as he started off he saw the tiger returning. The tiger noticed that the rabbit had not worked so well when he was away. After that he stayed and watched the rabbit until the whole farm was cleared. Then the tiger gave the rabbit the ox as he had promised. “You must kill this ox – he said to the rabbit – , in a place where there are neither flies nor mosquitoes.”

The rabbit went away with the ox. After he had gone for some distance, he thought he would kill him. He heard a cock, however, crowing in the distance and he knew that there must be a farm yard nearby. There would be flies of course. He went on farther and again he thought that he would kill the ox.

The ground looked moist and damp and so did the leaves on the bushes. Since the rabbit thought there would be mosquitoes there, he decided not to kill the ox. He went on and on and finally he came to a high place where there was a strong breeze blowing. “There are no mosquitoes here, – he said to himself -. The place is so far removed from any habitation that there are no flies, either.” He decided to kill the ox.

Just as he was ready to eat the ox, along came the tiger. “O, rabbit, you have been such a good friend of mine – said the tiger -, and now I am so very, very hungry that all my ribs show, as you yourself can see. Will you not be a good kind rabbit and give me a piece of your ox?”

The rabbit gave the tiger a piece of the ox. The tiger devoured it in the twinkling of an eye. Then he leaned back and said, “Is that all you are going to give me to eat?”

The tiger looked so big and savage that the rabbit did not dare refuse to give him any more of the ox. The tiger ate and ate and ate until he had devoured that entire ox. The rabbit had been able to get only a tiny morsel of it. He was very, very angry at the tiger.

One day not long after the rabbit went to a place not far from the tiger’s house and began cutting down big staves of wood. The tiger soon happened along and asked him what he was doing.

“I’m getting ready to build a stockade around myself,” replied the rabbit. “Haven’t you heard the orders?” The tiger said that he hadn’t heard any orders. “That is very strange – said the rabbit -. The order has gone forth that every beast shall fortify himself by building a stockade around himself. All the beasts are doing it.”

The tiger became very much alarmed. “O, dear! O, dear! What shall I do – he cried -. I don’t know how to build a stockade. I never could do it in the world. O, good rabbit! You are such, a very good friend of mine. Couldn’t you, as a great favour, because of our long friendship, build a stockade about me before you build one around yourself?”

The rabbit replied that he could not think of risking his own life by building the tiger’s fortifications first. Finally, however, he consented to do it. The rabbit cut down great quantities of long sharp sticks. He set them firmly in the ground about the tiger. He fastened others securely over the top until the tiger was completely shut in by strong bars. Then he went away and left the tiger.

The tiger waited and waited for something to happen to show him the need of the fortifications. Nothing at all happened. He got very hungry and thirsty. After a while the monkey passed that way.

The tiger called out, “O, monkey, has the danger passed?” The monkey did not know what danger the tiger meant, but he replied, “Yes.” Then the tiger said, “O, monkey, O, good, kind monkey, will you not please be so kind as to help me out of my stockade?” “Let the one who got you in there help you out,” replied the monkey and he went on his way.

Along came the goat and the tiger called out, “O, goat, has the danger passed?” The goat did not know anything about any danger, but he replied, “Yes.” Then the tiger said, “O, goat, O, good kind goat, please be so kind as to help me out of my stockade.” “Let the one who got you in there help you out,” replied the goat as he went on his way.

Along came the armadillo and the tiger called out, “O, armadillo, has the danger passed?” The armadillo had not heard of any danger, but he replied that it had passed. Then the tiger said, “O, armadillo, O, good, kind armadillo, you have always been such a good friend and neighbour. Please help me now to get out of my stockade.” “Let the one who got you in there help you out,””replied the armadillo as he went on his way.

The tiger jumped and jumped with all his force at the top of the stockade, but he could not break through. He jumped and jumped with all his might at the front side of the stockade, but he could not break through. He thought that never in the world would he be able to break out. He rested for a little while and as he rested, he thought.

He thought how bright the sun was shining outside. He thought what good hunting there was in the jungle. He thought how cool the water was at the spring. Once more he jumped and jumped with all his might at the back side of the stockade. At last, he broke through. He did not get through, however, without getting bad cuts on both his sides from the sharp edges of the staves. Until this day the tiger has stripes on both his sides. (Photo: 123rf.com)

Brazilian folktale

Photo Gallery – Comboni Youth Movement at World Youth Day

Advocacy

Baobab

Youth & Mission