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“We young people, on the side of our wounded Lebanon”.

In the country of the cedars, dragged into the Middle Eastern conflict, two thousand Caritas volunteers take care of internally displaced people: more than a million, out of four and a half million inhabitants. “Among us, we are a family, beyond sectarian differences”.

“A few days ago, while I was distributing hot meals in one of the reception centres that house displaced families, I heard a noise coming from the street: it was just a car with a bad carburettor, but all the children, terrified, ran to their parents crying because they feared it was an attack like the ones they had survived…”.

The story of Charly Khalil, deputy coordinator of the young volunteers of the Lebanese Caritas, effectively photographs the trauma suffered in recent weeks by many of his fellow citizens, starting with the youngest. Since the beginning of the Israeli military operations across the border, approximately one million two hundred thousand people have had to hastily leave the hottest areas of the country: from the villages of the South to the Bekaa region, not far from the border with Syria, but also the southern outskirts of the capital, Beirut.

These were the areas where the presence of Hezbollah, the Shiite Muslim “party of God,” that alongside Hamas in Gaza, embodies the violent opposition to Israel in the area, was most deeply rooted. But as always, those targeted by the bombs were also and above all civilians, belonging to all the ethno-religious communities of a historically mixed nation.

“Among the families arriving from the South, many were Christian, confirms Charly, a 28-year-old originally from Kasrouane, on Mount Lebanon, who since taking up his role as coordinator at Caritas has found himself managing an incessant series of emergencies.

“First we had the serious economic and financial crisis that broke out in 2019, which the World Bank has defined as one of the worst in the world, then the Coronavirus pandemic, and then the devastating explosion in August 2020 at the port of Beirut”, he said.

Each time, the Lebanese have suffered a severe blow, so much so that the level of poverty in a few years, thanks to the devaluation of the lira and galloping youth unemployment (estimated at around 60%), has reached unprecedented levels.

“In this situation, the regional conflict that broke out after the Hamas attacks of October 7, 2023 represented the final blow and the Israeli campaign in Lebanese territory  plunged us into a nightmare.”

And yet, faced with the displaced people who in the first weeks of the emergency, with makeshift camps, the central Plaza of the Martyrs and the iconic corniche of the capital, many young people decided to get involved to lend a hand: “Those who have mobilized through Caritas are more than two thousand throughout the country”, said Charly, tracing an overview of the interventions promptly implemented to help fellow citizens uprooted from their homes.

These are families who have joined the million and a half Syrian refugees welcomed in recent years, not without difficulty, in a small nation that in total has four and a half million inhabitants.

“We take care of the displaced people welcomed in public schools, converted to hospitality by the Ministry of Education, and in the many monasteries of Mount Lebanon, but also of those who have managed to settle in the homes of their relatives and who however lack everything”, explains the volunteer.

“We faced the first emergency by providing mattresses, blankets and food and today we guarantee medical assistance, hot meals for lunch and dinner in collaboration with the World Food Programme, personal hygiene kits and also toys for children, who are the most traumatized of all. We organize group entertainment for them, as well as targeted psychological assistance programs”.

In addition to Beirut, the young people work in all 36 sectors into which the national Caritas is divided: in the North, where the displaced have poured en-masse, but also in the areas closest to the Israeli fire, from the Bekaa Valley to Tyre, in the South.

“Everywhere, the situation of the refugees is dramatically similar: Recently, – says Charly – in one of the reception centres I have distributed questionnaires in which the families could indicate their most urgent needs. Everyone wrote different things, but the theme that summed them all up was: ‘We want to go back to our homes!’ Also, today adults cannot work and therefore have no way of supporting themselves. While the children have had to leave school”.

The outlook, however, is bleak. The photos that the displaced keep on their cell phones and that they often share with the young volunteers show their homes in ruins, hit by bombs. Even if the attacks stopped, it is already clear that many of the villages in the South will not be habitable for long and people have no idea where they will be able to go. Not to mention that the land, contaminated in many cases by white phosphorus used by the Israeli army, will also need to be treated, as will the wounds of the people.

“All Lebanese are worried – confirms Charly-. We realize that no one is safe and sometimes we no longer even have the strength to pray for peace. And yet, we young people of Caritas continue to believe in it and to commit ourselves, despite the unknowns about the future. We, who work side by side every day, without any sectarian distinction, represent the possible coexistence”.

The volunteers young people aged 14 to 34, are not only Christians but belong to the different confessions that characterize the Country of Cedars: Muslims, Sunnis, Shiites, and also Druze. “We all respect the values taught by the social doctrine of the Church, without any problem. Serving those in need together allows us to create a special bond: this is why we are more than friends; we feel like a big family. And what gives us hope is that every time the country faces yet another crisis or emergency, there are always more young people who make themselves available to lend a hand.” (Photo: Caritas)

 Chiara Zappa/MM

Assad’s fall complicates life for Russian mercenaries in Africa.

The fall of Syrian President Bashar al-Assad could weaken Moscow-backed regimes in Africa and beyond, reducing Russian influence on the continent. One consequence would be a further expansion of jihadist activities in the Sahel.

The brutal fall of Bashar al-Assad’s regime in Syria last December could make it difficult for Russia to maintain its military presence in Africa, warns Nina Wilen, director of the Africa programme at the Brussels-based Egmont Institute, a think-tank linked to the Belgian foreign ministry.   In an interview with La Libre Belgique, she points out that the Tartus naval base and the Hemeimeem airbase near Latakia were essential logistical hubs for the supply of arms and ammunition to the Russian mercenaries of the Wagner group, recently renamed the Africa Corps, based in Libya, the Sahel, the Central African Republic and Sudan.
The consequences could also be felt in Equatorial Guinea, where Russia sent 200 soldiers to the capital Malabo after a meeting between President Vladimir Putin and President Teodoro Obiang Nguema in the Kremlin in September 2024. The soldiers, part of the Africa Corps, are to train the presidential guard in return for gas and mineral exploration deals with Russia and Belarus.

Russian submarine “Novorossiysk” leaving the Mediterranean Sea. Photographed by the Portuguese Navy.

According to Anton Mardasov, a military expert at the Russian International Affairs Council, satellite images from the US Africa Command (AFRICOM) showed that in 2020 Mig-29 fighter jets spotted at the Jufra airbase in Libya passed through Hemeimeem. This Syrian hub has also been used to transport Syrian fighters recruited by the Russians and al Assad for Haftar. Other Russian aircraft used this base to fly to Benghazi and al-Watiya in eastern Libya, in the area controlled by Marshal Khalifa Haftar, who is backed by the Kremlin.
Satellite images from Colorado-based Maxar Technologies, whose clients include the US Department of Defence and NASA, show that by 9 December the Russian navy had evacuated the port of Tartus, its only naval base in the Mediterranean.

The port at Tartus. CC BY 2.0/Taras Kalapun

The massive Israeli attacks on Syrian targets that followed Assad’s departure for Moscow on 7 December, because they destroyed the Syrian military infrastructure and facilities and the defeat of the regime of Russia’s ally, do not bode well for the return of Russian troops, aircraft and naval ships to the country shortly.
Indeed, the Israel Defense Forces (Tsahal) carried out more than 350 airstrikes on weapons production facilities, anti-aircraft batteries and airfields in Damascus, Homs, Tartus, Latakia and Palmyra with the aim of “destroying strategic capabilities that threaten the State of Israel”.
The strikes were very violent. One strike in the coastal city of Tartous was registered by a Turkish scientist as the equivalent of a category 3 earthquake on the Richter scale, according to the Syrian Observatory for Human Rights.

New Russian Bases
The question now is how Moscow will be able to supply its African bases in the future. Russia faces several challenges. The shortest sea route through the Bosphorus Strait is closed because of the war in Ukraine. Russian aircraft will now have to bypass Iraqi and Turkish airspace and fly over Iran and Saudi Arabia, making Moscow’s support for African regimes more costly.
But there are other options. According to the Washington-based Institute for the Study of War, Russia, which has 1,800 fighters in eastern Libya, could consider opening a new base there. However, this project would require the creation of new infrastructure facilities.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi. Russia is benefiting from an air base near the Egyptian port of Sidi Barrani.CC BY 4.0/Pres.Office

According to French defence experts, Moscow has been discussing the option of a naval facility in the port of Benghazi for the past year. Another possibility is the establishment of a military base in neighbouring Egypt, which would allow Russia to maintain a presence in Libya and sub-Saharan Africa. Discussions on such a project with President Abdel Fattah al-Sisi have been ongoing since 2013. Some steps have already been taken: Russia is already discreetly benefiting from an air base near the Egyptian port of Sidi Barrani, which it uses as a logistical hub to supply Africa Corps fighters and camps in Libya, according to the Al-Mashareq newspaper.  In addition, Russia can count on important elements to obtain further facilities. Indeed, Russia, whose state-owned company Rosatom is investing up to $20 billion in the construction of the Daba’a nuclear power plant north of Cairo, is an important strategic partner for Egypt. The two countries also held joint military manoeuvres in November 2019. Moreover, Russia’s decision in April 2024 to switch sides and no longer support the Rapid Support Forces, but rather Lt. Gen. Abdel Fatath al-Burhan’s Sudanese Armed Forces, could unblock the project to establish a naval base in Port Sudan on the Red Sea, which has been blocked since 2019.
Whatever the final option, Russia’s presence in Africa is likely to be less comfortable than before the fall of Assad in a context where French troops are withdrawing from the Sahel. On 20 December, the Chadian government ordered French troops to leave the country by the end of January.  In December, French troops began withdrawing and evacuating Mirage fighter jets from the Adji Kossei airbase.

Senegalese President Bashir Jomay Faye said: “The French military presence does not correspond to his concept of sovereignty and independence”. CC BY 4.0/EU

The French are also leaving Senegal. In an interview with the Paris daily Le Monde on 28 November 2024, Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye Faye said that the French military presence did not correspond to his concept of sovereignty and independence.  Senegal later announced that the withdrawal of French troops would be completed by the end of 2025.
In his year-end address, Ivory Coast’s president, Alassane Ouattara, also announced the withdrawal of French troops from the Port Bouet barracks near Abidjan’s international airport by the end of January. The US also completed the withdrawal of its 1,100 military personnel from Niger, where it operated two air bases, by mid-September 2024.
In such a context of French and American withdrawal from the region, if Moscow finds it difficult to maintain its capacity to support the Sahelian regimes, the risk increases that pro-independence Tuareg movements or jihadist groups will gain the upper hand.
Indeed, the Russian navy and air force have been forced to leave Syria at a time when jihadist attacks are increasingly undermining stability in the Sahel.  According to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data, a research organisation that collects information on political violence, the number of deaths in the Alliance of Sahelian States (which includes Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger) reached a record high of 7,620 in the first half of 2024, twice as many as in the same period in 2021. And the trend continued for the rest of the year.

Jihadist group in the Sahel. CC BY-SA 4.0/aharan_kotogo

Al-Qaeda affiliate Jama’at Nusrat al-Islam wal-Muslimin (JNIM) killed around 200 people in Barsalogho, Burkina Faso, on 24 August.
On 17 September, JNIM also attacked a police academy and the international airport in Bamako, Mali, killing many people. At least seven military personnel from the Africa Corps died in clashes with JNIM in central Mali on 22 November.
By the end of 2024, the situation in the Menaka, Liptako Gourma, Timbuktu, Kidal and Gao regions of Mali was dramatic, with clashes between the army and rebel groups intensifying, causing population displacement and the destruction of crops. In Mali alone, more than 7 million people will need humanitarian assistance, according to the UN. It is clear that despite the deployment of Wagner and his successors, the security situation in the Sahel has continued to deteriorate. Should the Russian presence in the region be reduced, there is also a growing risk that Sahel-based jihadist groups will expand their activities into West African coastal states.

François Misser

 

 

 

It is more complex than it seems.

Donald Trump is set to take office this month after being re-elected in the 2024 US presidential elections. His comeback has sparked considerable unease across foreign governments, including Washington’s allies and Asian rivals.

During his first term in office (2017-2021), unpredictability was a hallmark of Trump’s foreign policy: he sought to facilitate dialogue between North- and South Korea, but simultaneously escalated US-China tensions and withdrew from key regional agreements such as the Trans-Pacific Partnership.

However, since his demise in early 2021, the world has changed profoundly. The global impact of the COVID-19 pandemic has reshaped societies, elevating economic security to a top priority on national agendas. Simultaneously, the two major conflicts in Ukraine and the Middle East have taken centre stage in international affairs. This evolving landscape, coupled with shifting power dynamics among global actors, introduces challenges not present during Trump’s first term.

Why it is so important

A Tough Line on Beijing. Donald Trump’s stance on China may appear straightforward, but it is more complex than it seems. On the one hand, he has already vowed to take a tougher stance than Joe Biden, proposing to raise tariffs on Chinese imports to 60%.

Trump’s political strategy of framing China as a severe threat has proven effective among his base, and he is likely to double down on this narrative. However, Trump’s inner circle includes influential business figures like Elon Musk, who has significant investments in China and could influence the President elect’s behaviour toward Beijing.

Uncertainty in South Korea and Japan. Washington’s allies in East Asia are approaching Donald Trump’s return with caution. During his first term, Japan was led by Shinzo Abe, who cultivated a close personal relationship with Trump. This relationship encouraged Trump to adopt the Indo-Pacific strategy promoted by Japan, making the region a key focus of US foreign policy.

Today, however, Japan’s political landscape is less stable making it harder to replicate such personal ties with Trump’s team. Nevertheless, Japan is one of the few US allies whose increasing defense spending aligns with Trump’s preferences.

In South Korea, President Yoon Suk-yeol faces a more delicate situation. There are concerns in Seoul that Trump might revive his personal rapport with North Korean leader Kim Jong-un, potentially sidelining South Korea’s interests, while on the other hand demanding an increased burden-sharing commitment for its security.

The Brewing Storm on the Seas. The South China Sea remains a major flashpoint for escalating tensions between Washington and Beijing. On the Taiwan front, Trump’s stance has oscillated between open hostility toward Beijing and support for Taiwan’s government, while also suggesting that Taipei should bear a greater share of the costs for US military protection.

Additionally, he has criticized Taiwan’s role in the global semiconductors manufacturing sector, implying that the island has taken advantage of the US economy. Taiwanese President Lai Ching-te has already begun efforts to strengthen ties with the new Trump administration, but it remains unclear how Trump will respond to potential Chinese provocations.

Similarly concerned are Southeast Asian countries like the Philippines, which oppose Chinese encroachment in the South China Sea and fear a reduction in US military engagement under Trump – thus leaving them more vulnerable to Beijing’s regional ambitions. For example, despite Philippines President Ferdinand Marcos Jr.’s efforts to deepen military alliance with the US, Trump’s transactional foreign policy style could complicate these initiatives.

Modi Hopes to Capitalize on Trump’s New Presidency. Indian Prime Minister Narendra Modi sees Trump’s return as an opportunity to advance India’s interests.

With Trump’s tough stance on China, Modi hopes to deepen defense and economic ties with Washington, leveraging this renewed partnership to counterbalance Beijing’s growing influence in the Indo-Pacific.

India is particularly keen to enhance its strategic partnership with the US in critical areas such as technology, infrastructure, and defense procurement. (Photo:123rf)

Filippo Fasulo/ISPI

 

Peace as plurality and a critical sense.

Sometimes one has the impression that personal honour and prestige are considered much more important than the truth and interests of the community. And so, one is ready to sacrifice the entire community, the basic principles of common life and even the lives of others for one’s interests.

This is a true alienation of one’s freedom. We must ask ourselves how it is possible to defend our freedom even at the cost of our life’s blood. Only based on a good education of the community to freedom can we create communities capable of interacting with others rationally and peacefully, avoiding the use of violence. Contemporary Africa is made up of “Nation-States”, each of which has a geographically determined space, created in specific historical circumstances.

Kenya. Turkana. Each state is internally made up of different cultural or religious groups and different ethnic groups. File swm

Each of these States is internally composed of different cultural or religious groups and different ethnic groups. It is normal for there to be tensions and conflicts of interest between the different groups. The political theory developed in Europe during the Age of Enlightenment sees the State as a community of individuals who have inalienable rights, but in the pursuit of their interests, have come together to create structures of common life through agreement. It insists on the dignity and rights of each individual. In this perspective, conflicts are seen above all in terms of the legitimization of power, the defence of one’s rights and the pursuit of one’s interests. While not denying the importance of these factors, it seems to us that the social contract by itself is inadequate to found the community upon it. It ignores natural communities such as family, kinship or even ethnicity. The basis of the community is the relationship or rather relationality.
While not excluding dispositions, such as friendship, love, and altruism, relationality is not limited to them. It does not depend on the sympathy or good feelings that one has towards another. It is based on qualities such as a sense of responsibility for one’s actions, a sense of duty towards those who depend on us; and loyalty to those who have committed themselves, and exposed themselves for others. It is based on respect for one’s traditions and those of other cultures and on the recognition that we all share the same humanity. Going beyond individualism, it must be said that the nation is ultimately a community of communities, since the nation is not a conglomeration of individuals, but is constituted by a variety of ethnic groups, cultures and religious groups, even by a succession of generations.

Mauritania. The nation is ultimately a community of communities. File swm

In a nation, people are not only related as individuals but also as members of specific groups, each with its own identity. Each group tends to protect its own identity and demands to be recognized and respected by others. Certainly, the group must never stifle the freedom of the individual in the name of preserving the group’s identity, but the group has the right to be recognized, taken into consideration and respected. It is the lack of respect or recognition of groups as such that leads to tribal violence. It is in this context of the nation conceived as a community of various communities that a conception of democracy based on the principle of the majority must be revised, since in such a system a majority community can always democratically impose its will on the minority. Already within the European democratic systems, the weakness of the principle of the majority has been realized and some are already talking about strong or deep democracies.
It is a question of developing institutions and structures complementary to liberal democracy, in which everyone can actively participate in the discussion and contribute to the development of politics and decision-making that affects each member. Therefore, not only individuals but entire communities must be taken into consideration.

Kenya. A group of Maasai under the acacia tree. The African ‘Palaver’ highlights the principle of participation.

The African ‘Palaver’ highlights this principle of participation well. A participatory democracy based on the ‘Palaver’ will be different from a representative democracy.
Some think that the State must be above the Tribes and religions and therefore neutral towards them. But neither the Tribe nor religions can be confined to the private space at the level of the individual and groups. No true believer and no Tribe would accept this, and rightly so on the basis of their own community and social dimension. There should be an interrelation between the various religious and ethnic identities and the State. The challenge of governing consists precisely in this: trying to converge the different interests of groups and individuals in view of the common good. This is where the different African religious and cultural traditions should intervene. They can be invested for the defence of the common good and of the spiritual values that govern public life and that the State must promote.
The State should intervene, even when it comes to religious matters and Tribes, to re-establish peace and social cohesion. It seems to us that this is a fundamental fact to be taken seriously into consideration in contemporary Africa. In fact, the contemporary African situation is complex. On the one hand, we find ourselves with a certain lay, secular elite, who no longer want to hear about religions and tribes in matters of State. Religion and Tribe must be excluded from public life and there is no need to take these parameters into account since they are the source of violence in society. Ultimately, they are perhaps opposed to too great an interference of ecclesiastics in politics and to a great ideologization of the tribe. However, religion is not clericalism, nor can the community dimension of the person incarnated be reduced in reference to the
tribe and its deviations.

South Africa. Cape Town. House of Parliament. The state should intervene, even in religious and tribal matters, to restore peace and social cohesion. CC BY-SA 3.0/I, PhilippN

On the other hand, we also have fundamentalist readings of the tribe and religion. Fundamentalism in Somalia, Sudan and Nigeria allows us to realize this: very often, for political propaganda, it highlights the tribal or religious element as a criterion of public and political life. In this fundamentalist reading, democracy is seen as the domination of the majority tribe or religion over others. This is clearly seen in the tendency to falsify statistics when one wants to know how many members a religion or tribe has in a specific African country. Everyone immediately understands what is at stake and the numbers quickly inflate. The notion of the State as a community of various communities intends to oppose precisely such phenomena. The ‘Palaver’ intends precisely to promote the construction of multicultural communities. One of the obstacles to dialogue in the Palaver is the patterns of thought and stereotyped prejudices about others. Very often we tend to characterize others starting from the groups to which they belong. And the group itself is qualified as either enemy or friend, superior or inferior. Relations between groups are thus determined either by economics or by political or historical patterns of influence or domination. These attitudes can and do block dialogue in modern Africa. We need to get out of these stereotyped patterns.

The ‘Palaver’ intends to promote the construction of multicultural communities. File swm

Dialogue is sometimes hindered by our stubborn refusal to recognize the desire of others to be recognized, respected and accepted as a group in their otherness and to have a social space in which they can live and develop their identity. Instead, we limit ourselves to tolerating them without accepting them or we try to be inclusive in a relationship of domination – subordination. The others then try to affirm their identity in a revolutionary or violent way. It is clear that here a prerequisite for peace is a true will to recognize, respect and accept the other as different. Furthermore, it is necessary to create places of experience of collaboration and multi-ethnic work trying to promote justice and community. All this must be placed in the context of the ‘Palaver’ as a tool for resolving and preventing conflicts. But how can this happen in practice? (Open Photo: African Union flag and African flags, maps painted on an old wall background. Shutterstock/patrice6000)

(J.M.)

Africa. Forecast 2025. A challenging year for democracy.

This year looks set to be another difficult one for democracy in Africa. In the Sahel, at least three elections have been postponed. Elsewhere, they risk being unfair or triggering violence, while a growing number of leaders are changing the rules to stay in power indefinitely.

In North Africa, Egypt is due to hold parliamentary elections at the end of 2025. Pundits expect a landslide victory for the Nation’s Future Party and its allies supporting President Abdel-Fattah El-Sisi, who secured a third term in December 2023 with 89.6 per cent of the vote. Indeed, the opposition stands no chance in a country with more than 60,000 political prisoners and where the regime bans critical newspapers and websites. But the coming years will be challenging, with chronic power cuts, an astronomical foreign debt, a slowdown in tourism and a drop in Suez Canal revenues due to the war in Gaza.

The ruling military leaders, from the left: Capt Ibrahim Traoré (Burkina Faso) Colonel Assimi Goita (Mali) General Abdourahmane Tchiani (Niger).

In Western Africa, presidential elections and parliamentary elections were scheduled in 2025 in Burkina Faso and Niger. But the military juntas of both countries have followed the example of Mali where participants in the national dialogue recommended last May extending the military-led transition to democracy by three years, allowing also junta leader Colonel Assimi Goita to run in the eventual election.
The Burkinabé military government also announced in May that it would extend the junta rule led by Captain Traoré for another five years.
In Niger, General Abdourahamane Tiani’s junta had initially decided after the coup which overthrew President Mohamed Bazoum in July 2023 to impose three years of transition before returning power to civilians.
In Côte d’Ivoire, citizens are expecting a repeat of the 2010 battle between Alassane Ouattara and Laurent Gbagbo in the upcoming presidential elections scheduled for October 2025.  Eighty-year-old former president Gbagbo is running again as the candidate of the African People’s Party – Côte d’Ivoire (PPA-CI), which he founded. President Alassane Ouattara, 82, has not yet said whether he will run for a fourth term. However, his party, the Rally of Houphouëtists for Democracy and Peace (RHDP), expressed its support for such a plan on 1 October 2024, making it likely that the incumbent will run again.

The National Assembly of Togo. Last May 2024, the parliament approved a new constitution that suppresses the presidential election by popular vote. Kayi Lawson/VOA

In Togo, the incumbent president, Faure Gnassingbé, has found another way to stay in office indefinitely. In May 2024, the parliament overwhelmingly approved a new constitution that suppresses the presidential election by popular vote that should have taken place in February 2025. The president will now be elected by deputies and senators for a single six-year term, and his powers will be reduced. Gnassingbe, who has been in office for almost 20 years, is expected to remain president until 2031.
The examples of Togo and Côte d’Ivoire are inspiring other leaders on the continent, such as Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi, who announced on 23 October the creation of a special commission to draft a new constitution. According to Tshisekedi, the current constitution of the Democratic Republic of Congo, approved by referendum in 2006, is no longer “adapted to the realities of the country”.
It is an open secret that Tshisekedi wants to abolish it because it imposes a two-term limit. In this context, the controversy between Tshisekedi and the opposition, which points out that Article 220 of the current constitution prohibits changing the maximum term of the presidential mandate, could intensify this year.
Cameroon is due to hold presidential elections in October 2025. Everyone is wondering whether President Paul Biya, 91, Africa’s oldest leader, will run again. Demonstrations by supporters urging him to run again suggest that the old president will do so, extending his more than four-decade rule by another seven years. Other elections, including those for the National Assembly, originally scheduled for 2025, have been postponed until March 2026, sparking criticism from a fragmented opposition that may find it difficult to beat Biya or another candidate from his Cameroon People’s Democratic Movement.

Central African Republic. A new constitution approved by referendum in August 2023 allows President Faustin Archange Touadera to run for a third term. CC BY 4.0/Mikhail Metzel

In the Central African Republic, a new constitution approved by referendum in August 2023 allows President Faustin Archange Touadera to run for a third term in 2025. The new constitution also extends the presidential term from five to seven years. The new constitution bans candidates with dual nationality, thus preventing rivals such as Anicet Georges Dologuele and Crépin Mboli-Goumba, who are also French and American, respectively, from standing.  Former president François Bozizé and two other exiled politicians are also barred from the race, having been convicted in absentia for alleged rebellion.
Unlike his Sahelian counterparts, General Brice Oligui Nguema, the author of the coup that overthrew Gabonese President Ali Bongo Ondimba at the end of August 2023, seems determined to end military rule and resume relations with the EU, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund. According to insiders, the general is keen to organise elections before the junta’s original deadline of August 2025, perhaps as early as April next year, and to stand himself. His likely rivals include the last prime minister of the Ali Bongo era, Alain Claude Bilie Bi Nzé, a former student union leader.
Another potential candidate is the winner of the 2023 election, which the military says was rigged in Ali’s favour: economist Albert Ondo Ossa. But he lacks the backing of a political party. A third potential rival is Gabon’s former vice-president, Pierre Claver Maganga Moussavou.

Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera. He will seek a second term in September 2025. Photo: US Dep.of State

In Southern Africa, incumbent Malawian President Lazarus Chakwera (69) will seek a second term in September 2025 after being nominated by the ruling Malawi Congress Party (MCP). He is expected to face stiff competition from former presidents Arthur Peter Mutharika (84) of the opposition Democratic People’s Party and Joyce Banda (74) of the People’s Party.
The political climate in East Africa’s Tanzania is becoming increasingly tense ahead of the presidential and national assembly elections in October 2025. On 21 October 2024, the leader of the opposition CHADEMA party, Aisah Machano, was abducted and beaten by motorcyclists who identified themselves as police. Two months earlier, CHADEMA’s secretary, Ali Kibao, was kidnapped by armed men and found dead after being doused in acid.
Other opponents were arrested in a crackdown organised by President Samia Suluhu Hassan, who took over the presidency in 2021 after the death of John Magufuli. She has disappointed those hoping for a new era of democratic reform after lifting bans on political rallies and the media. But she now faces the challenge of growing divisions within the ruling Chama Cha Mapinduzi party, as evidenced by the expulsion of foreign minister January Makamba.
Two rounds of legislative elections are due to take place in the Comoros on 12 January and 16 February, but there is a risk that they will not be inclusive. The JUWA and Orange opposition parties have announced that they will not participate in the legislative elections after rejecting the results of the presidential elections in January 2024, alleging ballot-stuffing. President Azali Assoumani, who was re-elected for another five-year term, re-appointed the current head of the electoral body, Idrissa Said, who is accused by the opposition of favouring the ruling Convention for the Renewal of the Comoros.

The main hall of the African Union. Photo: US.DS

In contrast, Seychelles is expected to offer open competition in the presidential and national assembly elections scheduled for 27 September 2025. So far, seven parties are competing: the ruling Seychellois Democratic Union of President Wavel Ramkalawan, the Mouvman Lavwa Seselwa (MLS), United Seychelles (US), One Seychelles, Seychelles United Movement (SUM), the Seychelles National Alliance Party (SNAP) and the La Liberté party. Ramkalawan’s main challenger is the leader of United Seychelles, Patrick Herminie.
Finally, the election of the members of the African Union Commission will take place in February. According to the new rules on the rotation of the chairmanship, the chair will come from East Africa. Four candidates are standing: Djibouti’s Foreign Minister Mahmoud Ali Boussou, Kenya’s former Prime Minister Raila Odinga, Mauritius’ former Foreign Minister Anil Kumansingh Gayan and Madagascar’s former Foreign Minister Richard James Randriamandrato. (Photo:123rf)

François Misser

Vietnam. Music. “Sounds of Brotherhood”.

Thanks to a World Youth Orchestra project, a group of orphaned or abandoned children welcomed by the Missionaries of Charity had the opportunity to take part in music and singing workshops. Discovering talents and potential.

With its ultra-modern skyscrapers, its wide and very busy streets, but above all its endless suburbs, Ho Chi Minh City – or Saigon as many continue to call it – is a metropolis that seems to never end. The noise of thousands of scooters whizzing around everywhere and the milky sky of humidity and pollution contribute to creating a bubble effect from which it seems you can no longer escape.
Then, finally, the buildings and noises thin out, and disappear almost completely when you cross the gate of the large house of the Missionaries of Charity of Bin Dhuong, where instead you can only hear the cries of the newborn and the voices of a children’s choir. It is a small world apart. The nuns – who here do not wear the traditional white sari bordered with blue, but simple black trousers and white or blue blouses – are full of smiles and care, but they only speak Vietnamese. That they are the Missionaries of Charity, however, is beyond doubt given the numerous images of Mother Teresa that appear everywhere.

“For these kids, learning to play an instrument is something special” (Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook)

But it is also the style that speaks of a presence and a commitment that is also realized here alongside the poorest of the poor: orphaned or abandoned children. In this house, which was recently expanded thanks to a donation – or Providence, as Sister Marie-Lucie, the only one who speaks a little French after having spent a few years in Nice, says – there are about eighty children. Some are just born. Others have just turned 18. Most of them are involved in a project involving the World Youth Orchestra, which has created a music and singing school here that began last February and ended in recent weeks. The orchestra, which is based in Rome but is composed and recomposed of new musicians based on the places and projects it brings to life, landed in Vietnam last year, where in April it performed two concerts in the capital Hanoi, accompanied by a theatre course and a university lecture on Puccini on the occasion of the centenary of his death. In Saigon, instead, the more social part of the project “Sounds of Brotherhood” was realized.

“Music is a universal language that creates incredible connections” (Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook)

The idea came almost by chance or – as Sister Marie-Lucie, who was also superior to the Bin Dhuong community, would reiterate – by the hand of Providence. Two years ago, the organizer of the orchestra’s tour, Matteo Penazzi, and a Vietnamese priest, Father Dominic Nguyen, who was travelling to the World Youth Day in Lisbon, met in Taizé, in a completely fortuitous way. From that meeting, these workshops were born, involving children and teenagers hosted by the missionaries and five Vietnamese teachers, all very young and motivated.
Nguyen Hoang Le Vu, 23, is the coordinator. A music teacher in a school in Ho Chi Minh City, he also directs the choir of his parish. The young teacher is rather strict and demanding, but he also shows great empathy with the children: “When I see their commitment and their joy in trying their hand at singing and playing musical instruments, I feel happy. They give me great energy and repay me for all my efforts”.
“Many of them – Bao Tran, 20, a violin teacher, points out – had only seen a musical instrument in cartoons! They would never have thought of picking one up and learning to play it”. Instead, once the singing rehearsals are over, the slightly older boys and girls split into groups and begin rehearsals: some on the violin, some on the piano, some on the drums… “For these kids, learning to play an instrument is something special”, Bao Tran reiterates. Music, after all, has also changed her life, as has the solidarity of her parish community, which helped her financially to take the conservatory exam. “Now I feel I have to give back what I have received to these children who don’t even have a family”.

Through music, values such as peace, brotherhood, equality and dignity are spread. (Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook)

In fact, behind the appearance of serenity and harmony that music and singing transmit, there are many stories of suffering and often violence. The children taken in by Mother Teresa’s nuns all have very difficult situations behind them. “Many of them are orphans,” Sister Marie-Lucie explains, “or are children of single mothers, who have been abandoned. Sometimes the girls themselves are kicked out of their families. Giving birth to a child outside of marriage is considered a great dishonour,
a cause for shame.”
Currently, the nuns take in some single mothers who have been rejected by their families or are victims of violence. One of them looks like a child herself as she cradles her newborn baby. “She is 15 years old,” the nun tells us, “But sometimes they are even younger. We try to find the parents to try to send them back home. Many, however, refuse, also because they often live in absolute poverty and precariousness.”
Next to the newborns’ room, some older children are learning to walk. They are curious and lively. One of the nuns plays with them. In total, there are about twenty of Mother Teresa’s nuns who take care of these children just as in a large family, where they try to heal the traumas of abandonment and often of violence and to give them the tools so that they can walk alone, independently, one day.

Learn to play classical and traditional Vietnamese instruments, create and improve relationships”.(Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook)

A great deal of effort, including financial, is devoted to training. This includes music. “It is a universal language that creates incredible connections – says Maestro Damiano Giuranna, founder and director of the World Youth Orchestra, founded in 2001, with the idea of promoting young talent around the world, but also of being able to operate as an instrument of “cultural diplomacy” capable of spreading values such as peace, brotherhood, equality and dignity. And, before arriving in Vietnam, the orchestra performed in places and situations of conflict or crisis. “After the experiences in countries such as Israel, Palestine, Iran, Morocco, Lebanon, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria and at the UN in New York, the ‘Sounds of Brotherhood’ project also led us to experiment with this form of solidarity through the musical workshops created with the Missionaries of Charity. The children and young people who were involved were thus able to learn the first rudiments of music, learn to play classical and traditional Vietnamese instruments, create a choir and improve their relational skills”. And also look to the future with greater confidence. (Photo: World Youth Orchestra/Facebook) –

Anna Pozzi/MM

 

 

The Palaver. A traditional African path to peace.

Peace depends on the community’s ability to intervene in problematic situations and resolve conflicts by re-establishing justice and truth. Every peace is built based on justice and equity and not on the annihilation of the other. The art of politics consists precisely in the ability to know how to resolve conflicts creatively without giving rise to violence and thus promoting life.

In this perspective, African ancestors invented the ‘Palaver’, a highly relevant and effective procedure today. In sub-Saharan Africa, the ‘Palaver’ best expresses the function of the word in its community dimension. Public affairs are discussed through the ‘Palaver’, conflicts are resolved, legal acts are established, etc.
From this definition emerges the popular, public character of the ‘Palaver’ as well as its purpose which is the interest of each individual and all. One can resort to the ‘Palaver’ both for matters that concern the public interest and for those of personal interests.Ultimately, an event of a fundamental community nature occurs in it that concerns order and/or community life. Thus, one could say that the ‘Palaver’ is a path of common research to find a law of social life, a lifestyle.

Kenya. Pokot. The ‘Palaver’ originates in an “infringed right” or a “disturbed order”. File swm

Given the complexity of the fields it deals with, there are also various types of ‘Palaver’: at the level of the family, the clan or the village, between villages or even between two ethnic groups; but all these contexts refer to the context of the family and the way of proceeding is always the same. Here our interest goes first of all towards that type of ‘Palaver’ that could be defined as “the reduction of a conflict through language, a humane erasure of violence through discussion”.
The origin of the ‘Palaver’ is therefore in an “infringed right” or a “disturbed order”, that is, it always starts from a complaint brought to a ruler or the community council by a member or a clan or a tribe that sees its right infringed. The complaint requires that the community be convened. The purpose of the ‘Palaver’ emerges from the very way in which the community is arranged, that is, communication, giving new life, recomposing the entire community, that is, reconciling.

Guinea Bissau. the ‘Palaver’ articulates the word as a word “given to another”. File swm

In the ‘Palaver’, the entire society itself sets out on a journey, questions itself about its references (points of reference), distances itself from violence and attempts to enter into an uninterrupted dialogue with itself and with the other in itself. It can do this only because the ‘Palaver’ articulates the word as a word “given to another”, “addressed to”, as a donation. This donation requires the donor to put it in a form that is also an articulation of meaning. It thus highlights that reconciliation can only happen as a gift, gratuitously.
It is possible only when at least one of the parties involved feels the need to give meaning to life by performing acts of gratuitousness.
In this perspective, the ‘Palaver’ also brings into play another fundamental dimension of the Word: its creativity. Everyone can speak freely and in fact, the ‘Palaver’ does not end until all participants have expressed what is close to their hearts. It is appropriate here to underline the freedom of speech of each member and of the entire assembly as well as the dialogical character that the search for truth has in the exercise of justice. In fact, not only is there dialogue in the public debate, but the very search for arguments is done in dialogue, in consultation between the groups responsible for the ‘Palaver’. In all of this, the purpose of the ‘Palaver’ is manifested, which is to put an end to conflicts through the word and its creativity.

Kenya. Borana leaders. The function of the ‘palaver’ is to ensure that a word spoken in the community is a producer of life and not of death. File swm

The failure of the ‘Palaver’ means resuming the conflict or the outbreak of violence. Therefore, a great sense of responsibility is expected from all participants in the use of the word as a revealer of the truth that creates justice. In this way, the healing function of the word is highlighted. The word is capable of producing salvation or destroying, it can build communion or destroy it. It is something effective and dynamic. The function of the ‘Palaver’ consists in ensuring that a word spoken in the community is a producer of life and not of death. This role of the word is of capital importance, given that conflicts, and the need for revenge on the part of the victim often leads them to no longer know how to manage violence, resentment, or rancour. The word placed in the context of the “Palaver” can liberate the victim.
The genesis of resentment lies in the fact that the exercise of revenge that would re-establish the offended person in the sense of his dignity, his honour, and the satisfaction to which he is entitled, is so strong that this emotion is focused on the internal imaginative expression, or even on the tendency to take revenge. It is this resentment that then translates into feelings such as hatred, jealousy, wickedness, envy and malice. Such resentment does nothing but increase the suffering endured by the victim. Such resentment debases the person and poisons his personality. The hatred hidden within the person prevents him from developing, from fulfilling himself.
Therefore, it is impossible to count on a victim who lives in resentment to build the future. Hence the need to free such individuals from their resentment through the word. Such was the strong point of the intuition of the ancestors in resorting to the ‘Palaver’.

Kenya. Turkana. In the ‘Palaver’ logic, everyone has the right to speak. File swm

In the logic of the ‘Palaver’ everyone has the right to speak. In this sense the ‘Palaver’ guarantees equality and access for all to speak with a view to the liberation of the individual and the building up of the community. The final decision reached at the end of a ‘Palaver’ process is not the result of a compromise or a vote according to the principle of the majority, but of a solid consensus among all members which allows them to glimpse the path to follow together. The ‘Palaver’ process can reach this result because in it a purification of memory takes place, a confession of one’s guilt by the aggressor and an expression of one’s resentment by the victim.
In the word, in language, liberation takes place, because in it the truth has come to light. It is typical of the ‘Palaver’ that in it the truth occurs only progressively in a long process where each of the participants expresses his opinion and his thoughts, gradually correcting and readjusting his position according to the perception of the light of truth as it manifests itself in the process of exchange. In the end, one adheres to the conclusion not because it is the expression of the majority, but because in the voice of the community, each one recognizes his voice. The ‘Palaver’ is not only a long common process of clarification in the search for truth, but above all, it is a common search for peace and communion, reconciliation with oneself and with others. (Open Photo: Maasai young people. 123rf)
(J.M.)

 

West Africa. Hezbollah. Financing to the Party of God.

The Lebanese movement relies on a mafia-like, opaque system
rooted in the Shiite diaspora, which also uses the laundering of
proceeds from illicit trafficking networks to reach Shiite
neighbourhoods in Beirut.

In Abidjan, especially around the al-Mahdi Mosque in the Shiite neighbourhood of Marcory, many have been in mourning for days after the killing, last September 27, of the charismatic leader of Hezbollah, Hassan Nasrallah, hit by 80 anti-bunker bombs, dropped by the Israeli army on the headquarters of the Lebanese Shiite movement in Dahieh, in the south of Beirut. In Ivory Coast, 100 thousand Lebanese live, 80% of whom are Shiite Muslims. But since the 1980s, Hezbollah has had ramifications in West Africa.

On 27 September last year, Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah was killed by the Israeli army at the headquarters of the Lebanese Shiite movement in Dahieh, south of Beirut. Shutterstock/mohammad kassir

While the emigration of Lebanese Maronite businessmen to the continent has been documented since 1910, the stable presence of a Shiite community, particularly in Guinea and Ivory Coast, began just when Hezbollah was born in Lebanon. Not only that, the Lebanese Shiite diaspora has established solid ties with Beirut, as often happens among migrants who maintain strong emotional roots in their homeland. This is why political scientist Benedict Anderson called them “long-distance nationalists.” And so, the support for Hezbollah from the Lebanese Shiite diaspora in West Africa, not numerous but rich, has never been lacking. Indeed, it has grown over the years.

Lines of credit from the mosques
The lines of credit began, as often happens, first of all from the mosques frequented by the Shiite community in Abidjan, such as al-Zahra, and from religious centres, such as al-Ghadir, also in the economic capital of the Ivory Coast. From here, millions of dollars are sent every year, simply donated as ritual alms, or zakat, towards Beirut. In 2009, during the presidency of Laurent Gbagbo, the imam of this mosque, Abdul Kobeissi, was arrested, convicted and expelled to Beirut after being accused, also by the United States and Israel, of financing Hezbollah. “Everything is allowed for a good cause, which can be the survival of the movement, the resistance against Israel, the military support for Bashar al-Assad in Syria, the training of Huthi militiamen in Yemen.

Abidjan. Great Mosque. In Ivory Coast, 100 thousand Lebanese live, 80% of whom are Shiite Muslims. CC BY 3.0/Citizen59

These are all valid reasons to continue financing Hezbollah, even from so far away,” explained Lebanese analyst Maya Khadra.But these ties with Lebanon also guarantee many advantages to the Shiites in Ivory Coast. For example, when in 2004 there were strong tensions between Paris and Abidjan, with the attacks against the French military presence as part of the United Nations Operation in Ivory Coast (UNOCI), it was precisely the diaspora close to Hezbollah that secured the assets of the Lebanese community in the country.On the other hand, aid arriving in Beirut from West African countries has been growing, even after the economic crisis of 2019, with the devaluation of the Lebanese lira and the explosion of the port of Beirut in 2020. In particular, a large part of the economy of the city of Tyre, hit by Israeli bombings in recent weeks, in southern Lebanon, is supported by remittances from migrants in Ivory Coast. So much so that one of the streets in the village of Zrarieh has been renamed “Abidjan Street”.

Hezbollah policy
But Hezbollah did not stop there, it soon began to engage in politics in West Africa. This happened, for example, with the military support that affiliates of the Lebanese Shiite movement gave to the Polisario Front, which is fighting for the liberation of Western Sahara from Morocco, alongside members of the Iranian al-Quds militias. Not only that.

US Treasury Department reports confirm that 30% of the cocaine trafficking through Africa to Europe passes through the hands of Hezbollah affiliates. Shutterstock/Fuss Sergey

Many analysts have reconstructed the role played by members of the group in the 2023 coup in Niger. “The geographical presence of Hezbollah in West Africa was encouraged by logistical reasons: the control of drug, diamond, wood and weapons trafficking. In particular, drug trafficking starts in Latin America, especially from Colombia, Venezuela and Mexico, and then passes through the countries of West Africa from where their illicit marketing and distribution in Europe begins. These networks have seen an active role of members of the Lebanese Shiite movement”, added Maya Khadra. Reports from the US Treasury Department also confirmed that 30% of the cocaine traffic that passes through Africa to reach Europe passes through the hands of Hezbollah affiliates.

The effects of the economic crisis
Yet even the Shiites in the West African diaspora have had to deal with the serious consequences that the economic crisis has had on the Lebanese, for example on the methods of financing Hezbollah. Since the United States included the Lebanese Shiite movement in its list of terrorist organizations – imposing sanctions on private supporters, companies and charities that have ties to the group – and following the measure taken by Lebanese banks that have capped the withdrawal of money at a few hundred euros, the old methods of getting the money to its destination have returned. “Money laundering, which is reused to finance Hezbollah, is often transported in the suitcases of Lebanese passengers who take commercial flights,” Maya Khadra explained.

Aerial view of Beirut city and the port. “Money laundering to finance Hezbollah is often transported in Lebanese passengers’ suitcases on flights.” Shutterstock/mohamed.m1

This happened, for example, in 2003 when between 2 and 3 million dollars were found in the suitcases of one of the passengers of the Boeing 727-200, which crashed in Cotonou, Benin. The same thing happened to two Lebanese-Guinean businessmen, Ali Saadé and Ibrahim Taher, accused of “money laundering and financing terrorist groups,” arrested while trying to bribe customs personnel at Conakry airport, to travel with bags full of dollars, intended, according to Washington, to finance the activities of a Hezbollah affiliate in Lebanon, Kassem Tajideen. And so, the Lebanese movement, in addition to the funding coming from Tehran, relies on a mafia-like and opaque system in West Africa, rooted in the Shiite diaspora, made more fragile by the economic crisis gripping the Lebanese, which also uses the laundering of the proceeds of illicit trafficking networks to reach the Shiite neighbourhoods of Beirut. (Open Photo: Hezbollah flags painted over cracked concrete wall.Shutterstock/sameer madhukar chogale)

Giuseppe Acconcia

 

 

Harmonious Peace.

One could also define ‘Palaver’ as a common search through the word to maintain the integrity of the community, that is, to promote life through a reconciliation that creates peace. It is an effort by all
to ensure peace.

It is an active search through dialogue, through the word to establish a peace based on justice and benevolence, a harmonious peace. That harmony and peace are the true aims of ‘Palaver’ can also be seen from how conflicts are resolved. At the end of ‘Palaver’ one always tries to save the guilty party and not to exalt the winner too much. What matters is reconciliation and that harmony, and communion are re-established. Such a process is demanding and requires certain conditions for its realization. First of all, we need wise leaders (able to discern between good and evil), competent (in eloquence and knowledge of history) and experts in the traditions of the Ancestors.

‘Palaver’ as an instrument of reconciliation. File swm

The fundamental experience that lies at the root of the ‘Palaver’ as an instrument of reconciliation is that of communion. Communion requires taking into consideration all members of the community as speaking subjects. Communion is true only when the community promotes and guarantees the freedom of each of its members and when each member is aware of being free only in the relationship with the community. The reference to the community is fundamental for the freedom of the individual itself. Personal experience always contains a community dimension. On the other hand, every experience is about the word and therefore given communication and the community. It is within the community that the word manifests its transparency and creative capacity for life. This is why the place of the word and of verification of every experience is the community, that is, the context of the relationship with otherness.
The ‘Palaver’ is therefore a dynamic process whose dynamism is based on the ability of individuals to carry forward new experiences that enrich the community, that promote life and communion. In this perspective, the ultimate criterion of reference is not the individual, but the individual as related to the community. It is this relationship that establishes the individual as a subject.

The ‘Palaver’ requires greater objectivity and great sincerity. 123rf

Precisely because it intends to re-establish communion, the ‘Palaver’ requires the presence of all interested parties and the community as a whole, because without the agreement of each one and of all, social harmony cannot be achieved. From each one, transparency in communication, the predisposition not to spoil communication, the willingness to say frankly what motivates his actions and his expectations are expected.
The ‘Palaver’ requires greater objectivity and great sincerity. These are achieved de facto through the presence of all. When someone is not sincere, those who know him are present and can protest. As Abdon Atangana, Professor at the University of the Free State in Bloemfontein, South Africa, rightly says, “What is striking in the ‘Palaver’, as well as in every sincere dialogue between Africans, is the freedom and frankness in the discussion, in the way in which each frees themselves from any false courtesy, telling each other the truth to their faces”. The sincerity of the entire community is at stake here.
These conditions presuppose freedom of speech, that is, to speak and to be listened to. Everyone is responsible for social harmony. If it is true that the concept of community (relationship) is fundamental to understanding the person in Africa, it is also true that this concept is closely linked to the tribe or clan. How can one think of it beyond the tribe in the context of the construction of the nation-state and a fraternal world? This remains the challenge: how to think of plurality and community, the State as a community of communities that live harmoniously and in peace among themselves in search of the promotion of the Common Good?

“We all share the same humanity”.

At the basis of every community is the relationship, the ability to relate to the different or better “relationality”. It presupposes dispositions such as those of friendship, of altruism, without being reduced to them. Relationality does not depend on the sympathy or good feelings that one can have towards someone else. It is founded in the sense of responsibility for one’s own actions, in the sense of our obligation towards those who depend on us and of the loyalty that we must have towards those who commit themselves to others. It demands respect for one’s traditions and those of other cultures; the recognition of the fact that we all share the same humanity.
It is in this context that the principle of a democracy based on the principle of the majority must be rethought because in such a democracy minorities will always be afraid of being crushed by the majority groups. Everyone must participate. In this context, the ‘Palaver’ is a good principle. (Open Photo: 123rf)
(J.M.)

 

Burkina Faso. Maimouna Ba. The “Mother of Sahel”.

In Burkina Faso, the ‘Mother of the Sahel’ brings education and hope to forcibly displaced children.

As conflict forced thousands of children to flee to the safety of her hometown, Maimouna Ba rallied the community to provide
support and education.

Born and raised in Dori, in the far northeast of Burkina Faso, Maimouna Ba was the youngest of 12 children living in the country’s vast, remote and arid Sahel region, a six-hour drive from the capital, Ouagadougou.

She and her sisters were the first girls in her family to go to school, and it was an opportunity they all seized. For Maimouna, it revealed the power of education. “I believe my life has changed because I am more educated, and I believe that because I am more educated, my family’s life has changed,” she said.

Maimouna went on to study marketing at university. Still, instead of pursuing a career in her field of study, she made it her mission to change the lives of others through education, bringing hope and maybe even peace to her conflict-wracked country. “I believe education is the most powerful weapon for changing the world,” she said.

Since 2016, Burkina Faso has been in the throes of political instability and violent conflict that has left over 2 million people internally displaced and forced more than 200,000 to become refugees in neighbouring countries. Despite facing its challenges, the country has generously welcomed nearly 41,000 refugees and asylum-seekers, primarily from Mali, with almost 60 per cent of them settling in the Sahel region bordering Mali and Niger.

This region, which is the focus of Maimouna’s work, has been particularly affected by the displacement crisis. This has resulted in a large influx of internally displaced people towards Dori, the regional capital. Already home to Malian refugees, the city is now
facing overpopulation.

When the first displaced people – the vast majority of whom are women and children – began arriving in Dori, Maimouna asked herself,
“How can we give these children a glimmer of hope and give
these women dignity?”

She founded her organization Femmes pour la Dignite du Sahel (Women for the Dignity of the Sahel), together with around a dozen other women, in 2020 to provide school fees for displaced children, and skills
to displaced women.

She collected donations, rallied support and encouraged volunteers to join her. Since then, her Un Enfant, Un Parrain (One Child, One Sponsor) programme has matched vulnerable children with individual sponsors who contribute towards their school fees. This school last year alone, more than 120 children have been enrolled in the programme.

But sponsors do more than just provide fees. Maimouna strives to forge a direct connection between the children and their sponsors, ready to offer kindness and psychological support as well as cash. The benefits go both ways, she said.

“I don’t know if you know that feeling when you sense that there is a person who was in total despair, in a situation that they thought was unchangeable, insoluble, who sees that there are possibilities for them?” Maimouna said, a bright smile spreading across her face. “I experience that every day in the work that I do … And that makes me feel
useful and makes me believe we are getting there, as long as we continue to persevere.”

“I don’t see myself as a hero,” she added. “I just see myself as a person who has convictions that she fights for. I believe that we don’t need much to change the world. It all starts within us.”

Tall, with a penchant for colourful dresses and matching headscarves, Maimouna cuts a striking figure and, despite being just 29 years old, her work has earned her the nickname “Maman Sahélienne”,
or “Mother of the Sahel”.

“Education is one of the best ways to combat violent extremism, the lack of social cohesion and the lack of peace, all of which stem from ignorance,” she said. “I hope that the sons of the Sahel who have taken up arms, whatever their convictions, come to their senses and understand that our ancestors are right when they say that fire has never put out the fire and that development, even if it has been slow,
is always possible.”

In addition to her work with children, Maimouna’s organization teaches displaced women the skills to start small businesses that allow them to earn enough to send their children to school and cover their own needs.

To some, Burkina Faso’s multifaceted crisis may seem insoluble, but not to Maimouna. “I have always been a dreamer,” she said. “I have always set myself very ambitious goals that I have never thought were unachievable.”

She cited a proverb to explain her conviction that the solutions to her country’s crisis must come from the people of Burkina Faso. “When an egg breaks from the outside, life ends, but when it breaks from the inside life begins,” she said. “I believe if there is to be a change, an improvement in the situation in the Sahel, it must start within the Sahel, with the commitment of the daughters and the sons of the Sahel.”

Last year, she was awarded the UNHCR Nansen Refugee Award for Africa in recognition of her efforts to educate displaced children in Burkina Faso. (Photo: © UNHCR/Etinosa Yvonne)
Cedric Kalonji Mfunyi

The African Youth. Innovations & Creativity.

With the highest percentage of her population made up of youth, Africa is a bed of opportunities for growth and prosperity. The African youth are a symbol of resilience, potential, creativity and determination in a changing and challenging world.

The youth represent hope and vibrancy across the continent geared towards social change, economic growth, and sustainable development. Amidst the challenges and inequalities, the youths in Africa remain determined and fit to compete with other youth globally to make Africa and the world a better place. This calls for celebration of our youths.
The participation by the youth towards having a better Africa cut
across various sectors.

During one of the Young African Leaders Initiative summit Ida from Gambia, while referring to the youth said, “One of the things that we are really learning to do here is to say; no, we must be heard. We are the future. So, in a nutshell, that’s who I am. I am the future.
The African future.”

These words clearly represent the aspirations and the driving force amongst many African youths informing the actions they have taken in the recent past in the fight for good governance. The youth have played and continue to play pivotal roles on matters of governance in their respective countries throughout the continent both directly in governance matters and in decision-making processes.

The youth also put the governments under check by calling out and demonstrating against corrupt leaders and advocating for change. Equipped with essential skills on democratic and electoral governance, the youth in Africa are at the forefront in the defense of democracy
all over Africa.

The stability and development of the African states depends on how they treat their youth.  Pope Francis’ Encyclical Letter Laudato Si in paragraph 13 says, “Young people demand change. They wonder how anyone can claim to be building a better future without thinking of the environmental crisis and the sufferings of the excluded.”

Youth all over the world and particularly in Africa have taken this challenge to fight against climate crisis in great ways. Youth across the continent have come up with various innovative ways towards adaptation, reliance and curbing the effects of climate change. These are being achieved through establishment of a number of grass root organizations that educate the masses on the need to care for Mother Nature and some providing alternative ways for just transition.

Some youth groups try to achieve this through ecological conversion. For instance, the Catholic Youth Network for Environmental Sustainability in Africa, a Catholic youth group spread in various countries in Africa live by a slogan of ‘no use of single use plastics’ by its members. Though simple, this revolution against use of single use plastics is positively contributing towards reduction in plastic pollution rate on both terrestrial and marine ecosystems.

Steeven Kazemutima, widely known as Baba Miti loosely translated as Father of Trees, of Laudato Si Movement Africa runs a campaign, “Birthday Tree Planting” which urges the youth and everyone to plant and nurture trees during their birthdays and other important days
in their lives.

This campaign has resulted in an increase in the youth abandoning cake-cutting during their birthdays and instead resorting to planting trees. These initiatives by the youth and many more in different parts of Africa need to be celebrated, supported and highlighted as case studies for climate crisis mitigation activities.

During the Africa Climate Week, the African youths presented their declaration to the African Union and the Heads of State and Government calling for governments to recognise the place of the youth in their decision-making processes and to support their initiatives. Such courageous acts by the youth should not go unnoticed.

Africa suffers deeply from lack of job opportunities for her people and as a great number of youths in Africa are graduating in various fields from universities and other learning institutions, they grapple with the question of what next? The only answer to this question for the youth is to be innovative and creative in creating jobs for themselves.

The youth have integrated entrepreneurship and innovation to achieve self-reliance. KadAfrica, an organization founded by Evelyn Namara from Uganda, trains youth in the cultivation of passion fruit, processing and also creating markets for the end products. This initiative founded by an African youth creates employment to fellow young people in Uganda who are affected by unemployment.

Another innovation worth celebrating by an African youth is the Twim Academy in Nigeria founded by Oluwatobi Oyinlola that trains young people on coding and digital skills. Graduates from this noble initiative secure jobs in the digital economy while others start their own tech consultancies and employ other qualified youth in their organizations. Such innovative and creative projects by the youth are found in various urban and rural settlements in Africa. (Open Photo: 123rf)

Stephen Otieno Makagutu

USA/Africa. Uncertain Future.

Donald Trump as President of the United States could have important consequences for Africa. These could include higher trade tariffs, less development aid and less political conditionality on human rights.  However, Trump’s unpredictable nature may hold surprises
for Africans.

According to Afreximbank’s 2024 Trade Report, the United States has become a secondary trading partner, accounting for only 8% of Africa’s exports and less than 5% of its imports, well behind China (20% of Africa’s exports and 16% of its imports), the European Union (21.4% of Africa’s imports and over 30% of its exports) and the Middle East (10.8% of Africa’s exports and 8.2% of its imports).
Trump’s first term saw a tough trade policy. The Africa Growth and Opportunity Act (AGOA), which exempts 1,800 products from 32 countries from tariffs, saw US imports from Africa peak at under $10bn a year, down from $66bn in 2008.

The United States accounts for only 8% of Africa’s exports and less than 5% of its imports. 123rf

This trend is likely to continue, with everyone expecting another tariff-heavy approach.  During his previous administration, Trump said AGOA would not be renewed when it expires in 2025.
As a result, African exporters are likely to sell less in the US market. South African exporters of fruit and automotive components are affected, as are Kenyan, Nigerian and Ghanaian textile producers.
Nevertheless, some African exporters expect Trump’s transactional pragmatism to prevail. After all, the results of his Prosper Africa initiative during his first term were not insignificant.
It closed 2,500 deals in 49 countries worth $120bn. Optimists hope that as a deal-oriented leader, President Trump could preserve AGOA, provided some changes are made.
Analysts say that if the US is serious about countering China’s growing economic influence in Africa, it will need to maintain some level of partnership. In this regard, Trump may be tempted to implement Joe Biden’s project to invest in the Lobito Corridor in Angola, so that the railway line can transport critical raw minerals from Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo to the Atlantic Ocean for export to the US.
Pundits are also predicting possible cuts to US aid to Africa, which amounts to about $8 billion a year. Trump’s first administration proposed slashing foreign aid worldwide. But the Democrats, who controlled the Senate at the time, opposed the cuts. Now, with Republicans holding a majority in both houses, no one can stop Trump from making cuts if he wants to.

The Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi was among the first to congratulate Donald Trump on his victory. Photo: Simon Walker / N.10 Downing Street

In any case, many African leaders seem pleased with Trump’s victory. His victory was immediately congratulated by Egypt’s Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, Ethiopia’s Abiy Ahmed, Nigeria’s Bola Tinubu and South Africa’s Cyril Ramaphosa. The King of Morocco, Congolese President Felix Tshisekedi, his Ivorian counterpart Alassane Ouattara, Chad’s President Mahamat Idriss Deby and Senegal’s new leader Bassirou Diomaye Faye also rushed to congratulate the new American president.
Trump’s victory was hailed also in the Sahel, where military leaders expect that he will focus less on democracy and human rights. The leaders of the Sahel Alliance formed by Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger believe indeed that Trump shares with them the same sovereigntist ideology.  President Emmerson Mnangagwa of Zimbabwe who faced US sanctions in the past also praised Trump’s triumph, describing him as a leader who “speaks for the people” while Paul Kagame of Rwanda celebrated his “historic and decisive” victory while stressing his opposition to any interference. King Mohamed VI reminded that during his first mandate, Trump recognized Morocco’s claim over Western Sahara, (in exchange for the recognition of Israel).
But protocol aside, the future relationship between the US and several key countries remains uncertain. South Africa, which filed a complaint with the International Court of Justice against Israel for genocide in Gaza in December 2023, may face difficulties given Trump’s staunch support for Netanyahu and his cabinet of hawks.

Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam aerial view. Trump appears to have sided with Cairo on the issue of the Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia is building on the Blue Nile. Photo: Prime Minister Office Ethiopia

During Trump’s first term, contradictory signals were sent to Ethiopia. On the one hand, Trump’s former special envoy, Peter Pham, insisted on the importance of recognising Ethiopia’s legitimate interest in access to the sea, and Addis Ababa announced the signing of a memorandum of understanding with the breakaway state of Somaliland to build a port there. On the other hand, diplomats stress Trump’s desire not to antagonise Egypt by showing too much sympathy for Ethiopia or Somaliland. Indeed, Trump appears to have sided with Cairo on the issue of the Renaissance Dam, which Ethiopia is building on the Blue Nile and which angers Egypt because it could deprive it of much-needed water.
In 2020, Trump said Egypt would not be able to live with the dam and might “blow it up”.
Apart from issues such as access to critical minerals and security, Trump is not expected to spend much time in Africa during his second term. He has never travelled to Africa as president. This could mean that the military’s U.S. Africa Command, or AFRICOM, will continue to be the main face of U.S. policy on the continent.

US Africa Command, Gen. Michael Langley. Under the Trump administration, U.S. Africa Command, or AFRICOM, will remain the main face of U.S. policy on the continent. Photo: Jeremiah Meaney

One concern, however, could prompt Trump to guarantee some American presence on the continent: China. Indeed, Trump’s former assistant secretary of state for African affairs, Tibor Nagy, is convinced that the new Republican administration will not neglect Africa because it sees China as a threat to US interests there.
An isolationist “America First” agenda that ignores Africa would provide an opportunity for Beijing to expand further into the continent, predicts Yun Sun, director of the China Programme at the Stimson Centre. According to Christopher Isike, professor of African studies at the University of Pretoria, Trump’s disregard for Africa could also encourage African countries to pursue stronger trade and relations with Asia and the Middle East.
On the security side, Trump’s isolationism should mean less interference than during the Biden administration. During his first term, Trump ordered the withdrawal of American troops from Somalia where they fought al-Shabab jihadists. Yet, Donald Trump can also be unpredictable. Reports of collusions between Iran-backed Yemen Houthis and al-Shabab, which increase the risk of attacks on American vessels may change his attitude.
With his relationship with Vladimir Putin less strained than under the Biden administration,

During his election campaign, Trump promised to deport more than a million illegal immigrants from the US. 123rf

Donald Trump could also create synergies between the two superpowers to combat the scourge of jihadism. The Russians might welcome such an initiative if they acknowledge that even if they have gained influence in the Sahel, they have not managed to eliminate the Islamist threat and that they might need US intelligence to achieve this goal.
African states should also be prepared for a new situation at the UN, where Trump may not feel bound by Biden’s commitment to support the creation of two permanent seats for Africa on the Security Council. Afro-US relations are also likely to be influenced by Trump’s desire to achieve success on illegal immigration. During his election campaign, he promised to deport more than a million illegal immigrants from the US. Africa is concerned: according to US Customs and Border Protection, 58,000 African migrants were apprehended at the US-Mexico border in 2023, four times more than the previous year. Concerns are particularly high in Nairobi, Khartoum, Abuja, Asmara, Dar-es-Salaam and Kinshasa. (Illustration: Pixabay)

François Misser

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