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China in Syria. A New Opportunity.

The fall of the Assad regime pushes China to a political pragmatism that must take into account economic interests and delicate geopolitical balances.

Future developments related to Chinese economic and political commitments in Syria will have an impact not only on the Damascus-Beijing strategic partnership, but also on Moscow and Tehran. Who will actively participate in the process of rebuilding the country?

Relations between Syria and China are marked by both developments, especially in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), and by complexity, given the scale of the Syrian conflict. Syria’s formal accession to the BRI was in the common economic and political interest of both countries.

On the one hand, the Syrian government, which has long been under sanctions, urgently needed a new model of cooperation that was not interested in “interfering” in internal affairs. On the other hand, for the Chinese government, Syria’s geographical location on the eastern coast of the Mediterranean Sea is very important because it is close to Turkey, Israel and Jordan, strategic partners, and a gateway to Iraq, where over 10% of China’s oil comes from.

In 2022, China-Syria trade totalled $415.98 million, with Damascus exporting mainly soap and essential oils and Beijing machinery, electrical equipment and textiles. In November 2024, we saw an increase in Chinese exports to Syria, mainly due to increased exports of air pumps ($768 million), coated flat iron ($749 million) and knitting machines ($698 million). Imports from Syria increased due to increased imports of soaps ($15.8 million), beauty products ($2.34 million) and flavoured water ($1.48 million).

The implementation of the US Caesar Act in 2020 (targeting companies related to infrastructure, military maintenance and energy production, as well as individuals linked to former President al-Assad), had a deep negative impact on the confidence of Chinese companies.

In response to Western sanctions, in September 2023 President Bashar al-Assad visited China for the first time since the beginning of the Syrian crisis, to strengthen political ties on the one hand and restore the lost confidence of Chinese companies on the other.

Syria’s formal accession to the BRI has also reinvigorated cooperative relations between Damascus and Beijing. For example, in January 2024 the Syrian Cabinet authorized a Chinese company to build a 36 MW photovoltaic project within a maximum time of 24 months, for a value of over 489 billion Syrian pounds.

Post-Assad Syria certainly sees Moscow and Tehran weakened from a geopolitical and military point of view. For both countries, Assad’s Syria had been a linchpin for geopolitical ambitions: for Iran, Syria was a useful bridge to channel weapons and supplies to Hezbollah, while for Russia – which is now withdrawing troops to move them to Libya  – Damascus was accommodating its bases in an anti-NATO function. With the decline of China’s two major competitors, Chinese companies would theoretically have an open path to participate in the country’s reconstruction process, together with the Gulf States.

Beyond the energy and infrastructure sectors, however, China has long sought strategic access to Syrian ports. Under Assad, Beijing wanted to secure management rights to the ports of Latakia or Tartous. Now, with the changing power dynamics, Chinese companies may have the opportunity to acquire a stake in one of these two ports, connecting it with the Greek port of Piraeus, the Lebanese port of Tripoli, and the Suez Canal Free Economic Zone. This would strengthen China’s dominance over the Eastern Mediterranean’s logistics and trade routes. (Photo: shutterstock/hapelinium)

Desiree Di Marco/CgP

The Leopard, the Dog and the Tortoise.

Once upon a time, there was a leopard. He had a huge walnut tree that was full of nuts. Stingy as he was, however, he forbade anyone to touch the nuts and threatened to kill them if they did so.

The tortoise was also aware of the ban, but when he saw the ripe nuts, he could no longer resist the temptation. He went to the dog, his good friend, and said to him, “Dear friend, the leopard’s nuts are ready. Would you like to have some?”

“I’ve wanted some for a long time,” the dog confessed, “but I’m afraid. If you come, I’ll try and get some.” “Let’s go tomorrow,” concluded the tortoise, “we must leave very early.

The next morning, at dawn, they set off. The tortoise carried his old satchel under his arm and said, “Listen, friend. I have a piece of advice for you. A nut may fall on your head while we are under the tree; promise me you will not scream but endure it patiently, saying to yourself: ‘Makembekembe ma motu la motu! The dog replied: “Why should I scream? I know the leopard could hear us and would devour us in a moment. That is only natural – said the tortoise – and you could save yourself by running like the wind, whereas I would certainly be caught.”

They arrived under the walnut tree. There were beautiful walnuts on the ground and plenty of them. The tortoise began to pick them and put them in his satchel. The dog was also happy to collect them.  The tortoise had a hard time keeping him quiet. Suddenly there was a rustling in the leaves and a big walnut fell on the tortoise’s shield. But the tortoise just picked it up whispering: ‘Makembekembe ma motu …’. Then he said to the dog, “See? You can do the same”.

Shortly afterward there was again rustling in the leaves and another walnut fell, but this time it hit the dog on the head: ‘Ahi! Ahi!’ he yelped, throwing off his satchel and running home. “Oh dear!

I am lost!” thought the tortoise, as he had already heard the leopard coming. He was just in time to duck under the leaves when the leopard arrived. He immediately found the dog’s satchel.

“So – he thought angrily – there are thieves here! They will pay for this!” He began to search, but in vain. In the meantime, the turtle had taken refuge under the roots of the walnut tree.

He was about to leave when a little green and white bird began to sing: “Under the tree! Under the tree!” The leopard began digging with his claws until he discovered the poor tortoise. “Ah! –  he cried triumphantly -. You are the thief. Now I’ll take you home and you’ll see.” He was about to put him in the new bag when the turtle said, “My dear friend, don’t put me in your bag, I’ll ruin it for you; put me in this old one.” “You are right – said the leopard. You’ll look good in the old one too.”

The tortoise knew that the old satchel had a hole in it through which he could escape. He immediately got to work: he moved some strings, forced aside some slats and managed to drop out onto the grass.

He immediately ran home, rested a little to recover from his fright, and then went to his dog friend to give him a piece of his mind. Meanwhile, the leopard had also arrived home and immediately ordered water to be put on the fire to boil. Then he sent someone to invite his friends to the feast so that they could eat the turtle together.

The guests arrived. As the water began to boil, the leopard impudently opened his satchel. But the turtle was gone. He desperately rummaged through the leaves and nuts which fell noisily through the hole to the ground. He then realized how his prey had escaped. The guests could not contain their laughter and some accused the leopard of mocking them. So, amid the jeers and insults, they left. The leopard, furious, lay down on his bed and pondered how to get his revenge.

The misadventure did not in the least affect the friendship between the dog and the tortoise. On the contrary, they continued to visit each other, happily discussing their failed adventure. The dog took the opportunity to promise that after their experience, he would not say a word even if a hundred nuts fell on his head. So, in the end, they agreed to try a second expedition. On the appointed day they set off for the walnut tree.

The tortoise carried a large satchel in which to collect the nuts. He wanted to keep the dog close to prevent him from doing any more mischief. They found lots of walnuts and worked quickly to get away as soon as possible. But just as they were leaving, they heard the usual rustling and a nut fell on the dog’s back.

The dog ran off yelping and the tortoise had no time to look back before he found himself in the leopard’s claws. The leopard ran home with joy. The dog had not run far, but hiding behind a bush, he saw the leopard put the tortoise in his new satchel. He felt remorse and began to think seriously about how to save his friend. …what could he do?

He went to the sorcerer for advice. The sorcerer took some long necklaces of shells, added bells and other trinkets that would make noise, and wrapped them all around the dog, disguising him well, and tied a gourd full of pebbles to his tail. Then he gave him instructions.  “Go immediately to the river and hide there. In a little while the leopard’s servants will come to draw water; when they are near, jump out at them, barking and wriggling like mad. They will all run away; not even the lion will be able to resist you,” the sorcerer told him.

This pleased the dog, who left at once. Meanwhile, the leopard, having reached home, called his friends together again. He built a fine fire while he watched his prey in full view, and when the guests were assembled, he showed them the turtle. Now it was time to put it in the pot, and he noticed that there was no water. He immediately sent his servants
to the river.

Meanwhile, he told them how he had caught the thief. He was still telling certain details of the story when the servants rushed into the house with loud cries of horror. They could not restrain themselves as they babbled that there was a monster at the river, so terrible that by some miracle they had not died of fright. “Nonsense!” said the leopard, and asked some friends to go and draw water. But soon they too returned, out of their minds with fright, and confirmed the servants’ account. Then the lion got up and said with contempt: “I will go myself! What monster would dare face me?” But soon he too returned, trembling and with his mane all bedraggled.

Everyone was struck with horror. “In all my life – said the lion – nothing like this has ever happened to me. There must be some witchcraft going on, for what I saw was not a beast, but a horrible monster that leaped out at me and made me fall down in terror. But I jumped up bravely and managed to escape.”

The leopard was beside himself. No one dared to go to the river anymore. Everyone talked about the terrible monster as if they had seen it. The leopard was also afraid, but then he had an idea. He stood among the guests and said: “Dear friends, thank you for coming and trying to help me. I too believe that at the river there is a beast so terrible that it frightens even the lion. But I am convinced that if we all go together, we can catch it and kill it. We will have one more bite for our dinner.

A general murmur followed this speech. The animals consulted among themselves: the strongest decided to attempt the feat and the shyer ones joined them. In the end, the whole group moved with the lion and the elephant in the lead, followed by the leopard.

One thought dominated everyone: “What will happen when we get to the river?”. When the last animal had left the house, the tortoise also set off, but in the opposite direction. He had guessed the dog’s stratagem to save him. How would he fare in front of the whole army of the forest? He was now the one to worry about her friend’s safety. But along the forest path, the dog came to meet him, surprised but happy to see him
safe and sound.

The leopard and his friends were astonished when, having reached the river, they found everything quiet and calm. They turned back disappointed, while the leopard smiled under his moustache, thinking about the turtle to be cooked. But he no longer laughed when at home he found that it had escaped once more.

Then everyone left, showering him with abuse and swearing that they would never again accept an invitation from him. Instead, great was the joy of the dog and the tortoise in finding themselves safely home again. “Forgive me”, said the dog. “Never mind – replied the turtle – You were good and you saved my life. But we won’t go and steal any more nuts! It is far too dangerous. “(Photo: Pixabay)

Folktale from the Kikuyu People, Kenya

 

Txai Suruí. “May our utopia be the future for the Earth”.

“Let’s stop the emissions of false and irresponsible promises, let’s put an end to the pollution of empty words and fight for a livable
future and present.”

Txai Suruí is 28 years old. She comes from a well-known and influential family of activists: her father is Chief Almir Suruí, who grew up in the Brazilian Amazon Forest, a member of the Lapetanha tribe in Rondônia. Her mother is Ivaneide Suruí, a legendary figure in the fight against deforestation in the Amazon.

Txai is an activist of the Paiter Suruí people; coordinator of Kanindé, an association for ethno-environmental defence that has been working with indigenous people for 30 years; coordinator of the Indigenous Youth Movement of Rondônia.

Txai comments: “Activism was not a choice. We fight because we have no other choice, and we have to do it in the best way possible”. And she continues: “Indigenous peoples are on the front line of the climate emergency, which is why they must be at the centre of decisions to contain it. We have ideas to delay the end of the world. Let us stop the emissions of false and irresponsible promises, let us put an end to the pollution of empty words and let us fight for a liveable future and present. May our utopia be the future for the Earth.”

In an international meeting with her green feather headdress on her head, she said: “We call this headdress Cocar. We change it depending on the occasion. This time I wear a war Cocar to reiterate that we indigenous people are willing to fight, not with weapons but
with the wisdom of words.”

Listening to this young woman with strength seems to fulfil the prophecy of her father, the cacique (chief) Almir Narayamoga who, shortly after birth, in introducing Txai to the Paiter-Suruí community placed the child on a tree trunk and defined her as a future labiway esagah, a leader in the Tupi-mondé language spoken by the natives.

Txai learned resistance before even coming into the world. During her pregnancy, her mother, Neidinha, a historic activist, spent long hours telling her long-awaited daughter the myths of her people. And she urged her to protect them, as her parents had tried to do, in the front line of denouncing the incursions of loggers. A commitment for which the couple was repeatedly threatened with death and forced into hiding.

The Amazon issue divides the world: the protection of the largest rainforest in the world, a fundamental ecosystem for the survival of man on this earth; and the aims of managing its immense resources. On one side, the game is environmental, historical and cultural; on the other, it is economic, political and of power.

Txai grew up among demonstrations, marches and community work. At the age of five, she made her first public speech. “My mother had taken me to a march for the protection of the rights of indigenous children. At a certain point, I let go of her hand and headed towards the stage. I don’t remember what I said. Only the eyes of the audience fixed on me, from which respect shone”, said the young woman, whose full name is Walelasoetxeige Paiter Bandeira Suruí. To acquire new tools of nonviolent struggle, Txai decided to attend the Faculty of Law in Porto Velho.

“Knowing the laws is essential to help the peoples of the Amazon,” explains the first Suruí to study at the university and designated, even before graduating, coordinator of Kanidé. “My horizon is Amazonian. But I always try to give a global character to our commitment. The natives of the largest tropical forest on the planet, however, do not fight only for themselves and for their rights. Ours is a battle for Life. Ours, of the globe and all its inhabitants. Because killing the Amazon means condemning humanity to death.”

“Over the last 50 years, approximately 17% of the Amazon rainforest has been destroyed: if this trend reaches 20-25% of the forest, the Amazon could turn into a shrub savannah in a few decades”. The alarm is raised by the WWF, which invites everyone to reflect on this extremely critical situation, hoping for immediate and coordinated action at a global level.

This emergency is, in fact, global. The Amazon is the largest tropical forest on Earth: “Over 550 million hectares that host 10% of global biodiversity, including over 40,000 plant species and thousands of animal species. Furthermore, the Amazon’s capacity to store over 75 billion tons of carbon is crucial in the fight against climate change”, reiterates the environmental association.

The degradation of the tropical forest risks compromising the achievement of the global goals of limiting warming to 1.5°C, making it urgent to protect and preserve this precious ecosystem.
In the Amazon, 2024 was unfortunately a year of new sad records. Brazil has registered over 110,000 fires since the beginning of the year, marking the highest number since 2010 and a dramatic increase of 76% compared to the same period in 2023, according to the Brazilian Institute of Space Research (Inpe).

The destruction of one of the most vital natural resources on the planet such as the Amazon would have devastating consequences for biodiversity, for the indigenous populations who live there and would irremediably compromise the fight against climate change, WWF notes.

“For the natives, the land, the water – concluded Txai -, trees are not “raw materials” to be transformed into money. They are part of us. Thanks to this spiritual closeness to the forest, we indigenous people have learned to take care of it. We have been doing it for millennia. Our experience and ancestral wisdom can be put at the service of the rest of the globe to avoid catastrophe before it is too late.” (C.Z)(CC BY-SA 4.0/Ana Pessoa/Midia Ninja/CopCollab25)

 

DR Congo. The fall of Goma and Bukavu: the beginning of the end.

The fall of the capital of North Kivu, Goma and Bukavu the capital of South Kivu could mean the end of the Kinshasa regime which is unable to stop the Rwandan-backed rebel offensive. Tshisekedi’s days are numbered.

The fall of Goma on 27 January and the Bukavu on 16 February confirmed fears that the country was on the brink of collapse. According to the United Nations, more than 7,000 people were killed and as many wounded in the fighting. Humanitarian sources say the death toll could be higher.This disaster is the latest consequence of a 16-year conflict that began with the failure to implement the peace agreement signed on 23 March 2009 between Kinshasa and the Tutsi-led National Congress for the Defence of the People (NCDP), which was fighting for the integration of its members into Congolese institutions and
the national army.

M23 fighters moving along the road towards Goma. © Monusco/Sylvain Liechti

Three years later, the March 23 Movement (M23), formed by ex-NCDP soldiers, resumed fighting, claiming that the agreement had not been respected and justifying their rebellion by the persecution of Congolese Tutsis by the FARDC, Congolese militias and the Hutu Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda (DFLR), created in 2000 by former Rwandan army officers who had perpetrated the 1994 genocide against the Tutsis.  Following a new peace deal in December 2013, the war resumed in March 2022 with much more intensity.
The Kinshasa authorities claim that Rwanda’s involvement is motivated by a quest for Congolese minerals. The stakes are high. According to the United States Geological Survey (USGS), the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) was the world’s top producer of tantalum in 2023 with 980 tons, accounting for 41 per cent of the global total, while Rwanda came in second with 540 tons.

Population fleeing their villages due to fighting between FARDC and rebel groups. Monusco/Sylvain Liechti

However, some analysts argue that war is not necessary to acquire minerals. This is because minerals are smuggled out of the DRC. In addition, this accusation overlooks another factor: Rwandan concern over the ongoing massacres of Tutsis in the DRC. According to Genocide Watch, since 2017, attacks accompanied by hate speech have systematically targeted the “Banyamulenge” ethnic Tutsis in South Kivu province.Perpetrated by Mai-Mai groups, Burundian RED Tabara rebels and FARDC soldiers, they have caused more than a thousand deaths. What Kinshasa perceives as Rwandan aggression is seen as an act of solidarity with the Tutsis of the Kivus, in a context where the common border is seen as a legacy of colonialism, dividing territories that belonged to the Kingdom of Rwanda before the Berlin
Conference of 1885.

Ramaphosa’s interests.
Since the beginning of 2025, the situation in Kinshasa has been desperate. In Goma, the M23, consisting of 4,000 to 5,000 fighters backed by the same number of RDF troops, defeated 20,000 FARDC troops, backed by 1,600 European mercenaries, 1,500 DFLR militiamen, 5,000 Burundian defence troops, thousands of Wazalendos
and 4,000 peacekeepers from the Southern African Development Community Mission in the DRC (SAMIDRC), in the face of some
2,000 UN peacekeepers.

The Rwanda Defence Force (RDF) Army Chief of Staff, Maj Gen Vincent Nyakarundi. More than five thousand Rwandan soldiers are on the ground in North Kivu. Photo: Minister of Defence.

On 29 January, 288 Romanian mercenaries hired by the private military company Associatia RALF surrendered to the M23. The other soldiers of fortune had left before the M23 attack.

South Africa’s president, Cyril Ramaphosa. He has been accused of supporting the DRC for private business purposes. CC BY-SA 2.0/Ricardo Stuckert / PR

Meanwhile, the situation of the South African troops became more uncomfortable, while tensions between Kigali and Pretoria increased. South Africa President Cyril Ramaphosa has been accused by Kigali of supporting the DRC for private business purposes. Similar attacks come from South African Economic Freedom Fighters MP Carl Niehaus, who said on 3 February 2025:  “We have used the army to defend the mineral wealth of Ramaphosa and his friends.According to several sources in Pretoria, Ramaphosa’s decision to deploy the South African National Defence Force (SANDF) near the huge Rubaya coltan mine in North Kivu coincides with the interests of the South African Mining Development Association, whose president, Brigitte Motsepe, who is also the CEO of Mmakau Mining Company and the sister of the South African first lady, wants access to the mine.
In another strange coincidence, South Africa’s special envoy to the Great Lakes, Jeff Radebe, is Brigitte Motsepe’s husband.

Ignoring the conclusions of the summit.
A joint summit of the two regional organisations of which the DRC is a member, the East African Community (EAC) and the Southern African Development Community (SADC), was held in Dar-es-Salaam on 8 February. It instructed the EAC-SADC chiefs of defence to implement an immediate ceasefire and ordered the reopening of supply routes to Goma and its airport.
The summit also ordered the resumption of negotiations “with all state and non-state parties involved”, including the M23, which Kinshasa had refused so far. It also ordered the implementation of modalities for the withdrawal of “uninvited foreign forces” from the DRC.

The Heads of State and Governments met in Dar-es-Salaam to discuss the situation in the DRC. The summit ordered the resumption of negotiations “with all state and non-state parties involved”, including the M23. Photo EAC office

The EU condemned Rwanda’s military presence in the DRC “as a clear violation of international law” while urging the DRC to cease cooperation with the DFLR. But both the EU and the UN which praise the Africans’ ownership of peace processes and crisis settlement are confronted with the stalemate between the African main stakeholders.
The recent Dar-es-Salaam summit urged Tshisekedi to negotiate with his armed opposition, the M23 and the River Congo Alliance. Rwanda, which was not explicitly named as the aggressor at the EAC-SADC summit, did not withdraw its troops. Nor did the summit set a deadline for the withdrawal of the RDF from the DRC.

Félix Tshisekedi, President of the Democratic Republic of the Congo. His time is gone. Photo: Pres.Office

Time seems to be on the side of the Congolese rebels. They are making progress by the day. Corneille Nangaa, leader of the River Congo Alliance and former chairman of the National Independent Electoral Commission, is adamant that his ultimate goal is to take power in Kinshasa. “We want the total liberation of Congo,” he told reporters before the capture of Goma.
In any case, say political scientists at the Goma-based Pole Institute, even if foreign troops withdraw and armed groups surrender, huge problems of internal division and security for the local population will remain. Some analysts say Tshisekedi’s days are numbered. According to the Brussels daily La Libre Belgique, Western intelligence services are not ruling out a coup against Tshisekedi. (Open Photo: The city of Goma with Nyiragongo volcano in the background. CC BY-SA 2.0/Monusco Photo – M23 fighter. CC BY-SA 2.0/Al Jazeera)

François Misser

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Victory of Feudal Power.

In urban areas, no one opposed the changes, not even the mullahs of Kabul. But in the tribal areas, Amanullah’s measures, such as reducing the powers of religious judges, were seen as an existential threat.

Rumours began to circulate that the king had converted to Catholicism, and photos of the French president kissing the queen’s hand, bare-armed. In 1929. Revolting tribes advanced on the capital.
Amanullah abdicated on January 14, leaving the country in anarchy. He died in Zurich in 1960. Professor Ahmed-Ghosh points out that 1928, women in rural areas  – where 95 percent of Afghans lived – “did not benefit from modernization,” because tribal and religious leaders opposed any attempt to change the status quo.
The final straw was the decision to impose a minimum age for marriage for men and women, 18 and 21 respectively, but also compulsory education and the abolition of polygamy.

Syadara. Men in a village. Any attempt to change the status quo was resisted by tribal and religious leaders. Shutterstock/Jono Photography

The king also revoked some policies (he accepted the closure of girls’ schools), but in vain. This was “because women’s rights in Afghanistan had always been limited by the patriarchal nature of social and gender relations deeply rooted in traditional communities, and because a weak central state was never able to impose itself on tribal feudalism,” explains sociologist Valentine M. Moghadam.
Over the next two decades, the Afghan throne passed through several families and monarchs, such as the Tajik Amir Habibullah II, who reigned for nine months and ended all equality laws, or Nadir Shah, who announced a new constitution with reforms favourable to women.

Mohammad Zahir Shah. He was the last King of Afghanistan, reigning from 8 November 1933 until he was deposed on 17 July 1973.

Although he avoided antagonizing the mullahs and tribal leaders, Nadir Shah would be assassinated in 1933, succeeded by Zahir Shah.
Mohammad Daoud Khan, Zahir’s prime minister, believed that women could contribute – voluntarily – to national development. Wearing or not wearing the veil was a choice. By 1959, Professor Dupree notes, there had been “considerable progress,” with “excellent schools” preparing women for a variety of careers: in all the ministries, in the police, the army, in commerce and in industry.
In 1965, the People’s Democratic Party of Afghanistan (PPDA), a Marxist group supported by the Soviet Union, was created, and from it emerged the Democratic Organization of the Women of Afghanistan (DOAW), led by Anahita Ratebzad, a communist militant and one of the first women members of the Afghan parliament.  In 1977, the most important women’s institution, the Jamiat-e Inqalabi Zanan-e Afghanistan (Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan) or RAWA, was founded by Meena Keshwar Kamal, a law student determined to fight for “equality and social justice, secular government and religious freedom for all”.

Anahita Ratebzad, was the first woman member of the Afghan parliament. Courtesy of Ratebzad Family via X

An independent young woman, married to a Maoist doctor whose ideology she did not share and who encouraged her to disobey traditions, she turned the burqa, which she did not wear, into a weapon for women to act in secret. “Anonymous, they seemed obedient, but they were rebels.” RAWA did not limit itself to challenging tribal leaders and Soviet invaders, but also the Mujahideen and the Taliban, even after Meena was assassinated at the age of 30 in 1987 in Quetta, Pakistan. In this neighbouring country, she created embroidery workshops for millions of Afghan refugee women and children and a network of schools where “literacy and democracy” are still learned, as activist Roya, who like others in the organization
uses a pseudonym, says.

Meena Keshwar Kamal was a women’s rights activist and founder of the Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan (RAWA). She was killed in 1987. Facebook

Meena’s last project was the Malalai Hospital, where doctors and nurses “encourage patients to learn about their human rights.” RAWA emerged at a time when conservatives were rejecting the requirement to educate girls as “an untenable interference in domestic life” and “a challenge to male authority.” On the streets of Kabul, women with painted lips and miniskirts were even attacked with acid. The disciples of the “heroine and martyr” Meena were accused of being “lesbians and prostitutes.”
The sociologist Valentine Moghadam refers to cases where “girls were killed.” Interestingly, Professor Ahmed-Ghosh says, “It was during this turbulent pro-Soviet regime” that women “went to the centre stage: they filled universities, they worked in companies and airlines, they were doctors; but for the nation as a whole, it was a time of destruction.”
In 1978, rising tensions led to a widespread rebellion. The following year, the Soviet Union invaded Afghanistan in support of the besieged communist government. The tribal leaders formed their own army (mujahideen) and waged a guerrilla war with funding and weapons from the United States, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Pakistan and China that would kill more than a million civilians.
The invaders withdrew in 1989, but instead of peace, Afghanistan descended into a bloody civil war, with the same groups that had banded together to defeat the USSR now fighting each other.
In the early 1990s, taking advantage of the chaos and promising to “restore order”, the Taliban emerged. They controlled 75% of the territory, including the capital, from 1996 to 2001, when they were overthrown by US and NATO troops for harbouring al-Qaeda. They fought another war for two decades and succeeded in resurrecting their “Islamic emirate” four years ago.

Nargis Nehan, founder of the organization Equality for Peace and Democracy. Facebook

Despite the withdrawal of foreign military personnel in 2021, the support of non-governmental organizations and international institutions (now absent) has helped create “a real women’s movement”, which, inside and outside Afghanistan, continues to resist Taliban rule, assures Nargis Nehan, founder of the organization EQUALITY for Peace and Democracy.
It has therefore been a long journey, as Nancy Dupree has shown: “Afghan women never fought for their cause. They left their homes and took off their veils, because the men who led the country decreed it. A constitution gave them the right to vote and the right to education. A government and a parliament dominated by men guaranteed all these rights. But it was also a male-dominated society that took away women’s rights.” (Open Photo: Mountain scenery between Kabul and Bamyan (Bamiyan) in Afghanistan. A dusty road to a remote village. Shutterstock/Jono Photography)

M.S.L.

Witnesses of the Jubilee. Father Marcelo Pérez. Attentive to the cry of his people.

He was a parish priest in San Cristóbal de Las Casas in Chiapas, and one of the few indigenous priests in Mexico, of the Tzotzil ethnic group. Defender of the poor, he was assassinated on October 20th just after celebrating the Eucharist.

In the diocese of San Cristóbal, since his ordination in 2002, he had always stood out for his simplicity and closeness to the poor and disadvantaged, especially those who belonged to his Tzotzil ethnic group, a group descended from the ancient Maya. He was a great supporter and promoter of peace in a city where violence is endemic and where murders and kidnappings abound and often go unpunished.

Father Marcelo was a great supporter and promoter of peace. Photo: SweFOR

Father Marcelo Pérez, just forty years old, in the years of his priestly life, was always attentive to the cry of his people. On many occasions, he was the only one to bring to the attention of public opinion the situation of indigenous peoples who have always been rarely seen and still less heard in Mexican society. The lack of attention, support and valorisation of indigenous cultures was not only a matter of the past or the colonial era but is still a reality today that has concrete consequences in human, educational, health and cultural terms. In large sectors of Mexican society, indigenous people are still considered an inferior and second-class group. This reality is often so accepted by the indigenous people themselves that sometimes they even try to hide their origins, instead of being proud of their language and culture.
Father Marcelo was a great defender of all these values: he spoke the indigenous language fluently; he spread the culture and tried to make the so-called güeros (whites) appreciate the indigenous communities among which they had grown up. He was a courageous promoter of the richness of the original Mexican peoples.

Poster: Alter-native

Father Marcelo had made a great choice as an indigenous priest: to be always present in the outskirts and especially in that of San Cristóbal de Las Casas, where the indigenous communities are more numerous. For this, he was killed.
The Bishop Emeritus of San Cristóbal de las Casas, Cardinal Felipe Arizmendi Esquivel, expressed his deep sadness and recalled that Father Marcelo was one of the first indigenous priests from the Tsotsile ethnic group that he ordained. “He always worked for justice and peace among the indigenous peoples, especially in Simojovel, and accompanied the victims of internal violence in Pantelhó,” said Cardinal Esquivel.
According to the Cardinal, the priest never engaged in party politics, but always fought for respect and justice between communities: “He fought for the values of the Kingdom of God to come alive in the communities. The values of truth and life, holiness and grace, justice, love and peace.”
In a communiqué, the Mexican Bishops’ Conference on the priest’s violent death, signed by its President Rogelio Cabrera López and its Secretary General Ramón Castro said: “Father Marcelo Pérez was a living example of priestly commitment to the neediest and weakest in society. His pastoral work, which was characterized by his closeness to the people and his constant support for those most in need, leaves a legacy of love and service that will remain in the hearts of all those he touched through his ministry,”

Father Marcelo was buried in the courtyard of the parish house of the church of San Andrés Apóstol. Courtesy: Cuartoscuro

The communiqué continues:  “The murder of Father Marcelo not only deprives the community of a pastor who was committed to his people, but also silences a prophetic voice that fought tirelessly for peace, truth and justice in the Chiapas region. Marcelo Pérez was a living example of priestly commitment to the neediest and weakest in society.”
Finally, the bishops are calling on the authorities to “conduct a comprehensive and transparent investigation that will lead to clarifying this crime and bring justice to Father Marcelo Pérez,” and “to take effective measures to ensure the safety of priests and pastoral workers” and “to redouble their efforts in the fight against violence and impunity that plague the Chiapas region” and the country in general.  (Open Photo: Celam)

Luis Jiménez

 

The partridge and the hunter.

A long time ago, a young woman gave birth to a child armed with strings and arrows, as if fate had predestined him to become a hunter. When he grew up, he showed great skill in archery and in making snares and traps. Everyone admired him, and luck was on his side.

One day a partridge that lived near his hut was caught by the snares the young man had set. As soon as he approached it to break its legs, the poor partridge began to plead with him: “Set me free. Can’t you see I’m your neighbour?” The hunter, recognising her, hastened to set her free, and the partridge, flying away, called out to him: “Be assured that I shall not forget your generosity.”

The following day another bird ran into the snares, but this time the young man did not allow himself to be softened, despite some mysterious voices admonishing him: “Release your prey from the snares or we will punish you!”.

Back home, the hunter invited his friends to share the meat of the game but, despite his invitations to enjoy the tasty food, they all refused, terrified by the bird’s voice that, coming out of the man’s mouth, sang: ‘You wanted to kill me, you will be punished’.

From that day, several years passed during which the hunter took two wives and had two children in the same period of time. As was the custom, the brides, at the time of childbirth, moved to their parents’ house. The time then came for the husband to go and take back
his wife and children.

The father of the first wife, when he saw his son-in-law anxious to be reunited with his family, dictated a condition to him: “You will get my daughter back after you have procured me a gazelle skin from which I want to make braces to carry the newborn”. The hunter agreed, went into the forest, hunted a young gazelle and returned with the skin. Unfortunately, however, he did not realise that the animal was none other than the spirit of an ancestor. What a terrible mistake! Already the vengeance of the spirits was bearing down on him.

After setting off with his wife and child, the hunter was so exhausted that he had to stop at an abandoned hut. The wife, who had cut a piece of fruit, was about to offer her hungry husband a slice when a hamster emerged from a hole and pounced on the food. Enraged, the man grabbed a stick and killed the small rodent, unaware that it too
was the spirit of an ancestor.

Immediately there were other voices in the hut: “Wicked hunter, it was not enough that you killed the bird and the gazelle, now you have killed the hamster too. You must pay for this”. Terrified, the young man sought refuge in a barn to escape the vengeance of the angry spirits. His pursuers, determined to kill him, set fire to it.

He then fled into the forest, clutching a burning cinder in his hands. To stop his enemies’ advance, he set fire to some trees and then climbed to the top of a plant from which his pursuers were unable to seize him.

Back in the village, the young man soon had to set off again to reclaim his second wife and young son. As he neared his destination, a man followed him asking for food. When he arrived, his in-laws greeted him warmly, although they were surprised that their son-in-law had arrived in the company of a stranger.

“Who is this man?” asked his wife’s father. “A hungry traveller I met not far from here. Please give him something to eat.” As soon as the food was offered, the mysterious person threw himself on it and devoured it with such greed that the father of the bride said, “Beware of this greedy man. I am afraid he will kill you”.

The suspicion was soon confirmed. After the bride and groom had said goodbye to their parents and left the village, laden with gifts of all kinds, the stranger revealed his wickedness: “Quickly, give me everything you have, or I will kill your wife and child”.

The young man, angry and determined not to give in to threats, threw himself on his evil companion but a crowd of spirits held him back. Again, the voices chanted: “You killed the gazelle, you killed the bird, you killed the hamster, and you want to kill this man? You will be judged by the court of spirits”.

Taken before the judge, to his surprise, he recognised the partridge, his neighbour, whose life he had spared. The magic bird immediately remembered the young man who had let her live and decided to show her gratitude. But what could she do to appease the wrath of all the spirits who wanted revenge? At last, the cunning partridge decided on a stratagem and summoned the most menacing of the group: “I am very thirsty. Go and fill this jar and do not return until it is full”.

This jar, however, had a thin slit. As soon as water entered it, it immediately leaked to the ground. The first spirit, after a few futile attempts, called his companions for help, but none of them were able to return with the full jar.

So, annoyed and humiliated, all the ghosts decided to disappear forever. Then the partridge, freed from their presence, hurried to the end of the trial and pronounced a verdict of not guilty.

The hunter was thus miraculously saved, and from that moment on, aware of the danger he was in, he never stopped telling his children: “Any bird that lives near our hut could be the spirit of an ancestor. So be careful not to break the legs of your neighbours’ partridges”. Photo:Pixabay

Folktale from the Chewa People. Malawi

 

Afghan women today: invisible and imperceptible, but they still resist.

First, they were forced to cover themselves from head to toe, to see the world through a net. Then, they were banned from studying beyond the fifth grade, from working (even when they were their families’ sole breadwinners), from walking without a male guardian, and from going to gardens and gyms.

They closed shelters for victims of domestic violence and beauty salons, rare points of conviviality. And now they cannot speak in public, sing, laugh or recite poetry – this in a country where “grandparents spoke to their grandchildren using Rumi’s verses and children grew up playing sher- jangi , the game of poetry”.The Taliban, who returned to power four years ago after two decades of war, have hardened rather than moderated (as they promised) the misogynistic policies that were in place from 1994 to 2001, during their first “Islamic emirate”.

A group of Afghan women wearing burqa walks in the street to go to the market. Since 2022, the Taliban have issued at least 70 decrees to strip women of their rights. Shutterstock/Pvince73

Since 2022, they have passed at least 70 decrees to strip half the population of their rights. Forced into marriages, many of them child marriages (parents sell their daughters for food), abandoned and unprotected when sexually abused, flogged, and stoned to death when accused of adultery, women were reduced to ghosts.
“Today in Kabul, a cat has more rights than a woman,” actress Meryl Streep said at an event at the United Nations headquarters in New York in October 2024. “A cat can sit on the porch of her house and feel the only thing on her face. It can chase a squirrel in the park [and] a squirrel has more rights than a girl in Afghanistan because the parks were closed to women and girls by the Taliban. A bird can sing, but a girl cannot sing in public.” The “slow asphyxiation” of Afghan women denounced by Meryl Streep had already been highlighted in a UN Women report published in August 2024: “The hard-won progress of the last two decades to achieve gender equality has been erased by oppressive directives that attack the very existence of Afghan women”, and the effects “are devastating”.

Young girls attend classes in Helmand Province. By April 2023, at least 80% of girls had no access to any kind of education. UNICEF/Mark Naftalin.

The first alarm bells went off when secondary schools were closed in March 2022, followed by universities in December of the same year. By April 2023, at least 80% of girls had no access to any kind of education. While some primary schools remained open, almost 30% of girls never entered them, due to “entrenched socio-cultural norms, prohibitive costs and because it is unsafe to travel”, especially in the most remote provinces. The situation “is even more serious for girls with disabilities: 80% have no access to education”. “The restrictions imposed by the Taliban will affect future generations,” UN Women warned. “By 2026, the impact of leaving 1.1 million children out of school and more than 100,000 women out of university will be linked to a 45% increase in the rate of early pregnancy and a 50% increase in the risk of maternal mortality.” The price of excluding women from the labour market costs Afghanistan about $1 billion a year, according to the United Nations Development Programme. Other projections indicate that “the national economy will lose $9.6 billion, equivalent to 2/3 of the current gross domestic product, by 2026, if women continue to be barred
from higher education.”

The price of excluding women from the labour market costs Afghanistan about $1 billion a year.

What the Taliban advocate as measures to “defend honour,” in a toxic interpretation of Islam that is followed by no other Muslim-majority country and is branded “hypocritical” because Kabul’s leaders are educating their daughters in Turkey or Qatar, “will condemn generations of Afghan women to a life of dependence.”
The oppression of women, in addition to extreme poverty, is fuelling a deep mental health crisis. The British newspaper The Guardian told the story of an 18-year-old girl who saw her dream of becoming a doctor dashed and was forced to marry a heroin-addicted cousin. “Feeling that her future had been stolen from her and she was left with two options – marry a drug addict and be miserable, or end her life – she chose the latter.” It was not an isolated act.Despite the suffering inflicted on them, many Afghan women resist, protesting in the streets or on social networks, risking arrest, rape, torture, or death. This opposition, “increasingly political,” emphasizes Sahar Fetrat, researcher for Human Rights Watch, “is the greatest fear of the Taliban,” who “insisted on reducing women’s voices and bodies to sources of sin.”

Women walking in a blue burqa on a dirt road in Kabul. 123rf

The resistance movement, which includes women from all walks of life, “is peaceful, young and diverse, courageous and optimistic,” says Afghan Fetrat, quoting the words of an activist: “We are not afraid of death. We are an immortal generation. Individual courage inspires hope.”
The current priority for women inside and outside Afghanistan is their campaign, launched in late 2023, for the UN to recognize and characterise as a crime against humanity “gender apartheid”, a term they coined during the first Taliban regime, invoking as a precedent “racial apartheid”, enshrined in international law since 1973.
Last October, there was some good news: the Court of Justice of the European Union ruled that “it is sufficient to take into account only nationality and gender” to grant asylum to an Afghan woman. (Open Photo: Two women in burqas making a fist gesture against violence and for human rights. Shutterstock/chomplearn)

Margarida Santos Lopes

 

Music. The Znous. “That Species”.

The Znous are a Tunisian band of the hardcore punk and metal genre with a strong political character. They define themselves as feminists and anti-elitists. We talk to Hamma, the band’s singer and guitarist, about the work of the Znous.

Their production began in 2019 with Juna, the single that opens Znousland 1 and traces the history of Tunisia from the Roman invasion to today. Znousland 2 (2020) and Znousland 3 (2021) will follow, focusing on the story of postcolonial Tunisia and the aftermath of the “Jasmine Revolution” of 2011. The band vindicates its Amazigh origins and believes in music as a practice of resistance.

In Znousland 4, the focus shifts from the national to the global, placing Palestine and the condemnation of the ongoing genocide at the centre. Despite censorship on social media and anonymity, due to the hostility to the government of President Kais Saied, the group gets almost 11 thousand plays on Spotify every month.

Why the name of the group?
“Znous” for the average Tunisian is an insult of colonial heritage. The French used the equivalent expression “espèce de…” to say that others were not as human, or civilised, as they were. We wanted to reclaim the “Z word” to affirm that we are “that species” that our society would
like to get rid of.

Amazigh Flag. File swm

You have also reclaimed your Amazigh origins…
We have searched for our identity. As we explain in Sidi Arbi (“My Master, the Arab”), we are trying to reclaim our roots, even though Habib Bourguiba (first president after independence, remembered as the “father of modern Tunisia”, ed.) also tried to consign them to oblivion. Hence the choice of photos of Algerian Amazigh women as the cover of the EPs: taken by photographer Marc Garanger, they were used by the French army to identify the accomplices of the resistance (in the context of the War of Liberation of Algeria, ed.). We deeply admire those women. Their defiant gaze towards the oppressor inspired us.

Where did Znousland 1, 2 and 3 come from?
The first three albums were the fruit of anger. We felt the need to confront the corrupt system left by Ben Ali, the police state, the terrorist attacks, the Islamist wave of the Ennahda party and its leader Ghannouchi. After 2011, the Tunisian people have experienced all the shades of pain possible. Our revolution was aborted.

Finally, Znousland 4 was released, a change of pace…
October 7, 2023, marked the beginning of an apocalyptic phase. The ongoing genocide is the most documented abomination in human history. Our mental health, our creativity, our perception of the world, our faith in humanity… everything has changed.
Znousland 4 was driven by pain and the desire to give voice to the struggles of the Palestinian people.

Rameem (“Ruins”) is the third track on the album. What does it represent?
When I wrote Rameem, I was suffering from major depression. Even today, I struggle to remember when I wrote it and how I managed to pull myself together to record it. Rameem is the moment of collision, October 7, and it is a hymn to Palestine. Perhaps free one day. It is a call to revolution: we believe in violence to resist oppression. The song is about ruins and resurrection. It is about the resurrected.

In 7 Shaltaat (“7 cuts”) you mention the traditional practices you are against, while with the cover Leklem Lemrassaa (“The noble words”), you pay homage to the Moroccan group Jil Jilala. Which customs and traditions do you oppose? What do you mean by “noble words”?
There is a whole list of what we call “bad traditions”. Like the Tasfih (a ritual to protect the virginity of young Tunisian women, ed.) which to a certain extent still persists today. We are against the concept of honour concerning the sexual sphere of women and men. Circumcision is another bad habit. With Leklem Lemrassaa we wanted to celebrate the Maghreb identity. And then it gives voice to how we have been feeling since October 7: not only have beautiful words lost their “light”, but also the ideas behind those words have lost their weight. Today we live in the era of “inhumanism”. (Open Photo: A mural of ‘Znous’ on a street in Tunis. Facebook)

Nadia Addezio

West Africa. Winds of resource nationalism blow across the Sahel.

Following the expulsion of French troops from Mali, Burkina-Faso and Niger, the leaders of these countries are extending their pro-sovereignty policies to the economic sphere. Together with Senegal, they have embarked on a new policy of resource nationalism.

One of the key figures behind these changes is Kemi Seba, whose real name is Stellio Gilles Robert Capo Chichi, a 43-year-old French-Beninois binational who has been advising Niger’s president, General Abdourahmane Tiani, since August 2024, a year after the July 2023 military coup that ousted the pro-French president Mohamed Bazoum. Kemi Seba, who founded the NGO “Urgences panafricanistes”, claims to be a successor to Steve Biko’s Black Consciousness Movement and to have been trained by Louis Farakhan’s Nation of Islam.

Kemi Seba. CC BY-SA 4.0/Boubs Sidibe

He sees himself as the spiritual heir of the late presidents of Ghana, Kwame Krumah, and Burkina Faso, Thomas Sankara, although for a time he adopted black supremacist rhetoric. For several years he has been campaigning against the “degenerate neo-liberal global elite” and the CFA franc, which he considers to be a neo-colonial currency. In an interview published last October by the Turkish news agency Anadolu, Kemi Seba, who describes Niger as a “laboratory of the Pan-Africanist revolution”, announced his ambition to liberate the Sahel from the transnational corporations that exploit the region.In addition to the withdrawal of French troops from Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger between 2022 and 2024, the three countries of the Alliance of Sahel States, founded in July 2024, have begun to rename streets and monuments that recall the French colonial past. On 18 December 2024, 25 squares, streets and monuments in Bamako changed their names.  The streets of Faidherbe, Brière de l’Isle and Archinard now bear the names of local heroes such as Mamadou Lamine Drame, Banzoumana Sissoko and El Hadj Cheick Oumar Tall. Similar decisions were taken in Burkina Faso last April and in Niamey last October. Last December, Senegalese President Bassirou Diomaye also called for the renaming of several avenues in Dakar to honour the country’s heroes.

The ruling military leaders, from the left: Capt Ibrahim Traoré (Burkina Faso) Colonel Assimi Goita (Mali) General Abdourahmane Tchiani (Niger). Photo Archive

Since 2023, the members of the Alliance of Sahel States have been pursuing a policy of resource nationalism. The first shot in this nationalist crusade came from Burkina Faso, where in February 2023 the junta seized 200 kilograms of gold mined by a subsidiary of the Canadian group Endeavour Mining on the grounds of “public necessity”.
Then, in 2024, the Burkinabé junta nationalised the Boungou and Wahgnion gold mines, which were owned by Canadian miner Endeavour Mining. The plan is also to increase domestic processing of local ores, as evidenced by the government’s approval in November 2023 of the construction of Burkina Faso’s first gold refinery.
“We are going to get our mining licenses back,” Burkina Faso’s President Ibrahim Traoré stated earlier this year “and we are going to mine it ourselves”, he said. This nationalisation process meant a renegotiation of contracts with foreign firms and the assertion of more control
over the mining operations.
On 2 January 2025, a judge in Mali ordered the seizure of three tonnes of gold from the Canadian mining company Barrick Gold, which owes the government a total of $5.5 billion. The decision follows a dispute with the Malian authorities over a contract based on new mining regulations, during which Mali detained senior executives and issued an arrest warrant for Barrick’s CEO, Mark Bristow.

Loulo-Gounkoto Gold Mine Complex in Mali. Photo: Endeavour Mining

The government then seized the stocks from Barrick’s Loulo and Gounkoto mines in western Mali and transported them by helicopter to the state-owned Banque Malienne de Solidarité in the capital, Bamako.
As a result, Barrick announced on 13 January 2025 that it would have to suspend mining operations in the country and filed a request for arbitration against Mali with the Washington-based International Centre for Settlement of Investment. Two weeks later, the Bamako government and Barrick began negotiations to resolve the dispute over the Canadian mining company’s alleged non-payment of taxes, the seizure of its gold stocks and Barrick’s agreement to the new mining code, which gives the state a greater share of mining revenues and eliminates tax exemptions for mining companies.
In November 2024, the Malian military also arrested the CEO and two employees of Australian company Resolute Mining, before releasing them after the company signed a $160 million deal with the government. Other mining companies, such as Canada’s Allied Gold, B2Gold and Robex, did not face such problems because they had previously agreed to review the terms of their contracts and paid to settle tax and customs disputes.So far, Mali has raised more than $1 billion by negotiating new contracts or renegotiating old ones, according to Economy Minister Alousseni Sanou. Reforms in the mining sector are expected to bring in another billion dollars a year and increase the national budget by 20 per cent. The leader of Mali’s junta, General Assimi Goita, also said in January that these new revenues would make it possible “to pay off part of the internal and external debt and to pay for military equipment”.

Uranium mine in Niger. The Niamey government has announced that Niger will seek to attract Russian investment in the uranium sector. File swm

Meanwhile, in the wake of the July 2023 coup, Niger’s military junta withdrew the licence for the Imamouren uranium mine held by French nuclear giant Orano on 19 June 2024. This is a serious blow to Orano, which is 90 per cent owned by the French state, as Imamouren is one of the world’s largest deposits, with an estimated total of 200,000 tonnes.
Then, in October 2024, Orano announced that its subsidiary Somaïr, 63.4% owned by the French company and 36.6% by the State of Niger, would cease production because, according to management, it could no longer operate in the country. Shortly afterwards, on 8 November, the mining minister, Ousmane Abarchi, announced that Niger was seeking to attract Russian investment in the uranium sector. The Niamey authorities also took operational control of Somaïr at the end of 2024, while Orano retaliated on 20 December by announcing its intention to take Niger to international arbitration.

The new government in Dakar states: “We cannot continue to sign agreements that end up impoverishing the 50,000 local fishermen whose pirogues no longer have access to the resource that is being depleted by foreign fleets”.

The wave of resource nationalism has also reached Senegal. On 17 November last year, the government in Dakar announced the end of the fishing agreement with the European Union, in line with new policies following the election of a nationalist president in March 2024 who promised a fairer distribution of natural resource revenues for the benefit of the Senegalese people. “We cannot continue to sign agreements that end up impoverishing the 50,000 local fishermen whose pirogues no longer have access to the resource that is being depleted by foreign fleets of factory ships, including European ones,” say the new authorities in Dakar.
Some observers warn that the Sahelian states’ new rhetoric, based on sovereignty and rejection of Western partners, risks scaring off foreign investors. But supporters of the juntas counter that new partners looking to expand their influence in the region, including China, Russia and Turkey, are ready to fill the gap. Whether the interests of the local population will be better served remains to be seen. (Open Photo: 123rf)

François Misser

 

Bolivia. The Art of the Andes.

The ancient art of weaving continues to be the heart of life in the Bolivian highlands, where extraordinary fabrics reflect the cultural identity of Andean communities.

The inhabitants of the Bolivian highlands are not nomadic herders but live in permanent settlements on lands where nature is not generous. This has forced them to exploit the resources at their disposal to the maximum. The animals they raise, especially llamas and alpacas, native to the Andes, have long been a source of protein and means of transport. Still, their greatest value lies in the wool with which they make resistant fabrics to protect themselves from the cold at those altitudes.

Llama in a remote area of Bolivia. The greatest value of llamas and alpacas is their wool, which is used to make resistant fabrics to protect against the cold at these altitudes. 123rf

It is a tradition that dates back to pre-conquest times when textiles were considered a first-class art, worth dedicating all the time and effort possible to achieve the desired quality and beauty. This awareness of the artistic potential of fibres is still alive among the Jalq’a, who inhabit a series of communities located northwest of Sucre, and among their Quechua-speaking neighbours, the Tarabucos, who occupy lands to the southeast. Their devotion to these traditions can certainly be attributed to their isolation from the outside world, but it also survive because of their tenacious sense of cultural pride.
Their clothing continues to represent their cultural and personal identity. The ponchos, shawls, skirts, belts, coca bags, and headdresses they wear convey indications of age, gender, social status, origin, and other messages that the stranger cannot decipher.

Family-based work
Virtually all family members, regardless of age and gender, participate in spinning or contribute to the household work, as spinning takes much longer than weaving a particular piece. If beginners produce uneven or too thick yarn, it can be used for blankets, potato sacks, or other utilitarian objects. Young women learn the basics of knitting by making small pieces (sakas).Boys also weave small pieces, especially belts, which are sometimes offered to girls as a marriage proposal. Traditionally, girls express their consent by weaving a coca bag for their future partners. At the time of marriage, young women bring precious fabrics as a dowry, some perhaps woven especially for the occasion, others inherited
from their grandmothers.

A local woman weaves intricate llama garments on a traditional handloom.123rf

The colours of the fabrics also have special meaning. Some shades are associated with celebrations, others with mourning, while still others identify the community of origin. Natural wool produces black, brown, white, and a wide variety of intermediate colours, the properties of which vary greatly depending on the animal species from which the fibre comes (sheep, llama, alpaca, or vicuña). Some camelids have thicker outer fur and finer inner fur; in addition, certain body parts produce higher-quality wool, so a lengthy preliminary classification phase is necessary.
The fleece is usually washed with strong soap to remove dirt and grease. The fleece is then rinsed and left to dry. The colourful fleeces, which have been recently dyed, can be seen from afar, hanging on clotheslines behind the brown huts that help characterize the landscape.
Anilines, readily available in regional markets, produce bright colours, but natural dyes are also used and are coming back into fashion, especially among purists seeking to obtain fabrics with an antique look.
Among other dyes, weavers use walnut shells, wild marigolds, eucalyptus leaves, various lichens, elderberries, and indigo, which they fix with alum or iron oxide mordants and intensify with vinegar or lemon juice baths.

Indigenous woman showing traditional Andean weaving techniques and textile production. 123rf

To interpret the various motifs, present in the pallay, or main design, it can be said that the Tarabuco weavers organize the elements of the design (plants, animals, people, geometric shapes, symbols, etc.) in registers separated by thin strips that they call jarq’achin, a term that suggests containment and that what does not disperse.
A specially decorated dancing half-skirt (taki aqsu) or in soft colours (luto aqsu) may have seven or more ribbons, while those for everyday use have fewer. The wider central band is usually decorated with a zigzag (q’inqu), thought to represent mountains and rivers, and has small plant or bird motifs in the corners.
Often the warp fibres of the central ribbon produce the luminous effect of a rainbow (k’uychis). Symmetrically, within narrow bands on each side, processions of creatures are lined up that appear to be marching or dancing, because there is almost always a sense of movement.
The collection of animals may include partridges, ducks, cats, dogs, chickens, deer, vizcachas, horses with banners, and figures on horseback. Elaborate and stylized representations of palm trees, processional altars (pukaras), and a diamond-shaped motif (ch’aska) representing Venus are also common because the evening star has a special meaning among Quechua-speaking peoples.

Imagination and creativity
When women store their shawls, they fold them into accordion-shaped pleats, which are considered elegant when worn. Other, simpler shawls are woven in two pieces with common techniques, mostly in crimson or dark red, with inner bands in the centre and edges. These pieces can become almost waterproof and, with use, become very soft. The same happens with the striped ponchos worn by men (sometimes they wear two in very inclement weather).
These fabrics are very durable. The predominant colour of the ponchos generally identifies the different communities to which they belong. Currently, the bright tones of these fabrics come from anilines obtained for commercial dyeing, but according to one researcher, the tradition of using reddish tones seems to have begun in the 16th century, when cochineal began to be produced in the area.

A woman at the market. 123rf

Tarabuco’s designs, although immensely vivid and lyrical, appear relatively ordered in the visual chaos and surreal fantasy of many Jalq’a fabrics. Although the latter, especially the older ones, may contain decorative bands, the most spectacular examples in recent decades feature continuous spaces populated by creatures of all sizes and shapes, some within others. Favourite shapes include llamas, deer, horses, bats, owls, condors, monkeys, lions, and rabbits, although weavers tend to describe them as khurus, wild and untameable creatures. Humans are rare.
For many years, Jalq’a weavers have used two colours: a reddish or dark brown tone, or black. This colour scheme, evoking flames and dark shadows, seems inspired by a dark and mysterious realm underground. Despite respect for traditional forms, recent textile production by the Tarabucos and Jalq’a has been influenced by new socioeconomic realities that are difficult to control. Over time, a textile trade has developed, first in specialized shops in La Paz, Cochabamba, and Sucre, then through intermediaries abroad. Inevitably, the quality of the fabrics began to decline in order to be easily sold on the local market. More recently, however, the extraordinary khuru of the Jalq’a have returned to spread more than ever and, in the case of the Tarabuco weavers, a new awareness of their own history has re-emerged in their ancient art. (Open Photo: People contemplating the Andes. 123rf)

Caleb Bach

Book Review. The Drug Kingdom in Myanmar.

On the border with China, the Wa people have created a narco-state that generates billions from drug trafficking.

Of the more than 135 ethnic groups that populate Myanmar, only the Wa have managed to create their own autonomous region: effectively a state within a state, with its own laws, schools, roads and a permanent army, known by the acronym UWSA, United Wa State Army.
But the Wa is also a narco-state “at the centre of a drug trafficking ring in Southeast Asia that generates sixty billion dollars a year from methamphetamine alone”, a figure that exceeds the GDP of many internationally recognized countries.
Yet the Wa were originally a tribe of peasant warriors who resided in the mountains bordering the Chinese province of Yunnan and were best known for the brutal practice of collecting the heads of their enemies.

This particular evolution of the Wa – from a head-cutting tribe to an international drug cartel – is well documented in the book “Narcotopia”, by the American journalist Patrick Winn, based in Bangkok, Thailand.
A transformation that took place between the 1960s and 1970s thanks to the support of the CIA, which wanted to counter the expansion of Chinese communism. In exchange for the collaboration of drug lords who cultivated opium, the US intelligence agency turned a blind eye to the export of narcotics to Thailand and from there to the rest of the world. Then, in the 1990s, when the CIA decided that the Wa were becoming a threat to national interests, it began to target the same drug lords it had previously protected. “When a superpower attempts to destroy an entire civilization and brand its people as untouchable on the international stage, it is essential to tell the other side of the story,” Winn writes in the first pages of the book.

Soldiers on patrol. In the civil war that began after the military coup in 2021, the Wa were not officially involved. Shutterstock/Skynavin

The author’s intent was achieved through direct interviews conducted in Myanmar and intelligence documents that confirm the Wa leaders’ versions of events. Even today, the Wa, thanks to a militia of about 25-30,000 members, are considered the most powerful ethnic group in all of former Burma.
Yet they have not officially taken part in the civil conflict that began after the military coup in 2021, probably under pressure from China, with which the Wa maintain close ties today. With the advance of resistance forces towards their territories, the Wa have tried to act as mediators, again in an attempt to protect Beijing’s commercial interests in the region. An epilogue that the CIA probably had not imagined.

Patrick Winn
, Narcotopia, Icon Book Ltd, London 2024.  (Open Photo: Purple opium poppy field (Papaver somniferum) in Myanmar. Shutterstock/Delpixel)

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