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Ghana. Uncertain Times.

Just a few years ago, Ghana was synonymous with development and stability. Today inflation, debt and unemployment are increasingly creating a climate of precariousness and uncertainty.

In the early years of his first term (he was elected in 2016 and re-elected in 2020), President Nana Akufo-Addo proudly announced “no more help, we can do it alone”. The fault of the crisis – citizens say – does not lie in the pandemic or the Russian-Ukrainian war, we are paying for the mismanagement of recent years. The Ghanaian dream of growth, development, entering international economies, constant contact with an outside world (starting with investors and expatriates) attracted to a lively country, rich in prospects, welcoming – that dream seems
to have come to an end.

West Africa region, political map. Area with capitals and borders. 123rf.com

The rude awakening translates into raw facts that explain the performance of a country: inflation, debt, unemployment. Eleven years have passed since 2011 when – a novelty for those who continue to want to see Africa as a continent of backwardness – Ghana was the fastest growing economy in the world. The discovery of offshore oil fields had given it a significant boost, but the reasons for the boom also lay in other ‘treasures’: the gold mines, from which the country has always drawn part of its wealth; cocoa and then precisely the specific character of the population, the basis of democratic stability and governments. The last coup dates back to 1981 and even those years – those of Jerry Rawlings – were more of construction than mere authoritarianism. The foundations were laid for that unity and respect between religions and ethnic groups that, apart from occasional tensions, characterize the country. New perspectives emerged that would have ‘ushered’ it towards the fame that still accompanies it today.

Inequalities
Now, there is change afoot at the expense of the citizens, those optimistic people who today find themselves dealing with uncertainty. First of all, in the economy. The last few months, which coincided with the easing of anti-Covid measures and the start of the Russian-Ukrainian war, have seen prices soar exorbitantly. Spending Ghana Cedi (about 13 Euro cents) to buy a single tomato at the market when you used to bring home 10 tomatoes at the same price, gives the measure of a surge that among other things concerns all basic necessities, including bread. So much so that today the country is considered among the most expensive in the world. In November, inflation was almost 37%. Not to mention the depreciation of the local currency. The Ghana cedi has depreciated by over 50% this year and is listed as the world’s worst-performing currency against the US dollar.

President of Ghana, Nana Addo Dankwa Akufo-Addo. CC BY 2.0/Graham Carlow

The Ghanaians have been complaining for years about the marginalization of social classes which should instead receive more attention from the public administration. Yet it is they who have sacrificed most. Bills for drinking water and electricity have sky-rocketed. And new taxes, such as the e-levy, have been introduced on digital transactions. Meanwhile, the debt is growing, which amounts to over 80% of GDP. Ghana is also negotiating a $3 billion IMF bailout programme.
The country had attracted a lot of money in recent years: in 2020 there was $ 2.65 billion in foreign direct investment, the highest amount in West Africa, with the building and construction sectors playing the part of the giant. And in fact, it is all a swarm of construction sites,
new roads, and skyscrapers.
But investments are concentrated in Accra where the per capita economic output is three times that of the national average.

Busy Street near the Ghana Central Market in Kumasi. 123rf.com

In the first six months of 2021 alone, it attracted 78.69% of all investment projects. This capital has become one of the most expensive African cities to live in. Less affected by this ferment are the suburbs, which lack essential services, starting with sanitation and sewage, or worse still the slums, rural areas, and other regions of the country. It is these places that show the measure of disparity between citizens. The upper middle class has grown considerably in recent years as has the power of the political and institutional world. It is due to this power – as well as the positive reputation of the country – that Accra has secured some important presences. Starting with the secretariat of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA), Google which opened its first artificial intelligence centre in Africa in the Ghanaian capital and Twitter, again the first African office. These great successes were claimed by Nana Akufo-Addo who, after being elected in 2016, was reconfirmed in 2020. This growth, which however continues, has not yet turned into greater social equity. (Open Photo: 123rf.com)

(A.S.)

Pope urges African youth to be protagonists in shaping the future.

Young people from nine different countries had a chance to each comment and ask a question to Pope Francis, during the online conversation.

At the beginning of the conversation, held on 1 November, the Holy Father said young people are the roots. He said the stronger they are, the stronger their roots will be. He urged them not to be individual roots and that their roots must turn into a tree which in turn can lead to fruits.

Talking about the past Pope Francis said history is not always a pleasant story, “History can be very harsh. There are people who have built their history on blood, and many of you belong to those people.” The Pope, therefore, urged young people to take a history of their people as part of themselves, as part of their own maturity.

He noted that all people are born as something small and can only be mature if one accepts the burden of history, the good and the bad part of it. “The bad part of history you are familiar with, exploitation, slavery. You know what it means to exploit Africa without allowing it to grow,” added the Holy Father.

The Pope went on to speak about the concept of Ubuntu which said he would like to express his appreciation for and that he believes that encounter of ubuntu people can be led forward, “The richness of your ubuntu as a form of salvation through the community.”

According to Pope Francis through the term ubuntu Africans are their own masters, “You are your own missionaries. Run forward. Africa is not meant to be exploited.”

Pope Francis said Africa is not meant to be seen as a subculture and young African have to appreciate the wealth that they have.

Clevine Kavira from DRC asked about the trip that was cancelled that the Holy Father was due to make to the DRC and South Sudan. In response, Pope Francis said if all goes well in early February 2023, he will make the promised trip to Africa.

To Devis Ampereza from Uganda who spoke about the endless wars in Africa, the Holy Father said If people were to stop selling arms that would stop hunger for one year. He said the sale of arms
keeps people in slavery.

Akakpo Ghislain from the Ivory Coast talked about the problem of deforestation in his country and the role of multinational companies in this problem. The Pope said the multinational corporations that exploit nature need to be looked at.

The Pope said he is also concerned by the problem of fundamentalism, terrorism, and banditry when Osemeke Augustine Chidera from Nigeria spoke about the problems that are faced by Nigerians, especially the persecution of Christians. Pope advised that young people cannot be passive and that they need to equip themselves with religious doctrine.

He said politics is the highest form of charity because it is geared towards the common good and urged young people to inform themselves about the political situation of the countries. But he advised them to be cautious and smart too, and learn from elders, asking for their suggestions and guidance. “Keep in mind that God loves you.”

Biligui Nelly Didiane from Cameroon also had a chance to speak to the Pope and she said young people feel cornered by politicians and social injustices leave many without hope and in a situation of insecurity.

Didiane felt that the Church can be at the forefront of the economic liberation of its people through empowerment projects. The Pope then acknowledged that one of the problems young people are facing is the lack of professional integration as was mentioned by Didiane.

The Pope said the Church can do more in promoting young people even from schools and universities, “Without cooperating with the powers that oppress universities have to be free and young people have to grow in freedom. Young people have to have a mature mind, a mature heart, and the ability to act.”

Kelvin Takudzwa Tsuro from Zimbabwe said young people are struggling with their identity. He wanted to know what it really means to be an African young Catholic because there are today identities have become confused, sexual, racial, ethnic, and religious.

Tsuro said the young in living in a highly disintegrated society and the young people are caught up in the situation. He said young people wish to live the message of the Gospel and ubuntu. They wish to participate in decision makings of the church even though their culture states that young people must not participate in the meeting of the elders.

In response, the Pope admitted that the identity of young people is a serious question, “In this day and age identities are being questioned. We ask ourselves, what is identity? And therefore, young people ask themselves, who are we young Africans?” The Pope said young people were not born out of magic, they have history and roots.

“If young people don’t have about the roots they received, their families, countries, history, then young people cannot become mature,” said Pope Francis, urging young people to be aware of their roots. He also said young people must not hide in their roots but take them into the future. “Young Christians have a duty to be engaged, otherwise they wouldn’t be Christian.”

In closing, the Holy Father said he was glad to have had a meeting with the young people of Africa and was impressed by their remarks. He reiterated that he believes young Africans have values and asked them to continue to be engaged without ever forgetting to keep their roots in mind. He reminded the young people that they were not born under a tree but were born with a history.

Pope Francis advised the young people of Africa to live in the present with a firm view of reality and try not to be alienated. “Don’t stop dreaming because when young people stop dreaming that’s when countries come to an end.”

Islam. The Prophetic Voice of Women.

Amina Wadud, one of the most important theologians of Islam, criticizes the Islamic patriarchate, the male Imamate and the patriarchal interpretation of the Koran.
The recent demonstrations in Iran show how important it is to give women a voice in the Islamic world.

She is one of the most listened to and, at the same time, most provocative voices of Islamic feminism, which challenges both political and religious Muslim patriarchy with gestures that do not leave indifferent the followers of Islam and especially the religious leaders, who are divided into two camps: those who criticize her defiant behaviour and anathematize it – the majority – and those who support it and share its egalitarian exegesis of the Koran and its feminist claims – the minority. In March 2005, Wadud made international headlines when leading Friday prayers in a mixed congregation in New York, she sparked controversy in some spheres of the Islamic world.
During the prayers, she affirmed that “the issue of gender equality is very important for Islam. Unfortunately, Muslims have given a very restrictive interpretation of history and moved backwards. With these prayers, we want to take a step forward”.

That same year, she again led the prayers in a mixed assembly in Barcelona during the 1st Congress of Islamic Feminism.
The reactions of the Ulamas were not long in coming. Sheikh Yusef al-Qaradawi of Qatar issued a fatwa against Wadud appealing to the woman’s body, “whose physique naturally constitutes a provocation to the instincts of men”. In it he condemned Amina as anti-Islamic and heretical, and the participants in prayer as accomplices.
Sabed Tantawi of Cairo declared mixed prayer invalid, arguing that men should pray with humility and modesty, and never in the presence of a woman.There have also been favourable reactions from Muslim intellectuals and academics, such as Egypt’s Gamal al-Banna, Pakistan’s Javed Ahmad, who saw in Wadud’s gesture a revolutionary change in Islam that has the support of Islamic sources and that would have repercussions around the world.

The female voice must not only have full expression, but sometimes it will also have to have primacy,” Photo: Glen Halog (CC BY-NC 2.0)

At the same time, the response of Islamic feminism was not long in coming; neither in the Koran nor in the hadith is there a single text that prohibits women from leading prayer in a congregation of men and women. If a woman is trained to give a Friday sermon in the mosque, why can’t she do it? If a woman is chosen by the community, why will she not be able to lead community prayer?
Amina Wadud’s subversive gesture led to an in-depth reflection on the issue and to the further recognition of the female Imamate in different Muslim communities in South Africa, North America, and Europe. The Muslim Educational Centre in Oxford, England, organizes mixed prayers in which a woman imam preaches.The Tawhid Mosque network, created in the United States by the Association of Muslims for Progressive Values (MPV), founded by Indonesian imam Anni Zonneveld, supports inclusive Islam in favour of gender equality. The mosque in Washington is run by gay imam Daayiee Abdullah.

Muslim women reading Koran in the mosque during the Ramadan. (Photo: Freepik)

In November 2012 the Association of Progressive Muslims of France (MPF) created the first inclusive mosque, linked to the aforementioned North American network of Muslims for Progressive Values, who celebrate Friday prayers without any discrimination, gender, sexual orientation, or ethnicity.
Amina Wadud believes that the era of patriarchy is over. “We must evolve – she says – towards another more tolerant and cooperative model, because it is not only the future of Islam that is at stake, but the very future of the planet. In order for our families, communities and nations to move forward, more and more women must reach the areas of progress”. In defence of the new egalitarian and cooperative model, she cites the Koran, since it “argues that men and women were created inequality”. In her opinion, the principles of the Prophet have been distorted. There has been a ‘functional shift’ of Islam to conform to male domination. Precisely the movement contrary to what happened in the origins of the Muslim religion.

A feminist reading of the Koran
The Muslim theologian’s research is aimed at recovering the voice of women in the Koran and their word as commentators on the text, with the dual objective of challenging the intellectual tendency of Islam that marginalizes the female voice in the sacred text and its interpretation and to expand the possibilities of understanding among Muslims themselves. Wadud starts from an indisputable fact: the voice of women has been silenced in the Koranic text by its interpreters and has been absent from the intellectual heritage of Islam. Only men have been considered people with full rights to the presence of God and as leaders of women, while women are nothing more than mere extensions of men.

People in the Holy Shrine of Lady Fatima Masumeh, in Qom, Iran. Lady Fatima Masumeh was the sister of Imam Reza, one of the twelve imams in Islam. Photo: 123rf.com

Moreover, such silence is understood by Muslim thinkers themselves as part of a divine decree and God’s will. Women themselves have voluntarily accepted this situation of marginality for centuries, even when they have been forced to deny equality in their human condition and to accept their exclusion from the koranic text.
To this silence must be added another equally negative element for Islam: with the exception of the last three or four decades, almost no substantial exegesis of the Koran has been produced by women.
However, Wadud notes, the voice of women is contained in the Koran and makes a fundamental contribution when it comes to commenting on and interpreting it. And the search for that voice includes the person of the son-in-law, that is, the woman: “The female voice in the Qur’an is the voice of Allah, and it is not a woman, nor is it feminine. He’s not even a man, and neither is he masculine. Both the male and female voices are the divine enterprise of making themselves known through the text”.Another thing is patriarchal – or rather, anti-intellectual – intellectual heritage of Islam, which certainly privileges the male voice, the qualities and attributes of God related to power and even violence, when other qualities and attributes are more important, as shown by the 99 most beautiful names for God in the Koran: the life-giver, the merciful, the kind, the generous, the tender, the grateful, the trusting, the protector, the patient, the indulgent, the just, etc.

Amina believes that it is necessary to emphasize the female voice today to achieve balance. During the fourteen centuries of Islam, it was almost exclusively men who wrote treatises on exegesis, considered authoritative and definitive.
By silencing the female voice of the text, the Islamic ethos limited the richness of the text, which constitutes, in its view, an injustice against the divine author of the text and against those who seek in it moral guidance. To broaden the moral horizon of the text, it is necessary to eliminate the unique interpretative authority of men, recover the female voice within the Koran and encourage the development of feminist commentaries. “The female voice must not only have full expression, but sometimes it will also have to have primacy”, says Amina.
Another Koranic argument to which the Muslim theologian appeals to defend the equality of men and women in the sacred text is the idea of the duality of all creation. Men and women possess the same meaning as part of the duality of creation, and neither can be attributed a higher value.Whatever their orientation, all Koranic exegetes agree that the Koran establishes and defends the absolute justice of God as a divine attribute, which must be translated into the practice of justice in social and economic relations.
It is worth noting in this regard the hermeneutic of social justice that Amina makes of the Koran articulating the categories of ethnicity, social class, and gender.However, in practice, the principle of fairness is violated by granting absolute rights to men and relative rights to women. Amina Wadud notes such a violation in the different values that male commentators attribute to the male and female voice of God. They link the male voice to autonomy, hierarchy, domination, action, authority, control, and the female voice to nourishment, reciprocity, synthesis, and receptivity. In this case, divine justice is unfair and discriminatory to the detriment of women. To reverse this inequality, it is necessary to recognize the same value in both voices.

Iranian girl in the Nasir Al-Mulk Mosque in Shiraz. Photo: 123rf.com

Wadud notes with concern that in the collective imagination, both within and outside Islam, the static idea of a conservative Islam, which does not allow changes, is deeply rooted. To overcome this image, she believes it is necessary to distinguish between Muslim culture, Islamic texts, and Islamic law, and return to the Koran where the elements are found to break the static conception of the Muslim religion and its confinement in a rigid and immutable system.
And, it is from there that a gender-inclusive hermeneutic begins that discovers that women are moral subjects who maintain a direct relationship with God.
Her work Inside the Gender Jihad: Women’s Reform in Islam (Oneworld Publications, 2006) goes in this direction, where she proposes a Jihad (non-violent struggle) of women for justice and gender inclusion within the global Islamic community.
It addresses some of the major issues facing Muslim women today such as sexuality, leadership, education, and social status. What is proposed is to change the condition of women within Islam, a truly revolutionary task that Amina Wadud considers urgent.
This idea is developed and deepened in the tribute book dedicated to the study of her life and thinking on the occasion of her sixtieth birthday: A Jihad for Justice. Honouring the Work and Life of Amina Wadud, edited by Kacia Ali, Juliana Hammer and Laura Silvers (48HrBooks, 2012), which opens with the following text by Amina: “Listen to our song, and when the words are familiar, keep singing; for our people, silence has too often been what has sustained and nourished our principles”. (Open Photo: 123rf.com & CC BY-NC-ND 2.0/ Andrea Moroni)

Juan José Tamayo

 

South Africa. Creativity that Transforms the World.

Soweto Theatre is a community space where new generations of artists are forged from historical memory

A captivating shade of red dominates the modern building, which expands into geometric and irregular shapes, next to the mythical Jabulani amphitheatre. It was there that Zindzi Mandela read the speech “My father says …”, it was 1985, when his father, Nelson Mandela, rejected the offer of parole from the South African government, which maintained the regime of ethnic segregation and banned the African National Congress. Huge tarpaulins frame the external space. This is the Soweto Theatre. Since its creation in May 2012 – as a legacy of the new buildings included in the 2010 Soccer World Cup project – the Soweto Theatre has maintained the long and rich African tradition of community theatre, adapting to the needs of society, while also displaying the entrepreneurial spirit of street vendors and hosting important commercial events.

Kosi Ndesi, director of marketing. Photo: José Luis Silván Sen

The infrastructure is part of a municipal body by which, as explained by Kosi Ndesi, director of marketing, from one of the three indoor theatres it hosts, the programming is coordinated with the other theatres in the city of Johannesburg and gives space to the spontaneous proposals of the public. “I came when the Soweto Theatre had only been running for two years, intending to develop a space that would explore the enormous creative potential of Soweto’s youth. Every administrative division of South Africa should have a place like this. At first, they only received proposals, but there was no proactive action to create a program”, Ndesi says, ensuring that his department is a bridge between those with an artistic idea and the theatre administration, so that, in addition to the possibility of renting the space, even those who have no resources feel that the place belongs to them.

Obligatory remembrance
Soweto is a township adjoining Johannesburg, established in 1963 to bring together a series of townships for blacks under one administration. A lot has changed since South Africa became a democracy, but the past is still very much present.
The forced deportations that populated what was an inhospitable place on the outskirts of the big city between 1952 and 1957, as well as its transformation into an icon of the struggle against apartheid, make it almost impossible that the artistic activities presented at the Soweto Theatre do not still have a strong political and demanding content.

Photo José Luis Silván Sen

“It is a beautiful space, with an attractive architectural design and with the right infrastructure. The theatre has become a great need for the community because Soweto is a very rich and lively place in terms of culture in all disciplines, from music to cinema, to dance … in any creative project. It is a theatre that accepts the challenges posed by the creative community and also by our young entrepreneurs. It allows them to socialise because being an entrepreneur does not only mean creating a business but also developing it socially and commercially, learning to sell their works of art”, explains Ndesi, expanding the concept of ‘theatre’ to a real meeting point, where experiences can be lived in community. “The Jabulani amphitheatre has hosted political rallies, concerts and religious celebrations; it has been a melting pot of cultures and creativity, even in the difficult moments of our recent history”, a spirit that, according to Ndesi, has also been adopted by the Soweto theatre which has taken on the memory of recent history, and allows him to work with greater determination, especially in what concerns the young people, the first generation of adults who have not experienced the atrocities of apartheid. The theatre receives almost fifty proposals a year and nearly half of them are re-presented. “One of the highlights of the Soweto Theatre was the celebration of the Hugh Masekela Legacy Festival in November 2019, shortly after his death,” recalls Kosi Ndesi.

Two young people practice dance outside the theatre. Photo: José Luis Silván Sen

Masekela was a composer, trumpeter, and singer. He distinguished himself for his jazz compositions and for writing anti-apartheid songs like ‘Soweto Blues’ and ‘Bring Him Back Home’. He was a patriot and a friend of the Soweto Theatre. Much more than an artist, he had a great affection for this space; he cared about its development and that of the young people who lived around him in this community. He had a great interest in bringing young people closer to art and creativity. We have transformed the space for this festival, to host several shows at the same time”, says Ndesi.
The most successful events are those suitable for families, such as the Seven Colour Sunday Event, a food market held on the last Sunday of each month, where Soweto chefs compete with their best dishes. Some of them have their own small restaurant businesses and find room to expand their circle of consumers. Families are encouraged to bring their children, who are admitted free. During the month of March – which in South Africa is the month of the celebration of human rights – the Soweto Theatre concentrates its activities in schools and childcare centres, to plant the seeds of theatre, music, and dance in children. “We try to make sure that when they finish school, they have visited the Soweto Theatre at least four times. We create a habit because they start coming at age three. We hope they see it as their own space”, says Ndesi. The final activity consists of a session of the Constitutional Court, in which the children take on the role of judges, prosecutors, witnesses, lawyers etc. “In everything we plan, education goes hand in hand with fun and vice versa”, says Ndesi.

Photo: José Luis Silván Sen

June is Youth Month and the Soweto Theatre takes the opportunity to host shows that are inspired by the meaning of freedom for today’s youth. The life of the Soweto Theatre is made up of a strategy shared with the community, in which everyone wins: the Soweto Theatre, because it performs the socio-cultural function for which it was created, as a laboratory for creative development; and the community because it grows around it, as a space for meeting and consolidating ways of life. Soon, the theatre will also be a space for conferences, award ceremonies, and meetings. It will be a space open to all those interested in the creativity that transforms the world. (Open Photo: Exterior entrance to The Soweto Theatre at night time.123rf.com)

Carla Fibla García-Sala

 

 

The Tortoise and the Chimpanzee.

The Tortoise and the Chimpanzee had been friends for a very long time and so it was only natural that they should invite each other to their wedding feasts when they both decided to get married.

The Chimpanzee was the first to celebrate his wedding. The most delicious food was prepared and the finest palm wine was provided
for every guest.

Tortoise arrived punctuality on the day and was most impressed by what he saw. He was extremely hungry after his very long journey, and more than anything he looked forward to tucking into the food in the company of the other guests.

After a long wait, the dinner gong was sounded and all the Chimpanzees began climbing the trees where they sat waiting to be served.

Tortoise, of course, could not climb at all well and struggled very hard to make it even to the lowest branch. By the time he eventually reached the party, the first half of the meal had been served and cleared and he found that he was ignored by the other guests who chatted loudly among themselves.

Finality, he thought it best to mention to his friend the slight problem he was having keeping his balance on the branch. “But you must sit like the rest of us – the Chimpanzee told Tortoise -, it is our custom. When my people eat, they always sit this way. It would be so rude to lie on the ground when everyone else is upright.”

And so Tortoise tried a little harder to make himself comfortable, but as soon as he reached forward to grab hold of some food, he fell flat on his belly. All the Chimpanzees roared with laughter at the sight of him and he hung his head in shame, feeling hungry and frustrated, knowing that he would never get to eat any of the delicious food.

When the day arrived for the Tortoise to marry, he had no wish to provide a lavish banquet for his guests, but prepared a small dinner-party for his closest friends. Before any of the guests was due to arrive, however, Tortoise went outdoors and lit a torch. Then he began to burn the dry grass around his house.

Chimpanzee and his new wife soon appeared in the distance and Tortoise slipped indoors again to resume the preparations. He embraced the couple warmly when they arrived and made sure that they were given one of the best seats at his table.

The food was set down before them, and all were about to tuck in when Tortoise suddenly stood up and raised both arms in the air: “Let’s just make sure that we all have clean hands – he said. “Nothing upsets me more than people who eat their food with dirty hands.”

One by one his guests began to examine their hands, quite confident that they were clean. But when Chimpanzee stared at his, he was shocked to see that they were a filthy black colour.

“But I scrubbed them before I left my house,” he protested. “None the less – replied Tortoise -, they are very dirty indeed and it would be offensive to my people if you did not make an effort to clean them one more time. Go back to the river across the bush and try again. We promise to eat slowly so that you do not miss the meal.”

Chimpanzee set off to do as his host suggested, walking on all fours through the charred grass and soot until he reached the river.
Here he washed his hands thoroughly and returned by the same path to Tortoise’s house.
“But there is no improvement. You must go again,” said Tortoise, munching on a delicious yam. “What a shame! We will have eaten everything if this keeps up.”

Again, the Chimpanzee returned and again the Tortoise sent him away, a third and a fourth and a fifth time, until all the splendid dishes
had been gobbled up.

So, in the end, Tortoise had his revenge, and for many years afterwards he took great delight in telling his friends the story of how he managed to outwit Chimpanzee on his wedding day.

Folktale from Tanzania

 

 

 

Towards the 2023 Synod. The Church Walking Towards the Peripheries.

“It is not enough to say that the Church is missionary. It is necessary to understand well what this mission consists of ”. Going out means ‘going towards suffering humanity to live fraternity, heal its wounds, help its needs, participate in its struggles for rights”.

The 1st Ecclesial Assembly of Latin America and the Caribbean (November 2021), proposed by Pope Francis in response to the request for a new Conference of the Latin American Bishops, brought together the different expressions and bodies of the People of God. It took place in the context of the process of synodal listening in preparation for the next Synod of Bishops in October 2023 (For a synodal Church: communion, participation, mission) and in the spirit of the last conference of the Latin American episcopate held in Aparecida in May 2007 (Disciples and missionaries of Jesus Christ, so that our peoples may have life in him).
This double reference defines the tone and perspective of this 1st Ecclesial Assembly: synodality and mission. And it appeared clearly in the theme of the assembly: we are all missionary disciples who go forward. These were and are inseparable aspects that relate to and involve each other reciprocally: the mission belongs to all and must be assumed by all (the ‘walking together’ of the people of God) and synodality is given in and in function of the mission (‘walking together’ in the mission). The synodal nature of mission (God’s people) and the missionary nature of synodality (mission) cannot be overstated.

But here we want to insist on this second aspect: the missionary nature of synodality. This may seem simple and obvious, but in practice, it is much more complex and problematic than it may seem.
In the first place, because insistence on the participation of all in the Church can end up relativizing and/or leaving in the background the ‘where’ and ‘in what’ such participation consists and is given, and end up in a power dispute which would be nothing more than another expression of clericalism (disputed leadership/command).
Secondly, because mission can be and usually is understood/realized in an egocentric or self-referential way, relativizing or even denying its character as a ‘sacrament’ of salvation or the kingdom of God in the world and of ‘service’ to the poor and to the marginalized of this world (growth and internal dynamism of the Church). Just look at what the movements of missionary animation consist of in our communities, parishes, and dioceses (in practice, not in texts and documents).
It is not enough to say that the Church is missionary. It is necessary to understand well what this mission consists of, which is none other than the mission of Jesus, as it is narrated/witnessed in the Gospels: to announce and make present the kingdom of God in the world.

In practice, this means/implies helping those who have fallen, healing wounds, consoling the afflicted and the desperate, welcoming the marginalized/excluded and opposing customs and laws that threaten human dignity, denouncing the powerful and oppressors, living and setting in motion processes of fraternity (love, forgiveness, compassion, service, etc.) and exercising ‘power’ as a service. In a word: living according to the logic of the kingdom of God: divine sonship which is concretized in love and fraternity among all, even enemies. Every ecclesial activity (catechesis, liturgy, formation meetings, Popular Missions, missionary visits, etc.) must be conceived and carried out in view of the fundamental mission of the Church, which is to announce and make the Kingdom of God present in the world, which it is a kingdom of brotherhood, justice, and peace.
Francis never tires of insisting on the need and urgency of the ‘missionary transformation of the Church’ (EG, Ch. I), understood as ‘going out to the geographical, social and existential peripheries’ (EG, 20, 30, 46, 191). Faced with the self-referential tendencies of the Church, he incessantly insists on the need and urgency to ‘go to the peripheries’. Against all self-indulgence, it is necessary to go out (a Church that goes out). But this is not just any way out to any place or thing, but rather going out to suffering humanity to live fraternity, heal its wounds, help its needs, participate in its struggles for rights, etc.
This missionary perspective was at the centre of the 1st Ecclesial Assembly of Latin America and the Caribbean. This appeared clearly in the theme of the assembly: we are all missionary disciples who go forward. It is made more explicit in the pastoral challenges identified and collected by the assembly. It is true that the order/sequence of presentation of the challenges (the criterion used here is not clear) can relativize or even lose sight of this horizon of the Christian mission, placing the emphasis more on the internal life of the Church (ecclesial participation, protagonism of the lay people) and on its mission in the world (going out to the peripheries).

It is the permanent temptation of self-referentiality and clericalism. In any case, some of the challenges identified and collected by the assembly indicate the perspective and the fundamental path of the Church in this world and, concretely, in our time:
– ‘accompany the victims of social and ecclesial injustices with processes of recognition and reparation’;
– ‘promote and defend the dignity of life and of the human person from conception to natural death’; ‘ listen to the cry of the poor, the excluded and the rejected’;
– ‘reaffirm and give priority to an integral ecology in our communities, starting from the four dreams of the Apostolic Exhortation Dear Amazonia’;
– ‘accompany native and Afro-descendant peoples in the defence of life, land and cultures’.
Of course, these are not the only challenges facing our world. It certainly is not enough just to identify the challenges: they need to be made concrete and faced in every territory and/or context. They need to be transformed into pastoral projects. They must be assumed as a fundamental mission of the whole Church. But the challenges identified and collected indicate where the heart of the Church of Jesus must be and where it must walk if it wants to be faithful to Jesus and his Gospel of the Kingdom of God which consists in the manifestation of God’s love for suffering humanity, however scandalous this may be for the ‘priests and scribes’, for the ‘eldest son’ or for the ‘workers of the first hour’ that we all are. The poor and marginalized of this world are, in him, the judges and lords of our lives, churches and theologies (Mt 25: 31-46).
(Illustrations: Luis Henrique Alves Pinto)

Francisco Aquino Jr.
A Brazilian Theologian

 

Transnistria. In the Shadow of the Kremlin.

It is not recognized by any state, but, to all intents and purposes, it is independent: from the border to Tiraspol, between checkpoints and the still visible signs of the 1992 war. A journey to a country that does not exist, officially.

A prefabricated container interrupts the two-lane road connecting Chisinau to Tiraspol. The cars stop neatly at the checkpoint that marks the border between the Republic of Moldova and the Moldavian Republic of Pridniestrov, or Transnistria, a state entity that no government in the world has ever recognized but which is in effect independent.
On the Vltava side, two soldiers are stationed in front of customs but do not check travellers’ documents: Chisinau believes that the territory of Transnistria is in all respects Moldavian. Only alcohol and Russian-brand cigarettes are taxed, which can be bought in the shops beyond the checkpoint. The Transnistrian policemen, on the other hand, check the passports of motorists and give foreigners an entry sheet that represents a sort of visa: the days to visit Transnistria are limited but it is possible to agree with the border agents on the duration of one’s stay.

The first city you come to after the makeshift border is Bender, which announces itself with white socialist buildings, spacious and airy boulevards and the brown brick fortress dominating the bend of the Dniester River. Some buildings still show signs of the bombings in 1992, when the regular army of the newly formed Republic of Moldova attacked Transnistria which had proclaimed itself independent. For Chisinau, which wanted to extend its power over the entire former Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (whose territory corresponds to today’s Moldova), Tiraspol’s proclamation of independence came as a shock. The Moldovan army could count on a limited number of soldiers, on old and obsolete weapons and the little aid, in terms of men and funds, provided by Romania.

A general view of the checkpoint at the border of Moldova and the breakaway Transnistrian Republic, near Bender, 65 km West from Chisinau. Photo: EPA/STR

The Transnistrian army was improvised and unmanned, but supported by some 6,000 Russian, Cossack and Ukrainian mercenaries and determined to fight to defend the country’s independence. The XIV division of the Red Army stationed in the region sided with Tiraspol and for this reason, Transnistria managed to maintain its territorial integrity. The war, which lasted from March to July 1992, was however bloody and violent and left an immense void between the two warring parties. There is no family in Bender that did not have a relative engaged in fighting in the armed clashes of 1992. Transnistrian propaganda speaks of the war of ’92 in heroic and at times epic terms; the Moldovan propaganda describes it as a cowardly attempt by the Tiraspol terrorists, supported by Russia, to detach themselves from the motherland for purely economic and personal gain issues on the part of a handful of shrewd and unscrupulous politicians.
Everyone has their own truth and it is not easy to reconcile the points of view in a country where just over 28% of the inhabitants are Moldovans, 29% Russians and the remainder are Ukrainians, Bulgarians and Gagauzians (2015 census). In any case, Bender still bears the marks of the war, which took place mainly along the Dniester River, and at the entrance to each city, there are checkpoints, Frisian horses and armed soldiers who look suspiciously at every pedestrian and every car that enters the inhabited centres.

Monument to Suvorov in the city center of Tiraspol, Transdniestria, Moldova. The bronze statue is dedicated to Russian general Alexandr Suvorov. 123rf.com

The division between Moldova (Bessarabia) and Transnistria was decreed after the end of the First World War. In 1939 the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact allowed the Soviets to also occupy Bessarabia, which was then briefly reoccupied by the Romanians, with the help of Nazi Germany, during the invasion of 1941 and then definitively moved to the USSR in 1944. Only towards the end of the 1980s, nationalism was reawakened in this area, as happened everywhere in the former Soviet empire. Transnistrians were afraid of losing their identity and the ability to speak Russian, which happened after the 1991 coup in Russia when the Chisinau Parliament proclaimed independence and declared Moldovan the only national language.
At that point, the clashes began which soon turned into a short but exhausting trench warfare, fought village by village and, in Bender, district by district. Without the intervention of the 14th division, which bombed the Moldovans from the right bank of the river, the hostilities would have continued for a long time. It was always Russia that imposed the ceasefire and peace, controlled and guaranteed by a Joint Control Commission, made up of Russians, Transnistrians and Moldovans.

War memorial and the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, Tiraspol, Transnistria, Moldova. 123rf.com

Tiraspol is a quiet city, with wide boulevards and orderly and composed traffic. The trolley buses are punctual and clean; the park along the Dniester River is welcoming and well-kept. Statues of Lenin still dominate the boulevards and the hammer and sickle stand out on the facades of the buildings, signalling continuity with the USSR’s past. In fact, what numerous analysts have repeatedly pointed out, namely that Transnistria is out of this world and still lives in the Soviet Empire, is an exaggeration; talking to people and walking around Tiraspol, one gets the impression that the use of Soviet symbols is more of a tourist gimmick and has to do with the folklore of the country, not with reality. In fact, Transnistria seems to play on symbols to give an idea of ​​itself that strikes the few foreigners who come to these parts.
There is very little that is Soviet; the Transnistrian population uses mobile phones and tablets and is very familiar with the mechanisms of the market economy. The fact that ATMs only work with the internal ‘Klever’ circuit and are not connected to the international Visa and Mastercard networks does not testify to the Soviet backwardness of this area, but rather to its political isolation.
The impression is given that in Transnistria life is good, but the reality is different. Although the country has a thriving chemical and construction industry, it can only be maintained thanks to aid and trade with Russia. Moscow’s presence is clearly visible in the numerous barracks housing Russian military garrisons, the largest of which is right at the entrance to Tiraspol, a few steps from the city stadium that bears the name of the Sherif football team. In fact, Sherif is the largest company in the country, which practically holds the Transnistrian economy in its hands. It owns shops, cafes, and restaurants, thanks to its links with the government. Transnistrian has a controlled free market, where only a few players, in agreement with politicians, can afford to do business. The Transnistrian population does not live in comfort, even if there are no dramatic differences in income and class as in other post-Soviet countries.

President of Transnistria Vladimir Krasnosel’ski. (Photo Pres.Office)

The country’s government is controlled by President Vladimir Krasnosel’ski and his men, but there is also an opposition, tolerated and not excessively critical of the government, represented by the Transnistrian Communist Party (not present in Parliament, where, out of 33 deputies, 29 are from the ‘Renewal’ party, which is linked and financed by the Sherif company, and 4 are independent).
Its media outlet, Pravda Pridnestrovia, criticizes the government with regard to economic measures and proposes a rapprochement, if not annexation, to Russia to solve the country’s problems.
Beyond this solution, perhaps simplistic and biased, what is really interesting is the fact that ‘Pravda’ is the only newspaper to highlight the real economic problems of the territory controlled by Tiraspol: with average wages at 350 euros for professionals, who prefer to leave the country and go to work in Russia or Moldova. The guaranteed minimum wage is around 133 euros, very little to live on. A doctor and a professor earn little more than the minimum wage.

Russian and Transnistrian soldiers march in Tiraspol, the capital. (Photo: Transnistrian diplomacy website

Thanks also and above all to donations from the Kremlin, the self-styled Transnistrian state guarantees free studies and social services, which allow the population to survive. To survive, not to live comfortably, and this is why young people, once they have graduated, choose the path of emigration en masse.
The Transnistrian political elite, since the war in Ukraine began, seems to have chosen the path of diplomacy and caution. The Chisinau government is convinced that Tiraspol will not take the side of Moscow and it seems that a gap has arisen between a large part of the population, which is eagerly awaiting the arrival of the Russian army, and the President, who instead does not miss an opportunity to underline the natural inclination for peace of the Moldavian Republic of Transnistria. (Open Photo: Transnistria state emblem and flags – downtown of the city Tiraspol. ©soleg/123RF.com)

Christian Eccher/CgP

 

 

Coexistence in respect and dialogue.

Interreligious dialogue is customary. Just like the comparison between the different ethnic components, also through institutional paths. Thus, the Ghanaians live together without distinction
of faith or ethnicity.

If there is a priceless treasure that the Ghanaians have always clung to, valuing and cultivating it, it is the peaceful coexistence between the different religions and ethnic groups that make up the country. Coexistence, not just tolerance. That is to say a way of living together and growing in the community that does not presuppose differences, recriminations or grudges. Of course, as can happen even in a large family where everyone has the same rights, but one member wants to prevail over others, even among the Ghanaian population there are – and always have been – stronger groups (on a socio-political level) that exhibit a certain ‘natural’ propensity towards pride (not to say a sense of superiority). But this has never resulted in extreme behaviour or insurmountable divisions.

Prof Emmanuel Asante, Chairman of National Peace Council.

This treasure is therefore constantly polished to prevent it from losing its value and lustre. At the end of last May, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Ghana and the National Imam Office organized the first official event on interreligious dialogue. The purpose of the initiative is to institutionalize the process of interreligious dialogue and respect for the diversity of faith. Such modalities of dialogue and respect have been applied for decades. An attitude that the various governments have pursued both with an inclusive school system, by promoting exchanges and meetings, and at a political level.

National Peace Council
For example, it is an unwritten rule to guarantee the institutional presence of both a Christian and a Muslim leader. And so, if a president is Christian, his deputy will be Muslim and vice versa. The same principle of respect and mutuality sees Christian leaders – often the president himself – participate in the great religious events of Islam and, of course, also, in this case, the principle of reciprocity applies. All ‘institutional’ acts, whose purpose is to preserve the freedom of religion.
Very clear signals to a population ‘educated’ to live together without distinction of faith or ethnicity.

Members of the National Peace Council (NPC) in Ghana. Photo: NPC

It is no coincidence that Ghana boasts an institution – established by a parliamentary act – with a clear name: The National Peace Council, an independent body, despite the fact that its 13 members are appointed by the president in office, whose goal is to prevent any conflict by fostering inclusion and collaboration. The strength of the Council is its composition which takes into account the various representations and the fact that it is also structured at the regional and local levels. In short, it is due to constant social and institutional work that the tensions that have been growing in the Sahel and neighbouring countries have not so far affected Ghanaian society.
According to the latest available data, about 71% of the population is Christian, 18% Muslim. The remaining 11% is made up of adherents to religions such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism, Rastafarianism, and of course traditional African religions.

However, a distinction must be made concerning these official percentages. Although freedom of faith is established by the Constitution and claimed as an essential element of civil coexistence, often the populations with a majority religion do not look favourably on the persistence in the country of beliefs or spiritualities linked to traditions. This is, at least apparently, because it happens that, in a more or less hidden way, many of those who adhere to Christian Churches also follow traditional rites. These ‘fusions’, this syncretism does not really surprise anyone and are well known. Returning to the official Christian religion, it includes the Catholic, Methodist, Anglican, Evangelical, Adventist, Pentecostal, and Baptist Churches. Let us not forget that Ghana is a former English colony that has preserved links with the British state religion. Not to mention the influences of the Christian Evangelical Churches from the United States.

The role of traditional leaders
Another interesting aspect that makes Ghana a peaceful country and substantially alien to inter-ethnic clashes is the consolidated habit of marriages between people of different ethnic groups with Ashanti who marry Fanti, Ga who marry Ewe, Dagbon who marry Gurma and so on.
On the other hand, it is easier for religious faith to be associated with the place of birth. The regions to the north of the country and also the urban centres have a Muslim majority: Accra, Kumasi and Sekondi-Takoradi. And if there have been clashes in the past, they were not so much questions in the religious or ethnic spheres but issues of land ownership. Everyone still remembers the Konkomba-Nanba conflict (known as the Guinea Fowl war), which broke out in northern Ghana in 1994 and lasted for decades. The Konkomba, Nawuri, Nchumuru and Basare fought against the Nanba, Dagomba and Gonja. At the root of this conflict, there were claims to land ownership. It is not known how many were killed, perhaps 2,000 people, and many more left those areas.

The tribal ‘chieftains’ also play a key role in maintaining peace in the country. A type of local administration and a social control device whose positive fruits are most evident when the leaders are upright and authoritative personalities. A note from Global Security highlights that out of a hundred disputes of an ethnic nature or claiming the role of leader, 70% occurred in the northern regions of the country, the savannah regions, the poorest and most arid. Where, at the first opportunity, people flee and go to seek better living conditions in the cities. It is worth noting that a department by no means secondary to the Ghanaian government is that of Chieftaincy and Religious Affairs. A mandate that acts as an interface between government, religious institutions, and civil society to guarantee peace among the population and prevent disagreements and tensions.

Antonella Sinopoli


Catholic Church on the Synodal Way.

The Church, though still in its young age, is very dynamic, vibrant, and efficient. Two important challenges: a new missionary élan and dialogue with modern society.  Particular attention to the youth.

Catholic missionaries from Portugal accompanying the soldiers in their discovery expeditions, around 1482, were the first protagonists of the Catholic Presence in Ghana. Still today, two great and well-preserved monuments mark their arrival: Fort St. Jago and St. George’s Castle, both at Elmina and not too apart from each other.
These two renowned monuments as the first major European constructions in tropical Africa are still today solidly standing and denouncing the evil of slavery that is still the shadow of Europe’s shameful slave trade from Africa to the Americas.
This missionary drive assumed by these Portuguese Catholic missionaries yielded few converts to Christianity mainly because the Traditional Religion had a very well-established and deep foundation that gave meaning to all dimensions of their lives. Moreover, the missionaries were easily seen as the occupying and oppressing power that could not bring anything meaningfully good into their lives.

The Roman Catholic and Anglican missionaries came to the Gold Coast practically at the same time in the 15th Century. Islam was the first Abrahamic monotheistic religion to arrive in Ghana. Its presence in Ghana dates back to the 10th century.
Though the first Catholic presence dates from the XV century, history shows clearly that it was only in the second half of the eighteenth century that the Church took root in Ghana and, moreover, spread in a relevant and transforming way.
In 1880 the Missionaries of the Society of African Missions (SMA) arrived and opened missions in Elmina, Cape Coast, and Keta. In 1906, the Missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) started evangelization in the north.  In 1943 the Prefecture Apostolic of Accra was established and entrusted to the Society of the Divine Word. In 1974 the Comboni Missionaries of the Heart of Jesus (MCCJ) arrived and opened a mission in Abor in the southeast. Since the beginning, the Catholic Church was involved in First Evangelization, Health, and Education.

Today the Church runs more than 4,600 primary and secondary schools, colleges, and universities, in which only 25% of the students are Catholic; it also owns 27% of the health facilities, including clinics, hospitals, and dispensaries, and also operates in the most remote areas.
The Catholic Church today has a Latin Hierarchy joined in a national Episcopal Conference, namely the Ghana Catholic Bishops’ Conference (GCBC). There are four Ecclesiastical Provinces headed by Metropolitan Archdioceses -Accra, Kumasi, Tamale, and Cape Coast- and 15 Dioceses. There is also one Apostolic Vicariate – Donkorkrom.
The greatest challenge for the Catholic is to find the best and most efficient way to dialogue with a secularised, fragile, and extremely selfish society. In this sense, it is a manifestation of the openness of the spirit of synodality (Synod: 2021-2024) that is breathed in the Church, which realizes that we all have to walk together. The message of these times can be summarized in two points.
The first is the need for a new missionary élan; an élan that is missionary and opens a new and credible way to find and express the joy of proclaiming the Gospel, of preaching it in deed and in words,
wherever life happens.

The second, to meet in a process of openness to, and dialogue with, modern society. The Ghana Catholic Bishops’ Conference (GCBC) in a document titled ‘Politics for nation building and social cohesion in Ghana’, states: “We urge all Ghanaians to work consciously towards peacebuilding and abhor the acrimonious type of politics now gaining currency in our dear country…with this pastoral letter as a reminder to you, our fellow citizens, to embrace politics as an indispensable tool for nation building”.
About politics of ethnicity, they pointed out: “We should avoid the negative and highly divisive politics of ethnocentrism, mud-slinging and, attacks on ethnic groups and personalities… Let politics focus on issues that serve the greater good, that will bring unity and peace, development and dignity to all our fellow citizens and even the ‘stranger’ living in our midst”. About interfaith dialogue, the bishops insisted “on mutual collaboration among Christians, Muslims, Traditional Leaders, and all other Faith-Based Organisations in the country for peaceful co-existence and the common good”.

Challenges and opportunities
These two challenges are related to the youth and women. To work towards the dignity of women in the Church and society, it is essential to let women have a voice. In his Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in Africa, the then pope John Paul II pointed out: “The pastoral care of youth must clearly be a part of the overall pastoral plan of Dioceses and Parishes, so that young people will be enabled to discover very early on the value of the gift of self, an essential means for the person to reach maturity…” (EIA 93). Pope John Paul II, made it very clear that, “The Church in Africa knows well that youth are not only the present but are the future of humanity. It is thus necessary to help the young people to overcome the obstacles thwarting their development: illiteracy, idleness, hunger, drugs…”

The huge importance and influence of the Mass Media today in Africa makes it clear that more than ever the youth appear as the part of society that can easily be manipulated. Unfortunately, very often, most of the youth are miserably controlled, used, and abused by political and financial imposing powers.
This is why an effective and efficient pastoral direction is so urgent. Though the way forward seems not easy to find, the Church gives clear signs that it believes in its youth, and it is completely interested in them. The Church knows that to equip and enable young people as disciples of Christ to fulfil their mission in the Church and in the World, there is a need for a conscious, systematic, and co-ordinated training programme based on scripture and sound Catholic teaching to be in place. This programme must aim at supporting and motivating them to achieve their full potential spiritually, morally, physically, socially, economically, emotionally, and intellectually.

Francisco José de Sousa Machado

 

China. A Third Term for Xi Jinping.

The reconfirmation of Xi Jinping as Secretary General of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) opens an unprecedented season for China and the world, as no one before him had been reconfirmed for the third time for this position.

This undoubtedly constitutes a signal of internal strengthening of the current leadership, which has managed to prevail over internal competition and to act as the only point of reference from both an ideological-political and economic point of view, despite the difficulties that the Chinese economy has encountered in recent years.

This reconfirmation could indicate a certain continuity with respect to the two previous mandates, suggesting that China in the coming years will continue the path it took during the first two mandates of Xi Jinping.

If on the one hand this scenario of predictability, which for the European partners can be a reassuring element, can be realized on most of the dossiers, on the other hand, the complexity of the current global economic and political relations will bring an element of novelty to the leadership of Xi Jinping, thus weakening certainties
and long-term forecasts.

The major critical issue that Xi Jinping faces has to do with the growth rates of the Chinese economy which, although high compared to other economies, are actually disappointing for Beijing’s ambitious projects, which aim to overtake the United States as a global economic power. Indeed, in the second quarter of 2022, the country’s GDP grew by just 0.4%, well below the forecast of 1%, and slowing sharply from 4.8% in the first quarter, thus registering the second lowest level since 1992.

The situation has improved in the third quarter of 2022, although the figures are also below expectations. From July to September, China’s GDP grew by 3.9% compared to the previous year, but this makes it significantly more complicated for Beijing to achieve the economic targets set at the beginning of 2022 by the Chinese government, which expected to close the year with a growth rate of 5.5%.

That the economic context is not particularly favourable is confirmed by the fact that the publication of economic data has been postponed due to the concomitance with the XX National Congress of the CCP, precisely to avoid a scenario where the not rather doubtful forecasts should weaken Xi Jinping’s position on the eve of his reconfirmation.

Another sign is represented by the black day recorded on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, which, following the publication of data from the Statistics Office, recorded negative -4.22% and slipped to the lowest level for the last 13 years.

In this particularly critical context, it seems that Xi Jinping wants to continue a policy inspired by creating an increasingly self-sufficient economy, especially in the technology and food security sectors, favouring decoupling from the United States in critical sectors and promoting driven growth from domestic demand rather
than from exports.

In fact, the Chinese authorities, in line with the fourteenth five-year plan in which the country’s guidelines were decided up to 2025, aim to promote economic growth based on the revival of domestic demand, progressively moving away from the growth structure followed until recently, which focused on exports and attracting foreign investments. China aims to strengthen the expansion of domestic consumption while remaining open to international trade and investment.

Strategically, therefore, China under Xi Jinping’s third term will continue to pursue the goal of making domestic demand the first economic pillar of growth and maintaining openness to the outside without, however, being excessively dependent on it, so as to decrease the vulnerability of the Chinese economy to exogenous shocks.

In this context, it is therefore foreseeable that Beijing will continue with fiscal stimuli, also through tax incentives, to better support Chinese entrepreneurs. Infrastructure development plans will also continue to be financed, above all to connect the megalopolis with rural China.

From this point of view, therefore, Beijing seeks to overcome the previously prevalent approach of financing large infrastructure projects, to instead devote greater attention to the development of the domestic productive fabric.

It will be a priority for Beijing to maintain high consumer confidence and therefore support consumption, as a significant component of Chinese aggregate demand, also in light of trade tensions with Washington and the breakdown of global value chains.

Another factor of continuity seems to be that of the ‘Zero Covid’ policy that Xi Jinping intends to continue, despite the considerable impact it has had on the Chinese economy.

This picture had already emerged from the ‘two sessions’ – the plenary meetings of the National People’s Congress (CNP) and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPCPC) – which were held in March 2022 with the aim of outlining the strategic lines of China’s economic, trade, environmental, and industrial development policy area.

In fact, in the two sessions, the image of China aware of its potential and determined not to give up its strategic objectives was outlined, despite the challenges ahead.

In this context of continuity, Xi Jinping will nevertheless have to deal with a profoundly changed international context due to the war in Ukraine, given that China, which has not yet taken a clear-cut position on the conflict, finds itself in the complex situation of not being able to abandon Russia with the risk that this might further compromise the already troubled relations with Washington.

While Europe is struggling to find new partnerships, Beijing will seek to exploit the reorganization of international relations to find new markets and new ‘entry points’. German Chancellor Olaf Sholz’s trip to China on 3 and 4 November indicated that Germany is ready to offer itself as a partner for Beijing, despite the criticisms that this approach has raised, especially with reference to the sale of the port of Hamburg
to a Chinese logistics company.

In general, therefore, the third historic mandate of Xi Jinping begins with multiple difficulties and with an underlying continuity, aimed at pursuing the ambitious agenda of Beijing through the strengthening of internal stability and the achievement of such a level of self-sufficiency and resilience as to enable it to continue its growth policy without being overwhelmed by the sudden earthquakes that are shaking the international political and economic system.

However, this is countered by the need to rethink international strategies in view of the repositioning of countries due to the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, a necessity that requires a novelty component with respect to an economic policy that cannot fail to take into account the market reactions and the prospects of a global recession. (Photo:Xinhua/Huang Jingwen)

Carlo Palleschi/CeSI

 

 

 

Africa. Death as a Rite of Passage.

The meaning of the rites of passage in Africa culture. ‘The funeral rites express the solidarity of the living with their dead relative; in some way, the relatives and the whole village accompany the dead and help them reach their destination’.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, during funeral rites those who lift the coffin in order to carry it to the graveyard do it three times. They lift it and put it back on the ground three times before they carry it. This is a clear résumé of the life of an adult: birth, initiation into adulthood, and death. All these stages of life are accompanied by practices, which anthropologists call rites of passage.
A rite of passage, which can also be called a process of initiation, is a series of ceremonies aimed at changing the status of a person: from childhood to adulthood, from an ordinary person to a chief, from a prince to a king, from a bachelor to a married person, etc.  In the case of death, it is from a living person to an ancestor.

Usually, there are three main stages in a rite of passage: separation, seclusion and aggregation or re-integration into society. Separation is often solemn and dramatic. The future initiate leaves their family or village. They do not belong anymore to it until the whole process is concluded. They are torn or snatched from culture (village) to nature (bush or forest) in a movement which can be called regressive because it takes them symbolically to the foetal state preparing for a kind of re-birth.In funerals, this separation takes place immediately after the death announcement. It takes the form of very loud wailing and confusion. It is repeated every time the dead body is lifted from one place to another for different funeral rites. The deceased is removed from the world of the living and starts the journey to the domain of the ancestors. All the funeral rites are meant to help them attain the status of an ancestor.
Whoever is acquainted with African funerals knows that there is a time when the wailing dies down.
This is the second stage of the rite of passage, namely, seclusion. This is when the dead body is being washed, dressed, and prepared for exposition. The members of the mourning family also observe a period of seclusion until the mourning days are over. They are not allowed to leave the home. Like the dead person, they are in seclusion. For some tribes, they neither bathe nor lie on beds in solidarity with the dead person who will never bathe nor lie on a bed again.

In other rites of passage, the group of initiates undergoes this phase as a group accompanied only by the initiators but in the case of death, the deceased has to be joined by the immediate members of the family. Notice that the word ‘rite’ comes from the Sanskrit ‘rita’ which means ‘order’. One of the aims of the rites of passage is to bring order in the individual who is changing physically and psychologically and in the society in which that change takes place. This explains why funeral rites are followed to the letter. While for the dead failure to carry them out well will prevent them from becoming an ancestor (in which case they will become a dangerous wandering spirit that will haunt especially their family), for society, it can end in chaos.
For the deceased, burial is part of seclusion or marginalization which corresponds to staying in the bush, forest, or house for initiation into adulthood. Some societies have modernized the end of this seclusion by creating what is called the unveiling of the tombstone. It is a kind of symbolic resurrection.
The last stage is the one of aggregation or reintegration into society. It is marked by feasting. The initiate is reborn and transformed. They were symbolically killed; so, they symbolically resurrect to a new life with a new name and a new social status. In the case of death, the process of death is ended and it is believed that the departed has reached the domain of the ancestors, thanks to the funeral rites and to the good life they lived before death. They are now being called back to their people as a life-giving spirit.

Remember that at death, the living said goodbye to them, bidding them to go; now they have to come back.
People gather once again, they eat, drink, dance and in some tribes, they install an heir for them if they had children in life.
Towards the end of this so-called second funeral, all the signs of death are removed, and no one should weep anymore for the deceased. This is why in Luganda (Baganda people – Uganda) this kind of aggregation is called kwabya lumbe, meaning ‘to destroy death’.
In Africa, after death, the human person remains for some time among his people and when they are buried, the journey to the land of the ancestors begins concretely by the process of decomposition until they become a skeleton. This is what we call ‘physical death’. Parallel to that process which on the spiritual level leads them to the spiritual world, is the ‘social death’ operated by the living. The family of the deceased associates itself to the mysterious journey which they undertake in order to join the community of the ancestors.
The funeral rites express the solidarity of the living with their dead relative; in some way, the relatives and the whole village accompany the dead and help them reach their destination. (Photo: 123rf.com)

Edward Kanyike

Do the current protests against the hijab in Iran threaten the stability of the Islamic Republic?

Protests in Iran continue but, despite the brutal repression by the state, the determination of young people in the streets could mark a definitive break between the population and the ruling class which, after having arrested and imprisoned activists who have been demanding gradual reforms for years appears to be paying the price of its recalcitrance.

On September 20, the 22-year-old Jina Mahsa Amini died in Tehran after three days in a coma in hospital. She was tortured and beaten by the ‘moral police’ (gasht-e ershad).
Recent video evidence shows that Ms. Amini suffered from an illness during custody, suggesting that the Iranian authorities’ claim that she had not been beaten is not without merit. Nevertheless, Gasht-e ershad patrols public spaces, searching for people, women in particular, who violate the norms of public ‘decency’ with their clothing and overall appearance (or behavior). Ça va sans dire that the mandatory headscarf is the most common reason for patrols to take action.

Jina Mahsa Amini died in Tehran after three days in a coma in hospital. She was tortured and beaten by the ‘moral police’. (Twitter)

After taking Mahsa back because according to them she was not properly veiled, they forcefully loaded her into a van and took her to the barracks. This summer, Gasht-e ershad has already been the subject of violence that have caused public outrage. And not just against women. They have targeted fed up men such as professional boxer Reza Moradkhani who has been partially paralyzed after being shot by the morality police in the course of defending his wife from their attentions.
There were other episodes as well, marking a decided increase in state violence against the population. The Raisi (known for his loyalty to the Islamic Republic and strict application of its morality laws) government came to power and thanks to the tense international and regional situation – wars, assassinations of scientists and generals, conflicts and diplomatic tensions, it has tightened security, showing ever less tolerance for dissent and ‘resistance’ no matter how minor, or random and intentionally politicized. An example are the dozens, if not hundreds, of young women who are seen around Tehran, and beyond, without a veil. This is a new and disruptive phenomenon for the regime, and in some way, it suggests that the US policy of sanctions – aided and abetted by disruptive actions from Washington’s regional allies – may finally be producing its fruits. What kind of fruits is yet to be determined. One wonders, then, whether a policy of diplomacy might have favored the reformist political camp – starting with that of President Khatami (1997-2002, 2002-2005) – leading to a natural and more democratic evolution of the Islamic Republic.

The present protests
There is are elements of novelty in the present protests. While women have always been at the heart of organized demonstrations against the violence of the Iranian state and with the aim of claiming more rights, there had been a tacit willingness to collaborate with the institutions and accept compromise; especially, when the government had shown a willingness of its own to accept change, as happened under Khatami’s first term (1997-2002). What has changed now – since the 2019 protests in particular – is a realization that the other side, the government, has no predisposition to listen. Therefore, the present protests are more radical and harder to quell. Indeed, both young men and women – part of a generation that has known no political reality other than the Islamic Republic (unlike the previous generation, which could also remember the violence of the Shah’s regime).

Uprising in Tehran. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Darafsh

Over the past weeks, protesters have administered violence of their own. They have chased and beaten Gasht-e ershad officers, attacking police vehicles and there have been reports of some police officers having been killed. It’s a bit like Syria in 2011. But unlike Syria, there’s far more ethnic and especially religious unity in Iran. The protests have also persisted despite heavy government crackdowns. Moreover, while slogans such as ‘death to the dictator’ were seldom heard in previous protests, even in 2009 during the Green Movement period, in 2022 it has been present since the beginning: Marg- ba-diktator. This carried great symbolic significance, given that the main slogans of the 1979 Revolution were marg ba Shah and marg ba Amrika: respectively, death to the Shah and death to America. The protesters also cut across class boundaries. Once they were led mainly by poor workers and proletariat. Today’s protestors have also attracted the well –to-do from the elegant neighborhoods of the educated middle classes, suggesting a more transversal consensus.

Students of Amir Kabir university protests. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Darafsh

Today, the protests are celebrated and encouraged by all even if they fail to express precise leadership. Unlike, some protest movements led and inspired by university students or bazaar shopkeepers (as also happened in 1978-79), the current protest lacks any coordination. This is where the regime can find some respite if Lenin’s revolutionary theories are correct.  The protests remain the first act of individuals who have taken to the streets to express their anger and dissent but they still struggle to establish themselves as a collective entity that thinks and acts politically and in accordance with a strategy. That is not to say that if the Iranian leadership fails to adopt a strategy of its own, and one that goes far beyond the blunt instrument of violence, the movement can’t become more politically relevant – and therefore threatening.

The protests are of great importance to the future, and the Supreme Leadership.
The scale of the protests is enormous because it could indicate a definitive breaking point between the political class and the population. The Iranian government has become ever more authoritarian in the context of economic turmoil and few if any prospect of recovery. The uncertainty over the succession to Khamenei and what that means for the future of the Islamic Republic itself. The negotiations for a new nuclear deal are all but dead, and therefore there’s no sanctions respite in sight. This means that Iran’s goal of establishing itself as an alternative source of gas (as sanctions and damage to both Nord Stream 1 and 2 keep the prospect of Russian gas exports to Europe ever more distant) same time is quickly fading.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. CC BY 4.0/ Khamenei.ir

In the Islamic Republic the president is in office but not in power, because the general orientation – and above all important issues such as foreign policy and nuclear power – is decided by the Rahbar, that is the Commander-in-chief of the regular armed forces, of the Pasdaran and of the Basij paramilitary militias, he is the supreme leader to exercise power on earth on behalf of the Mahdi, the messiah expected by the Shiites.
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has held this role since he replaced Imam Khomeini in 1989. He was elected by the Assembly of Experts composed of 88 ayatollahs, who will also be in charge of his succession.
From the institutional point of view, Ayatollah Khamenei represents the head of state of the Islamic Republic, sitting atop of a complex institutional system that intertwines popular legitimacy with religious legitimacy. The dual nature of the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic is today summarized in the figure of Khamenei, who, has played an even more influential role than (post-revolution) Ayatollah Khomeini.
He represents the highest political and religious authority
of the Islamic Republic.
Khamenei’s first government post was as Deputy Defense Minister in Mehdi Bazargan’s interim revolutionary government in spring 1979. This position allowed Khamenei to gain familiarity and experience with the Armed Forces. Khamenei then exercised the role of commander in chief of the armed forces himself once he ascended to the role of Supreme Leader, unlike his predecessor Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who, while technically holding this power, preferred to delegate it to others. In 1981, Khamenei to the role of President of the Republic, becoming the first Shiite clergyman to occupy a position in the executive branch. In 1989, upon Khomeini’s death, he was elevated to the rank of Supreme Leader. This move was technically made possible through a constitutional change, favored by President Hashemi Rafsanjani. He was betting on Khamenei’s relative political weakness and lack of charisma in order to weaken the role of the Supreme Leader with the aim of carving out a more powerful role for himself.

In a secondary school in Teheran. “Woman, life, freedom”; One of the main slogans of the protesters. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Farzan44

Rafsanjani wanted to embark on a kind of Perestrojka to maneuver Iran into a new phase, characterized by a relaxation of revolutionary rhetoric and a gradual reintegration into the international system.
From the moment of his inauguration, however, Khamenei has dedicated himself to the construction of a personal network that allowed him to increase his political weight exponentially. This strategy was mainly implemented through two instruments: an extremely loyal political elite, and a flexible policy, facilitating the juggling of different political factions; most importantly, preventing any of these from acquiring excessive power – or sufficient power to threaten his role. According to media hostile to Iran, he suffers from all manner of illnesses – though prostate cancer is the most frequent ‘prognosis,’ even as heart and respiratory problems are also mentioned often. His death was announced several times by the enemies of the Islamic Republic, only to be denied. Still, Khamenei is 83 years old, and sooner or later the problems of his succession and what direction Iran will take will
need to be confronted.

Women in Melbourne, Australia, cutting off their hair in solidarity with Iranian Protests. CC BY 2.0/ Matt Hrkac

And this is where the real struggle for power is taking place: with double-digit inflation and skyrocketing prices, the moderate President Rohani had no chance; the grandson of Imam Khomeini has pedigree but does not have a large following and, above all, seems faithful to the indications of his grandfather who did not want his involvement in politics; the Larijani brothers have held various positions, but over the years they have lost their luster also because many of their collaborators are involved in corruption scandals; linked to the pasdaran, the ultraconservative Ebrahimi Raisi could have some chance.
Indeed, Khamenei was the President when Khomeini died, and acceded to the latter’s role. There are also well-informed observers (in interventionist Washington think-tanks it should be stressed) like Ali Alfoneh, of the Arab Gulf States Institute, who believes that the Revolutionary Guards (IGRC) will lead a military coup removing the very role of Rahbar. In other words, Iran would shift from theocracy to military dictatorship. (Open Photo: Iranian women on the frontlines of protest. via Social Media)

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