TwitterFacebookInstagram

South Africa. Creativity that Transforms the World.

Soweto Theatre is a community space where new generations of artists are forged from historical memory

A captivating shade of red dominates the modern building, which expands into geometric and irregular shapes, next to the mythical Jabulani amphitheatre. It was there that Zindzi Mandela read the speech “My father says …”, it was 1985, when his father, Nelson Mandela, rejected the offer of parole from the South African government, which maintained the regime of ethnic segregation and banned the African National Congress. Huge tarpaulins frame the external space. This is the Soweto Theatre. Since its creation in May 2012 – as a legacy of the new buildings included in the 2010 Soccer World Cup project – the Soweto Theatre has maintained the long and rich African tradition of community theatre, adapting to the needs of society, while also displaying the entrepreneurial spirit of street vendors and hosting important commercial events.

Kosi Ndesi, director of marketing. Photo: José Luis Silván Sen

The infrastructure is part of a municipal body by which, as explained by Kosi Ndesi, director of marketing, from one of the three indoor theatres it hosts, the programming is coordinated with the other theatres in the city of Johannesburg and gives space to the spontaneous proposals of the public. “I came when the Soweto Theatre had only been running for two years, intending to develop a space that would explore the enormous creative potential of Soweto’s youth. Every administrative division of South Africa should have a place like this. At first, they only received proposals, but there was no proactive action to create a program”, Ndesi says, ensuring that his department is a bridge between those with an artistic idea and the theatre administration, so that, in addition to the possibility of renting the space, even those who have no resources feel that the place belongs to them.

Obligatory remembrance
Soweto is a township adjoining Johannesburg, established in 1963 to bring together a series of townships for blacks under one administration. A lot has changed since South Africa became a democracy, but the past is still very much present.
The forced deportations that populated what was an inhospitable place on the outskirts of the big city between 1952 and 1957, as well as its transformation into an icon of the struggle against apartheid, make it almost impossible that the artistic activities presented at the Soweto Theatre do not still have a strong political and demanding content.

Photo José Luis Silván Sen

“It is a beautiful space, with an attractive architectural design and with the right infrastructure. The theatre has become a great need for the community because Soweto is a very rich and lively place in terms of culture in all disciplines, from music to cinema, to dance … in any creative project. It is a theatre that accepts the challenges posed by the creative community and also by our young entrepreneurs. It allows them to socialise because being an entrepreneur does not only mean creating a business but also developing it socially and commercially, learning to sell their works of art”, explains Ndesi, expanding the concept of ‘theatre’ to a real meeting point, where experiences can be lived in community. “The Jabulani amphitheatre has hosted political rallies, concerts and religious celebrations; it has been a melting pot of cultures and creativity, even in the difficult moments of our recent history”, a spirit that, according to Ndesi, has also been adopted by the Soweto theatre which has taken on the memory of recent history, and allows him to work with greater determination, especially in what concerns the young people, the first generation of adults who have not experienced the atrocities of apartheid. The theatre receives almost fifty proposals a year and nearly half of them are re-presented. “One of the highlights of the Soweto Theatre was the celebration of the Hugh Masekela Legacy Festival in November 2019, shortly after his death,” recalls Kosi Ndesi.

Two young people practice dance outside the theatre. Photo: José Luis Silván Sen

Masekela was a composer, trumpeter, and singer. He distinguished himself for his jazz compositions and for writing anti-apartheid songs like ‘Soweto Blues’ and ‘Bring Him Back Home’. He was a patriot and a friend of the Soweto Theatre. Much more than an artist, he had a great affection for this space; he cared about its development and that of the young people who lived around him in this community. He had a great interest in bringing young people closer to art and creativity. We have transformed the space for this festival, to host several shows at the same time”, says Ndesi.
The most successful events are those suitable for families, such as the Seven Colour Sunday Event, a food market held on the last Sunday of each month, where Soweto chefs compete with their best dishes. Some of them have their own small restaurant businesses and find room to expand their circle of consumers. Families are encouraged to bring their children, who are admitted free. During the month of March – which in South Africa is the month of the celebration of human rights – the Soweto Theatre concentrates its activities in schools and childcare centres, to plant the seeds of theatre, music, and dance in children. “We try to make sure that when they finish school, they have visited the Soweto Theatre at least four times. We create a habit because they start coming at age three. We hope they see it as their own space”, says Ndesi. The final activity consists of a session of the Constitutional Court, in which the children take on the role of judges, prosecutors, witnesses, lawyers etc. “In everything we plan, education goes hand in hand with fun and vice versa”, says Ndesi.

Photo: José Luis Silván Sen

June is Youth Month and the Soweto Theatre takes the opportunity to host shows that are inspired by the meaning of freedom for today’s youth. The life of the Soweto Theatre is made up of a strategy shared with the community, in which everyone wins: the Soweto Theatre, because it performs the socio-cultural function for which it was created, as a laboratory for creative development; and the community because it grows around it, as a space for meeting and consolidating ways of life. Soon, the theatre will also be a space for conferences, award ceremonies, and meetings. It will be a space open to all those interested in the creativity that transforms the world. (Open Photo: Exterior entrance to The Soweto Theatre at night time.123rf.com)

Carla Fibla García-Sala

 

 

The Tortoise and the Chimpanzee.

The Tortoise and the Chimpanzee had been friends for a very long time and so it was only natural that they should invite each other to their wedding feasts when they both decided to get married.

The Chimpanzee was the first to celebrate his wedding. The most delicious food was prepared and the finest palm wine was provided
for every guest.

Tortoise arrived punctuality on the day and was most impressed by what he saw. He was extremely hungry after his very long journey, and more than anything he looked forward to tucking into the food in the company of the other guests.

After a long wait, the dinner gong was sounded and all the Chimpanzees began climbing the trees where they sat waiting to be served.

Tortoise, of course, could not climb at all well and struggled very hard to make it even to the lowest branch. By the time he eventually reached the party, the first half of the meal had been served and cleared and he found that he was ignored by the other guests who chatted loudly among themselves.

Finality, he thought it best to mention to his friend the slight problem he was having keeping his balance on the branch. “But you must sit like the rest of us – the Chimpanzee told Tortoise -, it is our custom. When my people eat, they always sit this way. It would be so rude to lie on the ground when everyone else is upright.”

And so Tortoise tried a little harder to make himself comfortable, but as soon as he reached forward to grab hold of some food, he fell flat on his belly. All the Chimpanzees roared with laughter at the sight of him and he hung his head in shame, feeling hungry and frustrated, knowing that he would never get to eat any of the delicious food.

When the day arrived for the Tortoise to marry, he had no wish to provide a lavish banquet for his guests, but prepared a small dinner-party for his closest friends. Before any of the guests was due to arrive, however, Tortoise went outdoors and lit a torch. Then he began to burn the dry grass around his house.

Chimpanzee and his new wife soon appeared in the distance and Tortoise slipped indoors again to resume the preparations. He embraced the couple warmly when they arrived and made sure that they were given one of the best seats at his table.

The food was set down before them, and all were about to tuck in when Tortoise suddenly stood up and raised both arms in the air: “Let’s just make sure that we all have clean hands – he said. “Nothing upsets me more than people who eat their food with dirty hands.”

One by one his guests began to examine their hands, quite confident that they were clean. But when Chimpanzee stared at his, he was shocked to see that they were a filthy black colour.

“But I scrubbed them before I left my house,” he protested. “None the less – replied Tortoise -, they are very dirty indeed and it would be offensive to my people if you did not make an effort to clean them one more time. Go back to the river across the bush and try again. We promise to eat slowly so that you do not miss the meal.”

Chimpanzee set off to do as his host suggested, walking on all fours through the charred grass and soot until he reached the river.
Here he washed his hands thoroughly and returned by the same path to Tortoise’s house.
“But there is no improvement. You must go again,” said Tortoise, munching on a delicious yam. “What a shame! We will have eaten everything if this keeps up.”

Again, the Chimpanzee returned and again the Tortoise sent him away, a third and a fourth and a fifth time, until all the splendid dishes
had been gobbled up.

So, in the end, Tortoise had his revenge, and for many years afterwards he took great delight in telling his friends the story of how he managed to outwit Chimpanzee on his wedding day.

Folktale from Tanzania

 

 

 

Towards the 2023 Synod. The Church Walking Towards the Peripheries.

“It is not enough to say that the Church is missionary. It is necessary to understand well what this mission consists of ”. Going out means ‘going towards suffering humanity to live fraternity, heal its wounds, help its needs, participate in its struggles for rights”.

The 1st Ecclesial Assembly of Latin America and the Caribbean (November 2021), proposed by Pope Francis in response to the request for a new Conference of the Latin American Bishops, brought together the different expressions and bodies of the People of God. It took place in the context of the process of synodal listening in preparation for the next Synod of Bishops in October 2023 (For a synodal Church: communion, participation, mission) and in the spirit of the last conference of the Latin American episcopate held in Aparecida in May 2007 (Disciples and missionaries of Jesus Christ, so that our peoples may have life in him).
This double reference defines the tone and perspective of this 1st Ecclesial Assembly: synodality and mission. And it appeared clearly in the theme of the assembly: we are all missionary disciples who go forward. These were and are inseparable aspects that relate to and involve each other reciprocally: the mission belongs to all and must be assumed by all (the ‘walking together’ of the people of God) and synodality is given in and in function of the mission (‘walking together’ in the mission). The synodal nature of mission (God’s people) and the missionary nature of synodality (mission) cannot be overstated.

But here we want to insist on this second aspect: the missionary nature of synodality. This may seem simple and obvious, but in practice, it is much more complex and problematic than it may seem.
In the first place, because insistence on the participation of all in the Church can end up relativizing and/or leaving in the background the ‘where’ and ‘in what’ such participation consists and is given, and end up in a power dispute which would be nothing more than another expression of clericalism (disputed leadership/command).
Secondly, because mission can be and usually is understood/realized in an egocentric or self-referential way, relativizing or even denying its character as a ‘sacrament’ of salvation or the kingdom of God in the world and of ‘service’ to the poor and to the marginalized of this world (growth and internal dynamism of the Church). Just look at what the movements of missionary animation consist of in our communities, parishes, and dioceses (in practice, not in texts and documents).
It is not enough to say that the Church is missionary. It is necessary to understand well what this mission consists of, which is none other than the mission of Jesus, as it is narrated/witnessed in the Gospels: to announce and make present the kingdom of God in the world.

In practice, this means/implies helping those who have fallen, healing wounds, consoling the afflicted and the desperate, welcoming the marginalized/excluded and opposing customs and laws that threaten human dignity, denouncing the powerful and oppressors, living and setting in motion processes of fraternity (love, forgiveness, compassion, service, etc.) and exercising ‘power’ as a service. In a word: living according to the logic of the kingdom of God: divine sonship which is concretized in love and fraternity among all, even enemies. Every ecclesial activity (catechesis, liturgy, formation meetings, Popular Missions, missionary visits, etc.) must be conceived and carried out in view of the fundamental mission of the Church, which is to announce and make the Kingdom of God present in the world, which it is a kingdom of brotherhood, justice, and peace.
Francis never tires of insisting on the need and urgency of the ‘missionary transformation of the Church’ (EG, Ch. I), understood as ‘going out to the geographical, social and existential peripheries’ (EG, 20, 30, 46, 191). Faced with the self-referential tendencies of the Church, he incessantly insists on the need and urgency to ‘go to the peripheries’. Against all self-indulgence, it is necessary to go out (a Church that goes out). But this is not just any way out to any place or thing, but rather going out to suffering humanity to live fraternity, heal its wounds, help its needs, participate in its struggles for rights, etc.
This missionary perspective was at the centre of the 1st Ecclesial Assembly of Latin America and the Caribbean. This appeared clearly in the theme of the assembly: we are all missionary disciples who go forward. It is made more explicit in the pastoral challenges identified and collected by the assembly. It is true that the order/sequence of presentation of the challenges (the criterion used here is not clear) can relativize or even lose sight of this horizon of the Christian mission, placing the emphasis more on the internal life of the Church (ecclesial participation, protagonism of the lay people) and on its mission in the world (going out to the peripheries).

It is the permanent temptation of self-referentiality and clericalism. In any case, some of the challenges identified and collected by the assembly indicate the perspective and the fundamental path of the Church in this world and, concretely, in our time:
– ‘accompany the victims of social and ecclesial injustices with processes of recognition and reparation’;
– ‘promote and defend the dignity of life and of the human person from conception to natural death’; ‘ listen to the cry of the poor, the excluded and the rejected’;
– ‘reaffirm and give priority to an integral ecology in our communities, starting from the four dreams of the Apostolic Exhortation Dear Amazonia’;
– ‘accompany native and Afro-descendant peoples in the defence of life, land and cultures’.
Of course, these are not the only challenges facing our world. It certainly is not enough just to identify the challenges: they need to be made concrete and faced in every territory and/or context. They need to be transformed into pastoral projects. They must be assumed as a fundamental mission of the whole Church. But the challenges identified and collected indicate where the heart of the Church of Jesus must be and where it must walk if it wants to be faithful to Jesus and his Gospel of the Kingdom of God which consists in the manifestation of God’s love for suffering humanity, however scandalous this may be for the ‘priests and scribes’, for the ‘eldest son’ or for the ‘workers of the first hour’ that we all are. The poor and marginalized of this world are, in him, the judges and lords of our lives, churches and theologies (Mt 25: 31-46).
(Illustrations: Luis Henrique Alves Pinto)

Francisco Aquino Jr.
A Brazilian Theologian

 

Transnistria. In the Shadow of the Kremlin.

It is not recognized by any state, but, to all intents and purposes, it is independent: from the border to Tiraspol, between checkpoints and the still visible signs of the 1992 war. A journey to a country that does not exist, officially.

A prefabricated container interrupts the two-lane road connecting Chisinau to Tiraspol. The cars stop neatly at the checkpoint that marks the border between the Republic of Moldova and the Moldavian Republic of Pridniestrov, or Transnistria, a state entity that no government in the world has ever recognized but which is in effect independent.
On the Vltava side, two soldiers are stationed in front of customs but do not check travellers’ documents: Chisinau believes that the territory of Transnistria is in all respects Moldavian. Only alcohol and Russian-brand cigarettes are taxed, which can be bought in the shops beyond the checkpoint. The Transnistrian policemen, on the other hand, check the passports of motorists and give foreigners an entry sheet that represents a sort of visa: the days to visit Transnistria are limited but it is possible to agree with the border agents on the duration of one’s stay.

The first city you come to after the makeshift border is Bender, which announces itself with white socialist buildings, spacious and airy boulevards and the brown brick fortress dominating the bend of the Dniester River. Some buildings still show signs of the bombings in 1992, when the regular army of the newly formed Republic of Moldova attacked Transnistria which had proclaimed itself independent. For Chisinau, which wanted to extend its power over the entire former Moldavian Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic (whose territory corresponds to today’s Moldova), Tiraspol’s proclamation of independence came as a shock. The Moldovan army could count on a limited number of soldiers, on old and obsolete weapons and the little aid, in terms of men and funds, provided by Romania.

A general view of the checkpoint at the border of Moldova and the breakaway Transnistrian Republic, near Bender, 65 km West from Chisinau. Photo: EPA/STR

The Transnistrian army was improvised and unmanned, but supported by some 6,000 Russian, Cossack and Ukrainian mercenaries and determined to fight to defend the country’s independence. The XIV division of the Red Army stationed in the region sided with Tiraspol and for this reason, Transnistria managed to maintain its territorial integrity. The war, which lasted from March to July 1992, was however bloody and violent and left an immense void between the two warring parties. There is no family in Bender that did not have a relative engaged in fighting in the armed clashes of 1992. Transnistrian propaganda speaks of the war of ’92 in heroic and at times epic terms; the Moldovan propaganda describes it as a cowardly attempt by the Tiraspol terrorists, supported by Russia, to detach themselves from the motherland for purely economic and personal gain issues on the part of a handful of shrewd and unscrupulous politicians.
Everyone has their own truth and it is not easy to reconcile the points of view in a country where just over 28% of the inhabitants are Moldovans, 29% Russians and the remainder are Ukrainians, Bulgarians and Gagauzians (2015 census). In any case, Bender still bears the marks of the war, which took place mainly along the Dniester River, and at the entrance to each city, there are checkpoints, Frisian horses and armed soldiers who look suspiciously at every pedestrian and every car that enters the inhabited centres.

Monument to Suvorov in the city center of Tiraspol, Transdniestria, Moldova. The bronze statue is dedicated to Russian general Alexandr Suvorov. 123rf.com

The division between Moldova (Bessarabia) and Transnistria was decreed after the end of the First World War. In 1939 the Molotov-Ribbentrop Pact allowed the Soviets to also occupy Bessarabia, which was then briefly reoccupied by the Romanians, with the help of Nazi Germany, during the invasion of 1941 and then definitively moved to the USSR in 1944. Only towards the end of the 1980s, nationalism was reawakened in this area, as happened everywhere in the former Soviet empire. Transnistrians were afraid of losing their identity and the ability to speak Russian, which happened after the 1991 coup in Russia when the Chisinau Parliament proclaimed independence and declared Moldovan the only national language.
At that point, the clashes began which soon turned into a short but exhausting trench warfare, fought village by village and, in Bender, district by district. Without the intervention of the 14th division, which bombed the Moldovans from the right bank of the river, the hostilities would have continued for a long time. It was always Russia that imposed the ceasefire and peace, controlled and guaranteed by a Joint Control Commission, made up of Russians, Transnistrians and Moldovans.

War memorial and the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier, Tiraspol, Transnistria, Moldova. 123rf.com

Tiraspol is a quiet city, with wide boulevards and orderly and composed traffic. The trolley buses are punctual and clean; the park along the Dniester River is welcoming and well-kept. Statues of Lenin still dominate the boulevards and the hammer and sickle stand out on the facades of the buildings, signalling continuity with the USSR’s past. In fact, what numerous analysts have repeatedly pointed out, namely that Transnistria is out of this world and still lives in the Soviet Empire, is an exaggeration; talking to people and walking around Tiraspol, one gets the impression that the use of Soviet symbols is more of a tourist gimmick and has to do with the folklore of the country, not with reality. In fact, Transnistria seems to play on symbols to give an idea of ​​itself that strikes the few foreigners who come to these parts.
There is very little that is Soviet; the Transnistrian population uses mobile phones and tablets and is very familiar with the mechanisms of the market economy. The fact that ATMs only work with the internal ‘Klever’ circuit and are not connected to the international Visa and Mastercard networks does not testify to the Soviet backwardness of this area, but rather to its political isolation.
The impression is given that in Transnistria life is good, but the reality is different. Although the country has a thriving chemical and construction industry, it can only be maintained thanks to aid and trade with Russia. Moscow’s presence is clearly visible in the numerous barracks housing Russian military garrisons, the largest of which is right at the entrance to Tiraspol, a few steps from the city stadium that bears the name of the Sherif football team. In fact, Sherif is the largest company in the country, which practically holds the Transnistrian economy in its hands. It owns shops, cafes, and restaurants, thanks to its links with the government. Transnistrian has a controlled free market, where only a few players, in agreement with politicians, can afford to do business. The Transnistrian population does not live in comfort, even if there are no dramatic differences in income and class as in other post-Soviet countries.

President of Transnistria Vladimir Krasnosel’ski. (Photo Pres.Office)

The country’s government is controlled by President Vladimir Krasnosel’ski and his men, but there is also an opposition, tolerated and not excessively critical of the government, represented by the Transnistrian Communist Party (not present in Parliament, where, out of 33 deputies, 29 are from the ‘Renewal’ party, which is linked and financed by the Sherif company, and 4 are independent).
Its media outlet, Pravda Pridnestrovia, criticizes the government with regard to economic measures and proposes a rapprochement, if not annexation, to Russia to solve the country’s problems.
Beyond this solution, perhaps simplistic and biased, what is really interesting is the fact that ‘Pravda’ is the only newspaper to highlight the real economic problems of the territory controlled by Tiraspol: with average wages at 350 euros for professionals, who prefer to leave the country and go to work in Russia or Moldova. The guaranteed minimum wage is around 133 euros, very little to live on. A doctor and a professor earn little more than the minimum wage.

Russian and Transnistrian soldiers march in Tiraspol, the capital. (Photo: Transnistrian diplomacy website

Thanks also and above all to donations from the Kremlin, the self-styled Transnistrian state guarantees free studies and social services, which allow the population to survive. To survive, not to live comfortably, and this is why young people, once they have graduated, choose the path of emigration en masse.
The Transnistrian political elite, since the war in Ukraine began, seems to have chosen the path of diplomacy and caution. The Chisinau government is convinced that Tiraspol will not take the side of Moscow and it seems that a gap has arisen between a large part of the population, which is eagerly awaiting the arrival of the Russian army, and the President, who instead does not miss an opportunity to underline the natural inclination for peace of the Moldavian Republic of Transnistria. (Open Photo: Transnistria state emblem and flags – downtown of the city Tiraspol. ©soleg/123RF.com)

Christian Eccher/CgP

 

 

Coexistence in respect and dialogue.

Interreligious dialogue is customary. Just like the comparison between the different ethnic components, also through institutional paths. Thus, the Ghanaians live together without distinction
of faith or ethnicity.

If there is a priceless treasure that the Ghanaians have always clung to, valuing and cultivating it, it is the peaceful coexistence between the different religions and ethnic groups that make up the country. Coexistence, not just tolerance. That is to say a way of living together and growing in the community that does not presuppose differences, recriminations or grudges. Of course, as can happen even in a large family where everyone has the same rights, but one member wants to prevail over others, even among the Ghanaian population there are – and always have been – stronger groups (on a socio-political level) that exhibit a certain ‘natural’ propensity towards pride (not to say a sense of superiority). But this has never resulted in extreme behaviour or insurmountable divisions.

Prof Emmanuel Asante, Chairman of National Peace Council.

This treasure is therefore constantly polished to prevent it from losing its value and lustre. At the end of last May, the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Ghana and the National Imam Office organized the first official event on interreligious dialogue. The purpose of the initiative is to institutionalize the process of interreligious dialogue and respect for the diversity of faith. Such modalities of dialogue and respect have been applied for decades. An attitude that the various governments have pursued both with an inclusive school system, by promoting exchanges and meetings, and at a political level.

National Peace Council
For example, it is an unwritten rule to guarantee the institutional presence of both a Christian and a Muslim leader. And so, if a president is Christian, his deputy will be Muslim and vice versa. The same principle of respect and mutuality sees Christian leaders – often the president himself – participate in the great religious events of Islam and, of course, also, in this case, the principle of reciprocity applies. All ‘institutional’ acts, whose purpose is to preserve the freedom of religion.
Very clear signals to a population ‘educated’ to live together without distinction of faith or ethnicity.

Members of the National Peace Council (NPC) in Ghana. Photo: NPC

It is no coincidence that Ghana boasts an institution – established by a parliamentary act – with a clear name: The National Peace Council, an independent body, despite the fact that its 13 members are appointed by the president in office, whose goal is to prevent any conflict by fostering inclusion and collaboration. The strength of the Council is its composition which takes into account the various representations and the fact that it is also structured at the regional and local levels. In short, it is due to constant social and institutional work that the tensions that have been growing in the Sahel and neighbouring countries have not so far affected Ghanaian society.
According to the latest available data, about 71% of the population is Christian, 18% Muslim. The remaining 11% is made up of adherents to religions such as Buddhism, Hinduism, Judaism, Rastafarianism, and of course traditional African religions.

However, a distinction must be made concerning these official percentages. Although freedom of faith is established by the Constitution and claimed as an essential element of civil coexistence, often the populations with a majority religion do not look favourably on the persistence in the country of beliefs or spiritualities linked to traditions. This is, at least apparently, because it happens that, in a more or less hidden way, many of those who adhere to Christian Churches also follow traditional rites. These ‘fusions’, this syncretism does not really surprise anyone and are well known. Returning to the official Christian religion, it includes the Catholic, Methodist, Anglican, Evangelical, Adventist, Pentecostal, and Baptist Churches. Let us not forget that Ghana is a former English colony that has preserved links with the British state religion. Not to mention the influences of the Christian Evangelical Churches from the United States.

The role of traditional leaders
Another interesting aspect that makes Ghana a peaceful country and substantially alien to inter-ethnic clashes is the consolidated habit of marriages between people of different ethnic groups with Ashanti who marry Fanti, Ga who marry Ewe, Dagbon who marry Gurma and so on.
On the other hand, it is easier for religious faith to be associated with the place of birth. The regions to the north of the country and also the urban centres have a Muslim majority: Accra, Kumasi and Sekondi-Takoradi. And if there have been clashes in the past, they were not so much questions in the religious or ethnic spheres but issues of land ownership. Everyone still remembers the Konkomba-Nanba conflict (known as the Guinea Fowl war), which broke out in northern Ghana in 1994 and lasted for decades. The Konkomba, Nawuri, Nchumuru and Basare fought against the Nanba, Dagomba and Gonja. At the root of this conflict, there were claims to land ownership. It is not known how many were killed, perhaps 2,000 people, and many more left those areas.

The tribal ‘chieftains’ also play a key role in maintaining peace in the country. A type of local administration and a social control device whose positive fruits are most evident when the leaders are upright and authoritative personalities. A note from Global Security highlights that out of a hundred disputes of an ethnic nature or claiming the role of leader, 70% occurred in the northern regions of the country, the savannah regions, the poorest and most arid. Where, at the first opportunity, people flee and go to seek better living conditions in the cities. It is worth noting that a department by no means secondary to the Ghanaian government is that of Chieftaincy and Religious Affairs. A mandate that acts as an interface between government, religious institutions, and civil society to guarantee peace among the population and prevent disagreements and tensions.

Antonella Sinopoli


Catholic Church on the Synodal Way.

The Church, though still in its young age, is very dynamic, vibrant, and efficient. Two important challenges: a new missionary élan and dialogue with modern society.  Particular attention to the youth.

Catholic missionaries from Portugal accompanying the soldiers in their discovery expeditions, around 1482, were the first protagonists of the Catholic Presence in Ghana. Still today, two great and well-preserved monuments mark their arrival: Fort St. Jago and St. George’s Castle, both at Elmina and not too apart from each other.
These two renowned monuments as the first major European constructions in tropical Africa are still today solidly standing and denouncing the evil of slavery that is still the shadow of Europe’s shameful slave trade from Africa to the Americas.
This missionary drive assumed by these Portuguese Catholic missionaries yielded few converts to Christianity mainly because the Traditional Religion had a very well-established and deep foundation that gave meaning to all dimensions of their lives. Moreover, the missionaries were easily seen as the occupying and oppressing power that could not bring anything meaningfully good into their lives.

The Roman Catholic and Anglican missionaries came to the Gold Coast practically at the same time in the 15th Century. Islam was the first Abrahamic monotheistic religion to arrive in Ghana. Its presence in Ghana dates back to the 10th century.
Though the first Catholic presence dates from the XV century, history shows clearly that it was only in the second half of the eighteenth century that the Church took root in Ghana and, moreover, spread in a relevant and transforming way.
In 1880 the Missionaries of the Society of African Missions (SMA) arrived and opened missions in Elmina, Cape Coast, and Keta. In 1906, the Missionaries of Africa (White Fathers) started evangelization in the north.  In 1943 the Prefecture Apostolic of Accra was established and entrusted to the Society of the Divine Word. In 1974 the Comboni Missionaries of the Heart of Jesus (MCCJ) arrived and opened a mission in Abor in the southeast. Since the beginning, the Catholic Church was involved in First Evangelization, Health, and Education.

Today the Church runs more than 4,600 primary and secondary schools, colleges, and universities, in which only 25% of the students are Catholic; it also owns 27% of the health facilities, including clinics, hospitals, and dispensaries, and also operates in the most remote areas.
The Catholic Church today has a Latin Hierarchy joined in a national Episcopal Conference, namely the Ghana Catholic Bishops’ Conference (GCBC). There are four Ecclesiastical Provinces headed by Metropolitan Archdioceses -Accra, Kumasi, Tamale, and Cape Coast- and 15 Dioceses. There is also one Apostolic Vicariate – Donkorkrom.
The greatest challenge for the Catholic is to find the best and most efficient way to dialogue with a secularised, fragile, and extremely selfish society. In this sense, it is a manifestation of the openness of the spirit of synodality (Synod: 2021-2024) that is breathed in the Church, which realizes that we all have to walk together. The message of these times can be summarized in two points.
The first is the need for a new missionary élan; an élan that is missionary and opens a new and credible way to find and express the joy of proclaiming the Gospel, of preaching it in deed and in words,
wherever life happens.

The second, to meet in a process of openness to, and dialogue with, modern society. The Ghana Catholic Bishops’ Conference (GCBC) in a document titled ‘Politics for nation building and social cohesion in Ghana’, states: “We urge all Ghanaians to work consciously towards peacebuilding and abhor the acrimonious type of politics now gaining currency in our dear country…with this pastoral letter as a reminder to you, our fellow citizens, to embrace politics as an indispensable tool for nation building”.
About politics of ethnicity, they pointed out: “We should avoid the negative and highly divisive politics of ethnocentrism, mud-slinging and, attacks on ethnic groups and personalities… Let politics focus on issues that serve the greater good, that will bring unity and peace, development and dignity to all our fellow citizens and even the ‘stranger’ living in our midst”. About interfaith dialogue, the bishops insisted “on mutual collaboration among Christians, Muslims, Traditional Leaders, and all other Faith-Based Organisations in the country for peaceful co-existence and the common good”.

Challenges and opportunities
These two challenges are related to the youth and women. To work towards the dignity of women in the Church and society, it is essential to let women have a voice. In his Post-Synodal Apostolic Exhortation Ecclesia in Africa, the then pope John Paul II pointed out: “The pastoral care of youth must clearly be a part of the overall pastoral plan of Dioceses and Parishes, so that young people will be enabled to discover very early on the value of the gift of self, an essential means for the person to reach maturity…” (EIA 93). Pope John Paul II, made it very clear that, “The Church in Africa knows well that youth are not only the present but are the future of humanity. It is thus necessary to help the young people to overcome the obstacles thwarting their development: illiteracy, idleness, hunger, drugs…”

The huge importance and influence of the Mass Media today in Africa makes it clear that more than ever the youth appear as the part of society that can easily be manipulated. Unfortunately, very often, most of the youth are miserably controlled, used, and abused by political and financial imposing powers.
This is why an effective and efficient pastoral direction is so urgent. Though the way forward seems not easy to find, the Church gives clear signs that it believes in its youth, and it is completely interested in them. The Church knows that to equip and enable young people as disciples of Christ to fulfil their mission in the Church and in the World, there is a need for a conscious, systematic, and co-ordinated training programme based on scripture and sound Catholic teaching to be in place. This programme must aim at supporting and motivating them to achieve their full potential spiritually, morally, physically, socially, economically, emotionally, and intellectually.

Francisco José de Sousa Machado

 

China. A Third Term for Xi Jinping.

The reconfirmation of Xi Jinping as Secretary General of the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) opens an unprecedented season for China and the world, as no one before him had been reconfirmed for the third time for this position.

This undoubtedly constitutes a signal of internal strengthening of the current leadership, which has managed to prevail over internal competition and to act as the only point of reference from both an ideological-political and economic point of view, despite the difficulties that the Chinese economy has encountered in recent years.

This reconfirmation could indicate a certain continuity with respect to the two previous mandates, suggesting that China in the coming years will continue the path it took during the first two mandates of Xi Jinping.

If on the one hand this scenario of predictability, which for the European partners can be a reassuring element, can be realized on most of the dossiers, on the other hand, the complexity of the current global economic and political relations will bring an element of novelty to the leadership of Xi Jinping, thus weakening certainties
and long-term forecasts.

The major critical issue that Xi Jinping faces has to do with the growth rates of the Chinese economy which, although high compared to other economies, are actually disappointing for Beijing’s ambitious projects, which aim to overtake the United States as a global economic power. Indeed, in the second quarter of 2022, the country’s GDP grew by just 0.4%, well below the forecast of 1%, and slowing sharply from 4.8% in the first quarter, thus registering the second lowest level since 1992.

The situation has improved in the third quarter of 2022, although the figures are also below expectations. From July to September, China’s GDP grew by 3.9% compared to the previous year, but this makes it significantly more complicated for Beijing to achieve the economic targets set at the beginning of 2022 by the Chinese government, which expected to close the year with a growth rate of 5.5%.

That the economic context is not particularly favourable is confirmed by the fact that the publication of economic data has been postponed due to the concomitance with the XX National Congress of the CCP, precisely to avoid a scenario where the not rather doubtful forecasts should weaken Xi Jinping’s position on the eve of his reconfirmation.

Another sign is represented by the black day recorded on the Hong Kong Stock Exchange, which, following the publication of data from the Statistics Office, recorded negative -4.22% and slipped to the lowest level for the last 13 years.

In this particularly critical context, it seems that Xi Jinping wants to continue a policy inspired by creating an increasingly self-sufficient economy, especially in the technology and food security sectors, favouring decoupling from the United States in critical sectors and promoting driven growth from domestic demand rather
than from exports.

In fact, the Chinese authorities, in line with the fourteenth five-year plan in which the country’s guidelines were decided up to 2025, aim to promote economic growth based on the revival of domestic demand, progressively moving away from the growth structure followed until recently, which focused on exports and attracting foreign investments. China aims to strengthen the expansion of domestic consumption while remaining open to international trade and investment.

Strategically, therefore, China under Xi Jinping’s third term will continue to pursue the goal of making domestic demand the first economic pillar of growth and maintaining openness to the outside without, however, being excessively dependent on it, so as to decrease the vulnerability of the Chinese economy to exogenous shocks.

In this context, it is therefore foreseeable that Beijing will continue with fiscal stimuli, also through tax incentives, to better support Chinese entrepreneurs. Infrastructure development plans will also continue to be financed, above all to connect the megalopolis with rural China.

From this point of view, therefore, Beijing seeks to overcome the previously prevalent approach of financing large infrastructure projects, to instead devote greater attention to the development of the domestic productive fabric.

It will be a priority for Beijing to maintain high consumer confidence and therefore support consumption, as a significant component of Chinese aggregate demand, also in light of trade tensions with Washington and the breakdown of global value chains.

Another factor of continuity seems to be that of the ‘Zero Covid’ policy that Xi Jinping intends to continue, despite the considerable impact it has had on the Chinese economy.

This picture had already emerged from the ‘two sessions’ – the plenary meetings of the National People’s Congress (CNP) and the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference (CPCPC) – which were held in March 2022 with the aim of outlining the strategic lines of China’s economic, trade, environmental, and industrial development policy area.

In fact, in the two sessions, the image of China aware of its potential and determined not to give up its strategic objectives was outlined, despite the challenges ahead.

In this context of continuity, Xi Jinping will nevertheless have to deal with a profoundly changed international context due to the war in Ukraine, given that China, which has not yet taken a clear-cut position on the conflict, finds itself in the complex situation of not being able to abandon Russia with the risk that this might further compromise the already troubled relations with Washington.

While Europe is struggling to find new partnerships, Beijing will seek to exploit the reorganization of international relations to find new markets and new ‘entry points’. German Chancellor Olaf Sholz’s trip to China on 3 and 4 November indicated that Germany is ready to offer itself as a partner for Beijing, despite the criticisms that this approach has raised, especially with reference to the sale of the port of Hamburg
to a Chinese logistics company.

In general, therefore, the third historic mandate of Xi Jinping begins with multiple difficulties and with an underlying continuity, aimed at pursuing the ambitious agenda of Beijing through the strengthening of internal stability and the achievement of such a level of self-sufficiency and resilience as to enable it to continue its growth policy without being overwhelmed by the sudden earthquakes that are shaking the international political and economic system.

However, this is countered by the need to rethink international strategies in view of the repositioning of countries due to the invasion of Ukraine by Russia, a necessity that requires a novelty component with respect to an economic policy that cannot fail to take into account the market reactions and the prospects of a global recession. (Photo:Xinhua/Huang Jingwen)

Carlo Palleschi/CeSI

 

 

 

Africa. Death as a Rite of Passage.

The meaning of the rites of passage in Africa culture. ‘The funeral rites express the solidarity of the living with their dead relative; in some way, the relatives and the whole village accompany the dead and help them reach their destination’.

In the Democratic Republic of Congo, during funeral rites those who lift the coffin in order to carry it to the graveyard do it three times. They lift it and put it back on the ground three times before they carry it. This is a clear résumé of the life of an adult: birth, initiation into adulthood, and death. All these stages of life are accompanied by practices, which anthropologists call rites of passage.
A rite of passage, which can also be called a process of initiation, is a series of ceremonies aimed at changing the status of a person: from childhood to adulthood, from an ordinary person to a chief, from a prince to a king, from a bachelor to a married person, etc.  In the case of death, it is from a living person to an ancestor.

Usually, there are three main stages in a rite of passage: separation, seclusion and aggregation or re-integration into society. Separation is often solemn and dramatic. The future initiate leaves their family or village. They do not belong anymore to it until the whole process is concluded. They are torn or snatched from culture (village) to nature (bush or forest) in a movement which can be called regressive because it takes them symbolically to the foetal state preparing for a kind of re-birth.In funerals, this separation takes place immediately after the death announcement. It takes the form of very loud wailing and confusion. It is repeated every time the dead body is lifted from one place to another for different funeral rites. The deceased is removed from the world of the living and starts the journey to the domain of the ancestors. All the funeral rites are meant to help them attain the status of an ancestor.
Whoever is acquainted with African funerals knows that there is a time when the wailing dies down.
This is the second stage of the rite of passage, namely, seclusion. This is when the dead body is being washed, dressed, and prepared for exposition. The members of the mourning family also observe a period of seclusion until the mourning days are over. They are not allowed to leave the home. Like the dead person, they are in seclusion. For some tribes, they neither bathe nor lie on beds in solidarity with the dead person who will never bathe nor lie on a bed again.

In other rites of passage, the group of initiates undergoes this phase as a group accompanied only by the initiators but in the case of death, the deceased has to be joined by the immediate members of the family. Notice that the word ‘rite’ comes from the Sanskrit ‘rita’ which means ‘order’. One of the aims of the rites of passage is to bring order in the individual who is changing physically and psychologically and in the society in which that change takes place. This explains why funeral rites are followed to the letter. While for the dead failure to carry them out well will prevent them from becoming an ancestor (in which case they will become a dangerous wandering spirit that will haunt especially their family), for society, it can end in chaos.
For the deceased, burial is part of seclusion or marginalization which corresponds to staying in the bush, forest, or house for initiation into adulthood. Some societies have modernized the end of this seclusion by creating what is called the unveiling of the tombstone. It is a kind of symbolic resurrection.
The last stage is the one of aggregation or reintegration into society. It is marked by feasting. The initiate is reborn and transformed. They were symbolically killed; so, they symbolically resurrect to a new life with a new name and a new social status. In the case of death, the process of death is ended and it is believed that the departed has reached the domain of the ancestors, thanks to the funeral rites and to the good life they lived before death. They are now being called back to their people as a life-giving spirit.

Remember that at death, the living said goodbye to them, bidding them to go; now they have to come back.
People gather once again, they eat, drink, dance and in some tribes, they install an heir for them if they had children in life.
Towards the end of this so-called second funeral, all the signs of death are removed, and no one should weep anymore for the deceased. This is why in Luganda (Baganda people – Uganda) this kind of aggregation is called kwabya lumbe, meaning ‘to destroy death’.
In Africa, after death, the human person remains for some time among his people and when they are buried, the journey to the land of the ancestors begins concretely by the process of decomposition until they become a skeleton. This is what we call ‘physical death’. Parallel to that process which on the spiritual level leads them to the spiritual world, is the ‘social death’ operated by the living. The family of the deceased associates itself to the mysterious journey which they undertake in order to join the community of the ancestors.
The funeral rites express the solidarity of the living with their dead relative; in some way, the relatives and the whole village accompany the dead and help them reach their destination. (Photo: 123rf.com)

Edward Kanyike

Do the current protests against the hijab in Iran threaten the stability of the Islamic Republic?

Protests in Iran continue but, despite the brutal repression by the state, the determination of young people in the streets could mark a definitive break between the population and the ruling class which, after having arrested and imprisoned activists who have been demanding gradual reforms for years appears to be paying the price of its recalcitrance.

On September 20, the 22-year-old Jina Mahsa Amini died in Tehran after three days in a coma in hospital. She was tortured and beaten by the ‘moral police’ (gasht-e ershad).
Recent video evidence shows that Ms. Amini suffered from an illness during custody, suggesting that the Iranian authorities’ claim that she had not been beaten is not without merit. Nevertheless, Gasht-e ershad patrols public spaces, searching for people, women in particular, who violate the norms of public ‘decency’ with their clothing and overall appearance (or behavior). Ça va sans dire that the mandatory headscarf is the most common reason for patrols to take action.

Jina Mahsa Amini died in Tehran after three days in a coma in hospital. She was tortured and beaten by the ‘moral police’. (Twitter)

After taking Mahsa back because according to them she was not properly veiled, they forcefully loaded her into a van and took her to the barracks. This summer, Gasht-e ershad has already been the subject of violence that have caused public outrage. And not just against women. They have targeted fed up men such as professional boxer Reza Moradkhani who has been partially paralyzed after being shot by the morality police in the course of defending his wife from their attentions.
There were other episodes as well, marking a decided increase in state violence against the population. The Raisi (known for his loyalty to the Islamic Republic and strict application of its morality laws) government came to power and thanks to the tense international and regional situation – wars, assassinations of scientists and generals, conflicts and diplomatic tensions, it has tightened security, showing ever less tolerance for dissent and ‘resistance’ no matter how minor, or random and intentionally politicized. An example are the dozens, if not hundreds, of young women who are seen around Tehran, and beyond, without a veil. This is a new and disruptive phenomenon for the regime, and in some way, it suggests that the US policy of sanctions – aided and abetted by disruptive actions from Washington’s regional allies – may finally be producing its fruits. What kind of fruits is yet to be determined. One wonders, then, whether a policy of diplomacy might have favored the reformist political camp – starting with that of President Khatami (1997-2002, 2002-2005) – leading to a natural and more democratic evolution of the Islamic Republic.

The present protests
There is are elements of novelty in the present protests. While women have always been at the heart of organized demonstrations against the violence of the Iranian state and with the aim of claiming more rights, there had been a tacit willingness to collaborate with the institutions and accept compromise; especially, when the government had shown a willingness of its own to accept change, as happened under Khatami’s first term (1997-2002). What has changed now – since the 2019 protests in particular – is a realization that the other side, the government, has no predisposition to listen. Therefore, the present protests are more radical and harder to quell. Indeed, both young men and women – part of a generation that has known no political reality other than the Islamic Republic (unlike the previous generation, which could also remember the violence of the Shah’s regime).

Uprising in Tehran. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Darafsh

Over the past weeks, protesters have administered violence of their own. They have chased and beaten Gasht-e ershad officers, attacking police vehicles and there have been reports of some police officers having been killed. It’s a bit like Syria in 2011. But unlike Syria, there’s far more ethnic and especially religious unity in Iran. The protests have also persisted despite heavy government crackdowns. Moreover, while slogans such as ‘death to the dictator’ were seldom heard in previous protests, even in 2009 during the Green Movement period, in 2022 it has been present since the beginning: Marg- ba-diktator. This carried great symbolic significance, given that the main slogans of the 1979 Revolution were marg ba Shah and marg ba Amrika: respectively, death to the Shah and death to America. The protesters also cut across class boundaries. Once they were led mainly by poor workers and proletariat. Today’s protestors have also attracted the well –to-do from the elegant neighborhoods of the educated middle classes, suggesting a more transversal consensus.

Students of Amir Kabir university protests. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Darafsh

Today, the protests are celebrated and encouraged by all even if they fail to express precise leadership. Unlike, some protest movements led and inspired by university students or bazaar shopkeepers (as also happened in 1978-79), the current protest lacks any coordination. This is where the regime can find some respite if Lenin’s revolutionary theories are correct.  The protests remain the first act of individuals who have taken to the streets to express their anger and dissent but they still struggle to establish themselves as a collective entity that thinks and acts politically and in accordance with a strategy. That is not to say that if the Iranian leadership fails to adopt a strategy of its own, and one that goes far beyond the blunt instrument of violence, the movement can’t become more politically relevant – and therefore threatening.

The protests are of great importance to the future, and the Supreme Leadership.
The scale of the protests is enormous because it could indicate a definitive breaking point between the political class and the population. The Iranian government has become ever more authoritarian in the context of economic turmoil and few if any prospect of recovery. The uncertainty over the succession to Khamenei and what that means for the future of the Islamic Republic itself. The negotiations for a new nuclear deal are all but dead, and therefore there’s no sanctions respite in sight. This means that Iran’s goal of establishing itself as an alternative source of gas (as sanctions and damage to both Nord Stream 1 and 2 keep the prospect of Russian gas exports to Europe ever more distant) same time is quickly fading.

Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. CC BY 4.0/ Khamenei.ir

In the Islamic Republic the president is in office but not in power, because the general orientation – and above all important issues such as foreign policy and nuclear power – is decided by the Rahbar, that is the Commander-in-chief of the regular armed forces, of the Pasdaran and of the Basij paramilitary militias, he is the supreme leader to exercise power on earth on behalf of the Mahdi, the messiah expected by the Shiites.
Ayatollah Ali Khamenei has held this role since he replaced Imam Khomeini in 1989. He was elected by the Assembly of Experts composed of 88 ayatollahs, who will also be in charge of his succession.
From the institutional point of view, Ayatollah Khamenei represents the head of state of the Islamic Republic, sitting atop of a complex institutional system that intertwines popular legitimacy with religious legitimacy. The dual nature of the legitimacy of the Islamic Republic is today summarized in the figure of Khamenei, who, has played an even more influential role than (post-revolution) Ayatollah Khomeini.
He represents the highest political and religious authority
of the Islamic Republic.
Khamenei’s first government post was as Deputy Defense Minister in Mehdi Bazargan’s interim revolutionary government in spring 1979. This position allowed Khamenei to gain familiarity and experience with the Armed Forces. Khamenei then exercised the role of commander in chief of the armed forces himself once he ascended to the role of Supreme Leader, unlike his predecessor Ayatollah Ruhollah Khomeini, who, while technically holding this power, preferred to delegate it to others. In 1981, Khamenei to the role of President of the Republic, becoming the first Shiite clergyman to occupy a position in the executive branch. In 1989, upon Khomeini’s death, he was elevated to the rank of Supreme Leader. This move was technically made possible through a constitutional change, favored by President Hashemi Rafsanjani. He was betting on Khamenei’s relative political weakness and lack of charisma in order to weaken the role of the Supreme Leader with the aim of carving out a more powerful role for himself.

In a secondary school in Teheran. “Woman, life, freedom”; One of the main slogans of the protesters. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Farzan44

Rafsanjani wanted to embark on a kind of Perestrojka to maneuver Iran into a new phase, characterized by a relaxation of revolutionary rhetoric and a gradual reintegration into the international system.
From the moment of his inauguration, however, Khamenei has dedicated himself to the construction of a personal network that allowed him to increase his political weight exponentially. This strategy was mainly implemented through two instruments: an extremely loyal political elite, and a flexible policy, facilitating the juggling of different political factions; most importantly, preventing any of these from acquiring excessive power – or sufficient power to threaten his role. According to media hostile to Iran, he suffers from all manner of illnesses – though prostate cancer is the most frequent ‘prognosis,’ even as heart and respiratory problems are also mentioned often. His death was announced several times by the enemies of the Islamic Republic, only to be denied. Still, Khamenei is 83 years old, and sooner or later the problems of his succession and what direction Iran will take will
need to be confronted.

Women in Melbourne, Australia, cutting off their hair in solidarity with Iranian Protests. CC BY 2.0/ Matt Hrkac

And this is where the real struggle for power is taking place: with double-digit inflation and skyrocketing prices, the moderate President Rohani had no chance; the grandson of Imam Khomeini has pedigree but does not have a large following and, above all, seems faithful to the indications of his grandfather who did not want his involvement in politics; the Larijani brothers have held various positions, but over the years they have lost their luster also because many of their collaborators are involved in corruption scandals; linked to the pasdaran, the ultraconservative Ebrahimi Raisi could have some chance.
Indeed, Khamenei was the President when Khomeini died, and acceded to the latter’s role. There are also well-informed observers (in interventionist Washington think-tanks it should be stressed) like Ali Alfoneh, of the Arab Gulf States Institute, who believes that the Revolutionary Guards (IGRC) will lead a military coup removing the very role of Rahbar. In other words, Iran would shift from theocracy to military dictatorship. (Open Photo: Iranian women on the frontlines of protest. via Social Media)

Alessandro Bruno

Nigeria.Oil theft is sinking Africa’s first economy.

Whereas other oil producers are boasting from substantial revenues as a result of high crude prices triggered by the Ukraine war; theft, shut-ins and lack of investment are hitting badly a sector which represents, 89 percent of Nigeria’s export revenues and more than 50 percent of the national budget.

Last August, Nigeria faced a record low production of only 980,000 barrels a day, well below its OPEC quota of 1,55 m b/d. The figure calculated by the Organisation of Petroleum Exporting Countries corresponds to half of Nigeria’s export capacity of 2 million bpd.
As a result, Nigeria once Africa’s first producer dropped to the fourth rank, behind Angola, Algeria and Libya.
On the 9 September, President Muhammadu Buhari said such decline was putting the economy in a precarious situation. Crude oil exports accounted indeed in 2021 for 89 percent of Nigeria’s export revenues and for more than 50 percent of the national budget.

Nigeria President Muhammadu Buhari. CC BY-SA 4.0/Bayo Omoboriowo

According to Nigerian officials, the main cause for this decline is theft which is carried out at an industrial-scale. It poses an “existential” threat to the sector, claims a Shell executive. Theft and the related sabotage of pipelines by criminal gangs to siphon the crude are causing a loss of more than 200,000 barrels per day, according to the Nigerian National Petroleum Company (NNPC).
In August 2022, the NNPC claimed that up to 700,0000 bpd were missing from its exports as a result of theft and of the decision by oil companies operating locally to shut operations to avoid the thieves. Some companies reported even that 80 percent of the oil they put into pipelines was stolen. And the situation can still deteriorate since oil workers unions threaten to call for a strike if the government does not take action against the oil bunkering gangs.
The NNPC estimated in early September that losses may reach up to US $ 700 million per month which represents the equivalent of $ 8.4 billion per year. The Nigerian Extractive Industries and Transparency Initiative estimated that Nigeria lost, between 2009 and 2018, $ 42 billion owing to oil theft and its consequences; The figure is higher than Nigeria’s external debt estimated at $ 39 bn by March 2022.

Headquarters of Nigerian National Petroleum Corporation. It is government oil company. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Simoniwodi

In an interview with the French daily Le Monde, Alexander Sewell, researcher for the Stakeholder Democracy Network (SDN), which supports local populations affected by the extractive industries, describes two methods to steal oil.
The first consists in diverting oil from a pipeline to convey it by smaller pipes to barges which in turn, can either supply local refineries or bring the crude to larger vessels which can head out to the sea in order to refuel a tanker that can sail directly to South America, Europe or Asia or transfer its cargo to other vessels on the high seas.
The authorities claim to clamp down on perpetrators. In June 2022, the Special Anti-Vandal Unit of the National Security and Civil Defence Corps (NSCDC) arrested 88 people accused of having caused pollution and health hazards posed by illegal refining. But sources in the Niger Delta say that bunkering cannot stop because the military, the police and even the NSDC are involved. Some speak of a “sophisticated mafia of powerful Nigerians and foreigners”, including government officials, retired oil industry personnel, politicians and businessmen. In 2019, the governor of Rivers state himself, Nyesom Wike confirmed that top military officers were involved and sponsoring oil bunkering. The damage inflicted by small-time oil bunkers in Rivers, Delta, Bayelsa and other states, is peanuts compared with the havoc caused by the cartels that own giant vessels and equipment.

Woman walking on the Shell oil pipelines.

The second technique of stealing, called “topping”, is far more difficult to detect and even more damaging. It consists in adding undeclared crude to a shipment for which the export permits have been issued, allowing traffickers to resell the extra oil without being noticed. International oil companies involved in this business pay no royalties on the crude illegally bunkered, says a report from the British Chatham House Institute. Perpetrators benefit from official protections. According to Sewell, sometimes, the ships transporting this stolen oil through the Niger Delta are even escorted by the military.On top of that, the bunkering cartels have huge means. On the 25 August 2022, President Buhari’s Special Assistant on Digital & New Media, Tolu Ogunlesi reported that the MT Heroic Idun, a very large crude carrier registered in the Marshall Islands, owned by the Norwegian company Hunter Tankers AS and operated by the Dutch-based company Trafigura, with a capacity of 3 million barrels of crude, entered Nigerian waters a fortnight before with “the obvious intention of lifting crude illegally.”
The tanker was then asked to follow a Nigerian Navy ship to Bonny anchorage pending when she would be cleared for loading. But the tanker “refused to cooperate” and fled southwards in a bid to evade arrest. Moreover, the tanker made a false broadcast to the International Maritime Bureau alleging it was under attack by pirates. Eventually, the vessel was seized in the Equatorial Guinea waters.

Motor Tanker (MT) Heroic Idun. Photo: af24news

This failed attempt is just one example of the large-scale theft orchestrated by Nigerian and foreign big players. According oil firms and Ministry of Petroleum estimates 90 percent of the oil snatched is sold on world markets while only 10 percent is refined locally by gangs operating in the creeks and swamps of the Delta.
This high scale theft has led the NNPC to raise the issue with the European Union. In July 2022, the EU promised to work with Nigeria to help tackle oil theft and the illegal refining menace after a fact-finding mission in the Niger Delta of the European Commission Deputy Director General on Mobility and Transport, Mathew Baldwin. According to former presidential advisor, Dele Cole, the main buyers of Nigerian stolen oil are organised criminal networks in the Balkans and refiners in Singapore.
In a report entitled “Nigeria’s Criminal Crude”, the London-based Chatham House policy institute estimated that much of the proceeds of Nigeria’s stolen oil were laundered in Britain, United States, Dubai, Indonesia, India and Switzerland. The US, Brazil, China, Thailand and Indonesia are the other likely destination of the stolen crude.
The stolen oil which goes to local refineries operated by local gangs is being processed in extremely poor safety conditions. In April 2022, more than 100 people were burned alive in the explosion of an illegal refinery in the Abaezi forest between Imo and Rivers, in South-eastern Nigeria.

However, observers on the spot don’t believe this trend will end anytime soon since there are social and political reasons behind the importance of the illegal bunkering and refining, despite the industrial accidents and the pollution caused by these activities in farmlands, swamps and rivers. Some communities even justify their practices. A local oil refiner told the SDN that “the government and oil companies are collecting our oil, and we don’t have jobs, no money, so we have to collect the oil and refine our own”. Such industry fills an economic vacuum where local communities suffer the negative impacts of oil extraction but see none of the economic benefits since the Federal State fails to provide basic public services and security.
Yet, the sharp decline of Nigeria’s crude oil production and exports is not only owed to theft, argues Nigeria’s Chief of Naval Staff, Vice Admiral Awwal Gambo who disputes NNPC’s oil theft figures of 200,000 to 400,000 barrels per day. According to Gambo, the government makes the mistake of calculating losses due to force majeure as well as shut-ins as part of oil being stolen.

François Misser  

Jamaica. ‘Don’t Worry, Be Happy’.

This year Jamaica is celebrating 60 years of independence from the United Kingdom. A country that is constantly living in a political and economic crisis. High crime rate. It is one of the most important cannabis producers. Reggae music.

The island of Jamaica, located in the Caribbean Sea, belongs to the Greater Antilles Archipelago. The location gives the island great strategic importance: its northern coast is 145 km from Cuba and the eastern coast about 190 km from Haiti; from the capital, Kingston, across the Caribbean Sea, to the mouth of the Panama Canal, is a distance of 938 km. Its territory is mainly mountainous while not exceeding 1,000 meters above sea level. An exception to this is the chain of the Blue Mountains, located on the eastern side of the island, whose peaks reach 2,256m in height and extend for about 50 km. The few plains present on the island can be found in the southern coastal strip, while the coasts of the northern strip are more rugged and elevated. Small islands located in the southern coastal strip also belong to the territory of the country, the dimensions of which, however, are quite modest.

123rf.com

There are numerous water sources on the island and, in the opinion of some scholars, the name Jamaica derives from a corruption of the name ‘Arawak Xaymaca’ alluding to them. Furthermore, the island is crossed by a hundred rivers whose length, due to the arrangement of the mountain ranges, does not exceed 100 km. Among these is the Rio Minho which, at 93 km, is the longest river in Jamaica. It rises near the geographic centre of the island, flows generally south-southwest and reaches the Caribbean Sea at Carlisle Bay on the south-central coast, west of the island’s southernmost point, Portland Point. While the Black River, whose name refers to the darkness of its bed caused by thick layers of decaying vegetation, flows for about 53 km west and then flows into the Caribbean Sea, near Negril.

The climate is tropical and is generally hot and humid. With the exception of the higher and temperate areas, temperatures undergo decidedly limited seasonal variations and the average maximums in the capital vary from 30 ° to 33 ° C, with minimums from 21 ° to 24 ° C. Precipitation is quite consistent in the hinterland and, in particular, in mountainous areas where it reaches peaks of 5,000-6,000 mm every year. On the other hand, it is less in the coastal strip and, in particular, in the southern one, where it may reach as little as 800 mm per year. The country is also in an area frequently struck by hurricanes.
The discovery of the island took place on May 3, 1494 by Christopher Columbus who called it Santiago. At that time the island was already inhabited by the Arawaks, a population originally from South America who had settled there between 1000 and 400 BC. They died out at the end of the sixteenth century due both to the hard work imposed by the colonists and the European ill-treatment and diseases against which they had no defence.

In fact, the Spanish colonists, who arrived on the island beginning in 1510, introduced slavery together with the cultivation of sugar cane, thus modifying the layout of the island.In 1597 the English raids began though they managed to obtain effective control only in 1654. Under English domination, Jamaica became the first nation in the world for sugar exports thanks to the massive use of slaves imported from Africa. The insurrections of the latter, however, were constantly transforming, with the passage of time, into actions by guerrillas whose attacks forced the British to grant them a greater degree of autonomy in 1739. But, despite these concessions, the struggles continued in a very bloody manner even in the following decades. In particular, at Christmas 1831 an action of passive resistance infused by Daddy ‘Sam’ Scarpe, an educated slave and lay preacher, took on the character of extreme violence resulting in the destruction of the landowners’ plantations which ended with the hanging of about 400 rioters. This caused a wave of outrage in England itself that eventually forced parliament to abolish slavery on August 1, 1834.

@KhosroKalbasi 123rf.com

Although this system was abolished, the government of the rich, who were the only ones with the right to vote, maintained its political weight. The slaves freed from slavery at that point abandoned the work of the plantations and settled on the island and this, in addition to causing economic decline due to lack of manpower, generated new struggles with the ancient masters that persisted over time.
In the history of the country, an undoubtedly important date was 1958, the year in which the island acquired its first independence from the United Kingdom, becoming a province belonging to the Federation of West Indies, that is, an organization in which all the British West Indies took part. However, full independence came on August 6, 1962 with the separation from the Federation of West Indies and the United Kingdom while remaining within the Commonwealth and joining the UN and the OAS. In the years that followed there was a policy of alternating between Labour and Nationalists, the latter led by M. Manley. The economic and social conditions of the country recorded continuous and constant worsening with organized crime acquiring ever greater room for manoeuvre thanks also to collusion between the political class and the various gangs that faced each other and were duly armed by Kingston.
Jamaica, which today has 2,961,000 inhabitants, is the third most populous English-speaking country in the Americas, after the USA and Canada. Its population is mainly composed of descendants of populations from the sub-Saharan area and enslaved by the British.(Photo: 123rf.com) – (F.R.)

Ethiopia. The Circus, Art that Gives Dignity.

Through circus art, Kine Circus helps boys and girls in danger of exclusion to find themselves and have a life plan.

 “Kine in Amharic has several meanings, including ‘secret’. With our art, we try to convey a message. We talk about the problems that surround us and how to solve them, using the language of the circus, which acts as a social transformer. This is the ‘secret’ of this art”, explains Shimelis Getachew, actor, director, clown and founder of Kine Circus, together with Eyob Teshom. He continues: “Kine Circus was started two years ago in Addis Ababa (Ethiopia) to give a concrete response to the many boys and girls in danger of exclusion. For them, we used a department store inside the Zoma Museum complex, an open space on the outskirts of the city frequented by minors interested in the circus, with special needs or with no fixed abode”.

Shimelis Getachew, actor, director, clown and founder of Kine Circus. (Photo: Javier Sánchez Salcedo).

Getachew points out: “We want it to be a home for them. The intention is not for children to simply learn coordination, balance, and expressiveness through circus techniques, but for them to have a protected space where they can talk about things that happen to them”.
Kine Circus is the result of a previous project, Fekat Circus, which brought together nearly 600 children. After 17 years, Fekat disbanded, partly because some of its artists became professionals and went to work in countries like France or Germany, and partly because local authorities took away its spaces because they wanted to create an area for commercial and industrial activities. Consequently, some former Fekat members decided to find a new place and start a new project.

Kine Circus members. (Photo: Javier Sánchez Salcedo)

We ask Shimelis how the circus can possibly change someone’s life. “In Addis Ababa, there are no activities for children who are on the street or live in broken families and have problems such as the use of khat or glue”, Shimelis replies.
“The circus has many things that can benefit them. They learn to care for each other, to trust, to communicate, to develop mental and physical skills and to stay safe from addictive substances”.
Kine Circus members also work with children admitted to the hospital in Addis Ababa. “With the ‘Doctors with Smile project’ we help children to laugh and have fun and forget their illness for a while”, says Shimelis.
Recently some members of the circus have been working a lot with children with autism. “We had no experience of working with autistic children. We started and saw that the effect the circus has on them is wonderful. Children with autism are integrated and participate in the activities together with the rest of the children. Each has their own challenges, and everyone forms an equal part of the project, under the motto ‘I help you and you help me’.

“We want it to be a home for them” (Photo Kine Circus)

With some of them, what is being worked on is overcoming the trauma. There are boys and girls who have gone through terrible experiences living on the street and who express hysterical emotions when they are in a group”.Shimelis and the rest of the performers know how to accompany them. They tell us: “To do a stunt I have to count on you being by my side and helping me. For a child used to living in distrust, the idea that ‘you will not let me fall’ is something new. Furthermore, they also realise that they deserve a better life. They deserve to be taken to the doctor. They deserve to be on tour. There are boys and girls who, when they enter the project at the age of eight or nine, are full of emotions. But there they find a group of people who help them break free, they start going to class and taking care of themselves.
They wash their hands, sit, and take their food and talk about their problems. They make a great effort to succeed in a place where they feel protected and safe and know they can make it. A transformation takes place in their lives”.

“They learn to care for each other, to trust, to communicate, to develop mental and physical skills” (Photo Kine Circus)

In Ethiopia, the circus is not highly regarded and receives no government support, Shimelis complains. “In football, Ethiopia always loses, but it is a sport that is supported. On the other hand, there are very good circus artists all over the world, and they are not appreciated”.
Shimelis recalls that Fekat Circus once performed in 2018 at the last edition of the Rototom festival, in Benicasim. They had their show on the big stage in front of more than 10,000 people, but it had no repercussions in the Ethiopian media. Instead, the media talked about an Ethiopian singer performing at the same festival, on a small stage, in front of 500 spectators. “The Ethiopian Ministry of Tourism does not believe that our culture can be expressed through the circus. There is still a lot to do”, adds the artist.
Shimelis concludes: “The circus is my life. As a child, my dream was to make films. I worked as an actor and directed two films. But the circus always calls me. And now I have left everything to dedicate myself to this project. Because what I want is to help, and through the circus, it is very easy to reach people”. (Open Photo: Javier Sánchez Salcedo)

Javier Sánchez Salcedo

 

 

Photo Gallery – Snapshots from Africa

Advocacy

Semia Gharbi. Fighting against eco-mafias.

She played a key role in a campaign that challenged a corrupt waste trafficking scheme between Italy and Tunisia, resulting in the return of 6,000…

Read more

Baobab

The swallow brings the summer.

The Black and white swallow flew high up in the clear, blue sky, wheeling and diving, his fast, pointed wings carrying him at a great speed. Swallow…

Read more

Youth & Mission

Pope Leo and the Youth.

Welcoming, listening and guiding. Some characteristics of Pope Leo with the youth During the years when Father Robert Francis Prevost was pastor of the church of Our…

Read more