TwitterFacebookInstagram

Political and social instability.

During the 60 years in which the country has made itself autonomous from the motherland, there was no lack of bitter suffering that has greatly afflicted the population, the cause of which is to be traced to the serious problems of a socio-economic nature: corruption, a weak administrative and judicial structure, high unemployment, inflation, and poor economic growth.

This situation, which has its roots in the years immediately following independence, was mainly provoked, exploited, and protected by the parties in perennial conflict with the PNP (People National Party) and the JLP (Jamaican Labour Party), which hired and funded, covering their trafficking in arms and drugs, the various heads of the Don-ruled areas, for the purpose of protection and sabotage against the rival party. A situation which, associated with the intertwining of a series of elements – including the restrictions on the admission of migrants from the Commonwealth introduced in 1973 by Great Britain (which as a result produced a significant increase in unemployment on the island since the Jamaicans look to their former motherland as a place to which to migrate and find a job) – produced a terrifying economic and social situation turning the island into one of the countries with the highest crime rate of all Caribbean areas, despite the fact that in those years the tourism industry was on the rise.

Kingston Central Bank.

The leadership of the government, in those years, was in the hands of Manley, who was one of the major protagonists of the Jamaican political scene. Manley took on a nationalist imprint, hostile to the US, accused, perhaps not wrongly, of exploiting the riches of the island, and very close to Fidel Castro’s Cuba. His work was characterized by a growing deficit in the trade balance and debt with foreign countries, as well as by strong conflicts with foreign investors and international creditors. This situation, in addition to determining the worsening of socio-economic conditions, led his government to adopt austerity measures whose effects aggravated the situation extremely, turning into serious unrest with hundreds of victims which determined the defeat of the nationalists in the 1980 elections. They were replaced by the liberals of the JLP led by E. Seaga who overturned the international equilibrium defined by his predecessor by engaging in the restoration of relations with the USA and in the breaking off of relations with Cuba.

View on Kingston Harbour in Jamaica is the seventh-largest natural harbour in the world. 123rf.com

From an economic point of view, it committed itself to the relaunch of foreign investments and the implementation of a privatization policy with an increase in incoming foreign capital. This, however, did not produce much change since even the liberals, as demonstrated by their intertwining with local gangs, were no different from their predecessors. Furthermore, Seaga also had to deal with the serious international economic situation that determined the collapse of the demand for bauxite and aluminium, two important drivers of the Jamaican economy, and with the violent hurricane that hit the island in 1988, inflicting a severe blow also to agricultural production.
In the years that followed there were no particular improvements; on the contrary, the growth of the external debt under the Manley government, which returned to power in 1989, caused new austerity measures to be imposed by the International Monetary Fund. Manley, however, assumed a different posture than in the past and, more specifically, in the international arena he maintained relations with the United States and other Western partners as well as forging economic pacts with Caribbean countries. However, this did not lead to an improvement in the situation even with the governments that came after him, while organized crime continued to play an increasingly predominant role.

The Prime Minister of Jamaica, Andrew Michael Holness. (Photo. Gov. Media)

In those years, in fact, Jamaica was an important cocaine hub that caused frequent episodes of violence that contributed to the impoverishment of part of the Jamaican population. This resulted in a ferocious gang war that took place on the streets of Kingston from the mid-1990s onwards. During these events, the Jamaican police forces themselves were accused of complicity.
Even today in Jamaica there are numerous gangs that maintain control of drug trafficking and entire areas of the city. In Kingston, in fact, the areas of Tivoli Gardens, Trench Town and Denham Town, as well as the entire neighbouring city of Spanish Town, are under the iron control of local gangs that impose bribes and laws to the utter indifference of the state. The phenomenon, known as ‘garrison’, which means outpost or presidium, has made the capital Kingston a city that, although marvellous for its naturalistic beauties, holds the sad record of being among the twenty most dangerous cities in the world and with the highest percentage of homicides per capita: 60 homicides for every 100,000 residents, a very high rate if we consider the reintroduction, in 2008, of the death penalty by hanging. (Kingston. The Jamaican Parliament.Photo Gov. Media)

(F.R.)

FIFA World Cup/Africa. Dreaming Qatar.

Cameroon, Morocco, Tunisia, Ghana, and Senegal will represent Africa in Qatar for the 2022 FIFA World Cup. They will be led by a local coach.  For the first time a Rwandese woman referee has been named to officiate at the men’s World Cup.

The Indomitable Lions will make their eighth World Cup appearance in Qatar. Cameroon first appeared in a World Cup in 1982 but lost all three matches in Spain. Eight years later they were a surprise team in Italy, beating Argentina (1 – 0) in the opening game and going on to reach the quarterfinals. Roger Milla dancing pitch side in celebration of his goals became a totem of football history.  Cameroon have not won a match at the World Cup since 2002, when they defeated Saudi Arabia in Japan.  This year, they qualified after beating Cote D’Ivoire 1 – 0.

Vincent Aboubakar will be joined in attack by Karl Toko Ekambi, who has scored 11 goals in 49 appearances with the national team. The Britain-based duo Oliver Ntcham and Bryan Mbeumo want to impress in the tournament.  In Group G, the Indomitable Lions face Brazil, Serbia, and Switzerland. The coach: Rigobert Song.
Ghana. The Black Stars return to the World Cup after missing out in 2018. Ghana won their qualification by the narrowest of margins. They held on to a crucial 1-1 draw at Nigeria and qualified for the 2022 World Cup on away goals. This Ghana team does not have the big talents of Asamoah Gyan and Sulley Muntari, but it has Thomas Partey. The Arsenal midfielder is the team’s sole world-class star.
Ghana’s national football team captain Andre Ayew is confident that the Black Stars will be a tough team to beat at the 2022 FIFA World Cup. He said: “We have a chance. Nobody sees us as favourites, which is expected. So, we know we’re not going into any of the matches as favourites but we’re there to fight and make an impact. No doubt it will be a very difficult group for every team and all we have to do is be ready, focused, determined, full squad and have a bit of luck”. The Group H includes Portugal, South Korea, and Uruguay. The coach:  Otoo Addo.

Moroccan international football star Achraf Hakimi. (Photo: Morocco World News)

Morocco. One of Africa’s most frequent representatives at the finals. The Atlas Lions will return for their sixth World Cup appearance with the hopes of reaching Round 16 for the first time since 1986.  The Atlas Lions have a lot of confidence in their strikers Ayoub El Kaabi and Ryan Mmaee; the attackers struck nine goals between them. However, the most important player will be Achraf Hakimi.  He plays for French Ligue 1 club Paris Saint-Germain.  The opening match on 23 November against Croatia is vital. They must gain at least a point if they want to go ahead. The Group F include Belgium and Canada. Walid Regragui is the head coach.
Senegal. Much hope surrounds the Teranga Lions to reach the latter stages of the tournament. The first appearance was in the 2002 edition held in Japan and South Korea. In the opening match they beat France 1 – 0, the goal scored by Papa Bouba Diop. Then they drew with Denmark and Uruguay and beat Sweden 2-1 to reach the quarterfinals, before being eliminated 1-0 by Turkey after a golden goal in the fourth minute of extra time. In 2018, they returned to the World Cup in Russia.

Senegal National Team (Twitter @Papy_Mendy)

The coach, Aliou Cissé has built his team around Sadio Mane who plays as a forward for Bundesliga club Bayern Munich. He is known for his pressing, dribbling, and speed. Also Kalidou Koulibaly, who plays as centre-back for Premier League club Chelsea.  Additionally, goalkeeper Edouard Mendy who plays for Premier League club Chelsea. The Group A includes Qatar, Ecuador, Netherlands.
Tunisia. For the Carthage Eagles this will be the sixth appearance at the World Cup. They made their debut in 1978, in Argentina, where they defeated Mexico 3-1 in their first game, thus becoming the first African team to be victorious at the World Cup.
Then again in 1998, 2002 and 2006. In Russia 2018, they won against Panama, but they lost to Belgium and England.
They qualified for the World Cup in Qatar by beating Mali 1 – 0.  Wahbi Khazri and Youssef Msakni will lead the attack. The group D includes France, Denmark, and Australia. The coach: Jalel Kadri.

Referee Salima Rhadia Mukansanga of Rwanda. (Photo: Skysports)

African referee
Rwanda referee Salima Mukansanga will be among three women referees named by the world governing body FIFA to officiate at the men’s World Cup. The 33-year-old, Mukansanga has been listed in the final list which includes other women referees, Stephanie Frappart from France and Japan’s Yoshimi Yamashita. Also on the list are three women assistant referees – Neuza Back from Brazil, Mexico’s Karen Diaz Medina, and American Kathryn Nesbitt.
“I’m really happy because it is a big achievement and honour. It’s a privilege, it’s a first step for women – that we have made as women”, said Mukansanga
At the World Cup, there will be 36 referees, 69 assistant referees and 24 video match officials (VMOs). (J.M.)

 

 

Egypt’s challenges.

In recent years, Egyptians seemed to have become resigned to their country’s social, economic, and political trajectory. Under President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi, the country has undergone massive aesthetic changes through an infrastructure overhaul and experienced bursts of economic revival amid a widespread malaise regarding
social and political issues.

For much of the past decade, Egyptians have been a society traumatized by the seismic political shifts between 2011-13, and were broadly accepting of the proposition made in 2013 through the military ouster of President Mohamed Morsi, consenting to the forfeiture of political rights and social development in the hope of peace and stability,
in whatever form it came.

Today, however, the calculation has changed. While Egyptians initially welcomed the new infrastructure that would ease daily commutes and travel within the country, the overhaul is decimating the country’s cultural heritage, most notably in its sprawling capital, Cairo.
That decimation has led to the questioning of the regime’s response to almost any issue with bricks and mortar—or in Egypt’s case,
with steel and concrete.

Nondescript buildings in identical “new” cities connected via multilane highways have severely damaged Egypt’s cultural identity and traditional architecture. A new form of cultural identity is being manufactured, as the well-known chaos of Cairo collides with urban planning suggestive of a second-rate attempt to mimic modern cities in the Gulf states. Around the Great Pyramid of Giza stretches of highways remove any sense of urban living among the pharaohs.

Meanwhile, as many elites have spent much of the last ten years relocating to satellite cities that afford the luxury of green spaces and large villas, new highways further cut them off from Cairo’s middle class and poor, as they traverse highways around the city, without ever actually entering it, or watch from the new bridges that weave among the city’s high-rise buildings.

Down below, the things that have always made Cairo the “City Victorious” are slowly being erased. Colourful Nile houseboats have been the latest victims of development. Despite a weeks-long global campaign effort to save them, the houseboats were hauled off and destroyed earlier this summer, leaving their residents – some of whom had been born on the boats and lived on them for decades – to fend for themselves, with little recourse to compensation from the state.

Proclaiming that the “Nile is for everyone,” the government now seeks to replace the boats with restaurants and cafés. That kind of eradication has already occurred across most of Cairo’s green spaces. Roundabouts and small parks have been replaced with parking spaces or kiosks for food and goods to accommodate drivers.

The Nile redevelopment has resulted in thousands of residents being forcibly displaced to make way for high-rise apartment buildings that they cannot afford. Citizens evicted from Cairo’s slum areas have been rehoused in characterless state-subsidized housing on the outskirts of the city, removing them from their neighbourhoods, taking away their livelihoods, and effectively erasing them from public spaces and sight.

Cairo is not the only city subject to this strange new reality. In Alexandria – Egypt’s second-largest city – the Corniche and surrounding areas have been destroyed to make way for larger, wider highways that connect the city, and bridges are being built on the beach itself. As in Cairo, the regime is redesigning the Corniche walkway – in Cairo along the Nile, in Alexandria along the Mediterranean coastline – and will charge citizens to access public spaces.

These are examples of the broader state agenda and the regime’s erasure of the past. For many, this agenda was evident early on with the 2020 redesign of Cairo’s iconic Tahrir Square and the banning of gatherings there, signs of the revisionist history that has sought to remove opportunity and hope from Egyptians by removing the symbol of its 2011 uprising. In the years since the Arab Spring, the redesign has been on a scale that arguably seeks to change citizens’ relationship with the state, and with their own identity.

El-Sisi has regularly deployed negative and disparaging language to signify his frustration with the population. In various speeches since 2013, the president has described Egyptians as lazy, wasteful, entitled, selfish, and unappreciative.
It is somewhat ironic, then, that after years of deriding the people, shoring up power within the institutions, and weakening the remaining ones that are there to represent the people, el-Sisi is now exhorting Egyptians to support his efforts to revive the economy, and – within regime limits – to engage more, politically and socially.

In 2019 Egypt was successfully riding an economic revival without precedent since 2010. As with many countries, in the Global North and South alike, the pandemic halted major development plans and growth, and the economic recovery has been further affected by Russia’s invasion of Ukraine. Put simply, the country is broken.

After years of supporting an economic model that pitted the military apparatus against domestic and foreign business entities and investors, el-Sisi has found the model unsustainable.
Now, imploring the business elite to work with him and promising to listen to their demands and advice, the president seeks new constituencies and support to soften the blow as the military may be forced to loosen at least part of its grip on Egypt’s economy.

That also entails weakening the almost decade-long crackdown and erasure of political rights in the country. With the renewal of talks with the International Monetary Fund over yet another bailout, and the knowledge that this one will damage his reputation due to its severe conditions, namely a significant currency devaluation being demanded by the IMF and other lending states (including Gulf partners), el-Sisi has begun a course of political engagement with opposition figures and known civic actors.

This should by no means be seen as a form of course correction or the opening of politics in the country but rather as an attempt to weaken expected opposition in the coming months. With an eye on the 2024 presidential election, el-Sisi has decided that divestment of lucrative state and military investments requires broader buy-in, at least temporarily, by larger constituencies.

Opposition leaders are arguably right in choosing not to trust the president’s promises or his commitments, and instead demanding acts of good faith – most notably, the release of political prisoners – and debate on the most contentious issues: elections
and political participation.

While the regime may feel it beneficial to stoke disagreements within the Civil Democratic Movement, the opposition has remained firmly united and committed to achieving small but important goals. As such, el-Sisi is finding it difficult to engineer the process. Although the regime is committed to certain procedures – yet never eager to see them through – the media scrutiny at home and international focus abroad on the national dialogue has painted the establishment into a corner. It is struggling to find compromises it can absorb, ones that can both silence its detractors and repair the reputational damage.

Meanwhile, the country is battling a femicide epidemic that has brought violence against women to the forefront of social discussions. After a longstanding fight to prevent the question of women’s rights being elevated to a contentious social issue, amendments to the Personal Status Law now sit at Parliament’s door under the watchful eye of a mobilized women’s movement.

These were presented by some of the most ardent state actors, who demanded the president approve changes that, once enacted, are believed could change the landscape for women in Egypt. All this happens as the country faces climate challenges, including shock weather events like floods and drought, that have not been a part of the political, social, or economic calculation until recently.

Despite the numerous challenges, el-Sisi and his regime have remained confident of Egypt’s social cohesion. The country has always been seen by its citizens and outside observers as too homogenous for major rupture, rifts, or worse, conflict. Despite the periodic rise of militant extremism, and even amid continued structural sectarianism and marginalization of a large Christian minority, Egypt has remained comparatively cohesive, with social fractures labelled “interruptions” rather than embedded unconscious biases.

As the economic situation worsens, with few to no political rights, a stifled media, and persistent brutal crackdowns on youth and youth culture, however, there is significant evidence that no matter the current solutions the regime provides, the situation will become unsustainable.

Egypt’s challenges are many, some of them undeniably of its own making. The social fabric is now battling a number of crucial and emerging issues – climate change, the national redesign, Egyptian women’s fight for freedom and accountability – and those more traditional markers: the economy, civil society mobilisation, demands for political organizing, and demographics. The resolute and fearless leadership needed to address these challenges simultaneously is unlikely to be found in the current regime.

There is neither the desire to empower Egyptian citizens nor the confidence in sustainable policies being able to secure and uphold the regime. While small changes here and there may give the impression of growth, and minor solutions to specific problems may indeed provide some respite, the larger, more existential challenges will remain, with continued diminishing confidence that the regime will seek to empower positive change and implement long-term sustainable growth for its population. (Photo: 123rf.com)

Hafsa Halawa/ISPI

World Youth Day. Pope Francis: “All together in Lisbon! A new beginning for the young and for humanity”.

“I hope and I firmly believe that the experience many of you will have in Lisbon next August will represent a new beginning for you, the young, and – with you – for humanity as a whole”.

The World Youth Day will be celebrated in particular Churches on November 20 next and at international level from August 1 to 6, 2023 in Lisbon with the theme “Mary arose and went with haste” (Lk 1:39).

Pope Francis comments: “In these troubling times, when our human family, already tested by the trauma of the pandemic, is racked by the tragedy of war, Mary shows to all of us, and especially to you, young people like herself, the path of proximity and encounter”.

Francis writes in the Message for the XXXVII World Youth Day, which highlights a verb in particular – to arise – whose meaning includes that of “waking up to the life all around us.” After the Annunciation, “Mary could have focused on herself and her own worries and fears about her new condition. Instead – points out the Pope – she arises and sets out, for she is certain that God’s plan is the best plan for her life.”

Thus “Mary becomes a temple of God, an image of the pilgrim Church, a Church that goes forth for service, a Church that brings the good news to all!”. Mary in particular “is a model for young people on the move, who refuse to stand in front of a mirror to contemplate themselves or to get caught up in the “net”.

Mary’s focus is always directed outwards. She is the woman of Easter, in a permanent state of exodus, going forth from herself towards that great Other who is God and towards others, her brothers and sisters, especially those in greatest need.” “Each of you can ask: ‘How do I react to the needs that I see all around me? Do I think immediately of some reason not to get involved? Or do I show interest and willingness to help?”, is Francis’ question to young people.

“To be sure, you cannot resolve all the problems of the world – comments the Pope – Yet you can begin with the problems of those closest to you, with the needs of your own community”, following the example of Mother Teresa.”

Francis points out: “How many people in our world look forward to a visit from someone who is concerned about them! How many of the elderly, the sick, the imprisoned and refugees have need of a look of sympathy, a visit from a brother or sister who scales the walls of indifference! What kinds of “haste” do you have, dear young people?”

“What leads you to feel a need to get up and go, lest you end up standing still? Many people – in the wake of realities like the pandemic, war, forced migration, poverty, violence and climate disasters – are asking themselves: Why is this happening to me? Why me? And why now? But the real question in life is instead: for whom am I living? The haste of the young woman of Nazareth is the haste of those capable of putting other people’s needs above their own.”

Francis goes on to note: “How many testimonies have we heard from people who were “visited” by Mary, the Mother of Jesus and our Mother! In how many far-off places of the earth, in every age – through apparitions and special graces – has Mary visited her people! There is practically no place on earth that she has not visited.”

A “healthy haste”, points out the Pope, “drives us always upwards and towards others.” Yet there is also an “unhealthy haste, which can drive us to live superficially and to take everything lightly. Without commitment or concern, without investing ourselves in what we do. It is the haste of those who live, study, work and socialize without any real personal investment.”

“This can happen in interpersonal relationships – argues the Pope -. In families, when we never stop to listen and spend time with others. In friendships, when we expect our friends to keep us entertained and fulfil our needs, but immediately look the other way if we see that they are troubled and need our time and help. Even among couples in love, few have the patience to really get to know and understand each other. We can have the same attitude in school, at work and in other areas of our daily lives.   When things are done in haste, they tend not to be fruitful. They risk remaining barren and lifeless.”

Finally, Francis returns to highlight the importance of dialogue between generations: “to bridge distances – between generations, social classes, ethnic and other groups – and even put an end to wars.”

“It is no coincidence that war is returning to Europe at a time when the generation that experienced it in the last century is dying out,” is the Pope’s analysis: “We need the covenant between young and old, lest we forget the lessons of history; we need to overcome all the forms of polarization and extremism present in today’s world.”

Father Albert Nolan. The Challenge of the Gospel.

Anti-apartheid activist and internationally renowned theologian, Father Albert Nolan, died in the early hours of October 17. “You have to take sides”.

Many will remember him as a hero of the struggle against apartheid, a humble Dominican priest and theologian awarded the national Order of Luthuli by President Thabo Mbeki in 2003.  Many more will know his name and have read his 1976 best-seller Jesus Before Christianity about the historical Jesus.  I will remember him as an inspiration and spiritual guide when I was Southern Africa Desk Officer at the Catholic Institute of International Relations (CIIR) during the 1980s when both civic resistance and state repression peaked in South Africa.

Albert, despite a traditional academic training in the Angelicum, the Dominican Pontifical University in Rome, believed that theology should be open to everyone, that it should come from the grassroots and be about discovering where and how to find God in an unjust world.  He was later to put his religious journalism into practice as the editor of Challenge, a popular Catholic paper in South Africa.  When Albert was Provincial for Southern Africa, the Johannesburg Dominicans abandoned their priory in a posh part of town, so the where of theology was a decrepit building in the ill-named Mayfair, home to down-and-out whites and surprisingly multi-racial.  The estate agent couldn’t believe his luck when he was given a description of the building the Dominicans were looking for and got rid of an unsaleable property.  And the how was by integrating faith with political commitment.
Albert Nolan chose the right religious name (he was baptised Dennis); like St. Albert the Great, teacher of St. Thomas Aquinas, he was an inspiring teacher and mentor.
YCS and YCW chaplain at the largely Afrikaans University of Stellenbosch, he became National Chaplain of the Catholic Federation of Students in 1973.  As well as listening and responding to youth seeking how to live in an unjust and divided society – ‘you have to take sides’ was his advice – he was able to compare notes with his counterpart in Peru, fellow priest Gustavo Gutierrez, the father of Liberation Theology and later a Dominican.Leading up to and into the State of Emergency in South Africa (1985-1990), a time of massive repression and of mass resistance by the United Democratic Front drawing together African National Congress (ANC) front-organisations, church institutions and  independent civic bodies, Albert nurtured a group of young Catholics committed
to the liberation struggle.

Hector Pieterson Memorial Site, Soweto, Johannesburg. Photo: 123rf.com

By listening to their difficulties, their fears of imminent arrest, their doubts about having children, their problems in handling the violence both of the state and anarchic youth, he was able to encourage a spirituality that both discerned the signs of the times and helped them develop a moral framework within which they could actively resist apartheid.   At the Mayfair Priory praying the Magnificat was almost a bidding prayer as each in their different ways was in the business of ‘pulling down the mighty from their thrones’.
For Albert apartheid was ‘sin made visible’.  I can hear him saying it now in his strong Cape Town accent. I can also hear his gentle humour coming through hair-raising stories of things nearly going wrong.  He was a wonderful companion and pastor.  In 1983 he was elected Master-General of the Dominican Order by his confrères.
His response was to request that he be allowed to decline so that he could remain in South Africa and fulfil his commitment there.  This was put to the vote and agreed so that he had the shortest time in office of any Dominican Master-General.
At the time of his election Albert was working in the Johannesburg Institute for Contextual Theology (ICT) begun in 1981, a small ecumenical group that included Rev. Frank Chikane, later the general-secretary of the South African Council of Churches who became President Mbeki’s Chef de Cabinet. The name Contextual Theology did little to protect it from the repression which was certain had it been called the Institute for Liberation Theology.  In June 1985 ICT published and distributed the Kairos document, a radical biblical and theological comment on the political crisis in South Africa and a challenge to the Churches to take sides, signed initially by over 150 mainly black Christians.  The South African National Security State was taken completely unawares.  Many more signatures followed publication and as the document was read out in township churches there was a palpable sense that congregations felt ‘this is what we believe’.

Sweden concluded that leaving support for the ANC solely in the hands of the Communist Party of Soviet Union and the East German Stasi bode ill for the future and was secretly getting money into South Africa to boost non-violent forms of resistance.  Much the same group as the ICT, including Albert and the great Dutch Reformed Church dissident pastor, Rev. Beyers Naudé, performed the invaluable and unusual role within South Africa of guiding this funding of the internal movement of the ANC whose base was outside South Africa in Lusaka, Zambia and to a lesser degree in Maputo, Mozambique.  For example one of the major requests of the ‘Christian ANC’ group was funding to strengthen leadership amongst black youth.  At the time arrests of youths for ‘necklacing’, that is killing suspected collaborators with flaming tyres around the neck, was decapitating the youth movement and creating anarchy in the townships.Albert saw the movement against apartheid bringing together the different races and Christian denominations as a glimpse of the ‘kingdom of heaven’.   He saw no conflict between faith and political commitment and there was something beautiful about the way he and those around him lived out that integrated vision.  We should learn from him.  (Photo:  Babelio – 123rf.com)

Ian Linden
Professor at St Mary’s University,
Strawberry Hill, London.

Kenya Elections 2022: What’s Next?

Can William Ruto, the new Kenya president, provide the change that Kenyans are demanding?

The General Election took place in Kenya on August 9th and William Ruto of the United Democratic Alliance (UDA) was sworn in as the country’s fifth President on September 13th. In a very closely contested ballot Mr. Ruto just passed the legal threshold of 50% plus one vote, acquiring 50.49% of the 14 million votes cast while Raila Odinga of the Azimio coalition garnered 48.85%.
Mr. Odinga rejected the results announced by the Electoral Commission of Kenya (ECK) on August 16th and presented a detailed petition to the Supreme Court to overturn the results. The Supreme Court listened to the pleadings of all parties but ruled on September 5th that Mr. Ruto had been legally and fairly elected.
This paved the way for the swearing in ceremony that was attended by several heads of state.Neither the ballot nor the eventual result made world headlines. Perhaps that was mainly due to the fact that the campaigns and election itself went off rather quietly and with a fair degree of professionalism and efficiency.

The December 2007 vote 1,133 Kenyans lost their lives and 600,000 more were displaced.

Peaceful elections and orderly transitions in Africa generally don’t make headline news. You almost sense the disappointment of the global media outlets when there is not much to report apart from announcing the winners and losers. Journalists and camera men have long been accustomed to expect protests, violence and the aftermath destruction for their audiences around the world.
There were however some grounds for suspecting that this election might also bring conflict and mayhem. The only Presidential election that passed off peacefully in Kenya since the advent of multi-party politics in 1992 was the 2002 election won by Mwai Kibaki with a convincing victory of 62%. All other ballots were more closely contested and regularly resulted in the displacement of thousands and widespread loss of life.In the aftermath of the December 2007 vote 1,133 Kenyans lost their lives and 600,000 more were displaced. The 2017 ballot was annulled by the Supreme Court and the repeat vote was boycotted by Raila Odinga who was subsequently sworn in as the ‘People’s President’ in a symbolic ceremony that had no legal binding. But tension disrupted the country for half a year until Mr. Odinga made peace with President Kenyatta in a surprise move in March 2018.

Eight of the twenty-two million registered voters did not cast their vote.

Mindful of previous elections, then the 2022 ballot must be considered a major development in terms of entrenching democracy and respect for the country’s institutions. The Electoral Commission by all accounts performed its task with diligence and credibility and the Judiciary had the final say in a ruling that was respected if not accepted by all parties. Kenyans went back to work and life resumed with the loss of seven lives during the whole election period.
In the end, Kenyans accepted the results with as much relief as excitement. For those who were more inquiring there was much to debate long after the swearing in, but for the majority they were much more concerned about taking care of their families at a time when inflation was running at 10%.
One noticeable feature that does deserve attention was the fact that eight of the twenty-two million registered voters did not bother to cast their vote. The voter turnout was 65% which by global standards was extremely high. However, bear in mind that the turnout in 2017 was 79.5% and 85.9% in 2013, and there is reason to take note. That represents a 21% drop in voting patterns in nine years. More concerning still is that the youth vote 18-35 this year was less than 50%. Mr. Ruto who targeted the youth in his campaign manifesto and who presented himself as the rebel against the deep state did not convince the young people that change was coming under his leadership.

Observers of election trends in the larger continent, however, are also beginning to express concern about the ability of the democratic process to bring change. In the recent presidential elections in Angola the turnout was a miserable 45.65%.  Voters are becoming more enlightened and informed and discovering that elections rarely bring the type of change in leadership and services that they need and demand. Put another way, the public are saying that one cannot eat democracy.
There is not just growing mistrust in the democracy project as in the current political class. Not just in Kenya but all over the continent politics has been captured by small, powerful and well-endowed elites and there is little opportunity for new parties or policies to emerge. This is manifested mostly in the corruption pandemic.
In Kenya, according to outgoing President Uhuru Kenyatta, two billion shillings ($20million) is looted from the public coffers each day. The former Auditor General Edward Ooko once declared that 30% of the National Budget goes unaccounted for.

Kenya Parliament Buildings in the city centre of Nairobi. Kenyan MPs are among the highest paid legislators in the world. Photo: 123rf.com

Kenyan MPs are among the highest paid legislators in the world and politics is frequently seen as a refuge or sanctuary for individuals who have criminal cases pending in courts. In this year’s elections there were several candidates facing murder charges in court, others with rape and defilement cases and dozens facing corruption charges. Is it any wonder then that the public have become more cynical about political life when service to the public has been replaced by benefits and contracts for dubious elected leaders.
Yet, Mr. Ruto’s campaign pledges were very much focused on changing and improving the lives of those at the bottom, in what he coined ‘bottoms up’ economics. His promises are in fact a rejection of the trickle-down economics which has disappointed and failed billions around the globe for decades.
Time will tell if Mr. Ruto can bring the changes that he promised and provide room at the decision-making table for the masses who feel excluded and are losing hope in a system that has not served them adequately in 60 years of independence. (Open Photo: Mr. William Ruto: Kenya’s new President. 123rf.com)

Gabriel Dolan

 

Uganda. A Comboni Father blessed.

On 20 November 2022, Comboni Father Joseph Ambrosoli will be beatified in Kalongo in the north of Uganda. “God is love and I am his servant for the suffering people”.

“My name is Joseph Ambrosoli. I come from Ronago. I have just qualified as a medical doctor and I want to place my profession at the disposal of the Missions. I would like to know if, in your Order, a doctor can become a priest and if, once a member, he would be sure of being assigned to the Missions and practice the dual profession of priest and doctor”.
It is the Summer of 1949 and it is with these words that the young Doctor Ambrosoli introduces himself to Father Simone Zanoner, the Rector of the Comboni Missionary Seminary in Rebbio in the Province of Como in Northern Italy.

Although Joseph says his name is ‘Ambrosoli’ he does not mention that he belongs to the well-known and influential honey-producing Family of the same name. Father Zanoner replies: “The Comboni Missionaries were founded for the Missions and it is therefore standard practice for those who join to go to the Missions. I can therefore guarantee that you will go to the Missions!”. Thus began the missionary adventure of the man who would become the great ‘Doctor Aburojoli’, the Doctor of the Acholi Peoples of Northern Uganda.

‘The Cenacle’
Joseph was born on 25th July 1923 to Giovanni Battista and Palmira Ambrosoli in Ronago, a charming village in the Province of Como, close to the border with the Canton of Ticino in Southern Switzerland.
His father was a successful entrepreneur in the honey business with the well-known slogan: ‘There are all sorts of honey and then there is the unmistakable flavour of Ambrosoli honey’.
He grew up in a family where his mother Palmira was noted for her practice of the Christian faith. It was she who educated Joseph in the faith and trained him in that moderation and self-limitation that would accompany him throughout his life.
His Christian formation was consolidated thanks to holy priest educators who were concerned only with the education of children and the youth, and always attentive to the sick.

Fundamental to his spiritual life and his missionary option was his meeting with Don Silvio Riva, the diocesan assistant of the Catholic Action of Como who brought together the best young people in a group that he christened ‘The Cenacle’. His spiritual growth translates into the search for holiness understood as identification with Christ.
As a result of all this, Joseph would therefore become a Comboni missionary doctor. He was already 28 when he entered the novitiate (1951). He made his religious profession, quickly completed his theological studies, and was soon ordained because Africa urgently needed him. It was on 17 December 1955 when he became a priest in the cathedral of Milan. The ordaining bishop was Giovanni Battista Montini who would become Pope Paul VI.

Uganda. The ‘Pearl of Africa’
On February 1st 1956 Father Joseph set sail from Venice aboard the aptly-named ‘SS Africa’ bound for Mombasa on the coast of Kenya, and then continued his journey from Mombasa to Gulu a town in the North of Uganda. And then by road from Gulu to the Mission of Kalongo in East Acholi to where he had been assigned.
Starting from the simple dispensary, he built a large hospital with 350 beds, to which the sick from Lira, Kitgum and from Kenya and
South Sudan flowed.

The jewel in the crown of that hospital is the school for midwives, which Father Joseph was very fond of. The study program is based on the English model and includes three years of study and internship after which each student nurse has to face an exam before a commission coming specially from Kampala, the capital.
The diploma issued is valid for every health facility in the colony and for all English-speaking countries.
Father Joseph was totally dedicated to the sick: “I must try to impersonate the Master in me when he treated the sick who came to him … If only they could see Jesus in me!”, he would say. He immediately understood that to win the hearts of Africans he must employ infinite benevolence. He worked unsparingly not only as a surgeon but also as a facility director and teacher in the nursing school. He was able to remain at the operating table for six straight hours, always standing, and then move to the clinic, without showing even the slightest sign of tiredness.
People ended up having unlimited faith in Father Joseph’s healing powers, to the point of considering him a sort of thaumaturge: “If you are sick, you have only to go to Father Joseph; he examines you and you come back healed, both in heart and in spirit”, they would say.
He also involved all the nursing staff, making them feel directly involved in the management of the workings of the large hospital. He shared responsibilities with his fellow doctors and gave them autonomy.

The exodus
Before going to rest, the Rosary was a must: “Reciting the Rosary while walking under the starry sky of God, with the stars of the magical African sky, is really something else”, he wrote to a friend. He took but a few hours of rest at the end of the day. “Once in heaven, I’ll have all the time I want to rest”, he would say.
He also knew how to show his stern character as a defender of the weak, including the heroic defence of the wives of government soldiers and, in general, of the people of the south, on whom the guerrillas, from the north, intended to take their revenge.
When the rebels realized their imminent defeat, they gathered threateningly in front of the hospital gate, demanding the people of the south to kill them and take revenge for their defeat.

Father Joseph intervened, placing himself in front of the gate and saying to the rebels: “Do not enter here. If you want, kill me as well, but don’t enter here!”. And the rebels relented.
1986 was certainly the most difficult year for Kalongo caught between the government troops and those of the revolution. The situation for the hospital worsened on January 30, 1987. Having gathered all the hospital and mission personnel, the military authorities accused those present of complicity with the Acholi guerrillas and the order to evacuate was given. The exodus from Kalongo to Lira would be an ordeal for Father Joseph. He truly became similar to Jesus, who appeared to many on Calvary as the icon of the most complete human failure.
His concern was still for the 42 midwifery students who had to prepare for the state exam, scheduled for May.

Things took a turn for the worse. His health was deteriorating, and the Lord granted him his desire to die with the people he loved so much. His last words distinctly grasped by those who assisted him were: “Lord, your will be done”. His Lord came to take him at 13.50 on Friday 27 March 1987. At the age of 64.
Father Joseph’s desire to be buried among the people he loved and for whom he gave his life. On the tomb of Father Ambrosoli, there is a plaque reminding everyone that he was ‘A Comboni, a priest and a doctor’. The true message, however, is contained in the phrase that Father Joseph repeated and that the people wanted to be carved in marble: ‘God is love and I am his servant for the suffering people’.

Elio Boscaini

 

 

Growing Chinese influence in Latin America.

Despite the geographical distance involved, over the last five decades Latin America has become a significant area for the foreign policy of the People’s Republic of China (PRC).

Chinese expansion in Latin America is strictly interconnected with the country’s rise as a global power. Since the first diplomatic ties were established in the 1970s, the Sino-Latin American relationship has developed gradually but uninterruptedly: commercial exchanges flourished in the 1980s; educational, cultural and scientific relations were promoted during in the 1990s; finally, technological, health, military and strategic cooperation has been improving continuously over the last twenty years. This process has partly been favoured by the US disinterest on its ties with Latin America and, therefore, progressively losing its presence on the subcontinent.

In 2013, Latin America’s significance to China was clearly evidenced by the First Meeting of Ministries of Agriculture of China and Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) in 2013. The China-CELAC Forum1, which is attended by the respective Foreign Ministers, was established a year later. At that time, Beijing also recognised Brazil, Argentina, and Venezuela as “comprehensive strategic partners” for their significant food, energy and industrial production.

In 2016, the PRC published a second “white paper” on relations with Latin America and the Caribbean, defining Beijing’s policy towards the subcontinent. A year later, in the context of the First Belt and Road Forum for International Cooperation, it was announced that the Belt and Road initiative (BRI) would be extended to the region.

The invitation for Latin American countries to join the BRI was formalised at the China-CELAC Forum in January 2018. At this meeting, Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi presented the BRI and stated that Latin America was its “natural extension”. So far, around twenty Latin American countries have adhered to the BRI.

The BRI has generated much interest in the LAC region not only because it encompasses infrastructure projects (such as the construction of railways, highways, ports, pipelines, and housing), but fosters commercial, financial and technological developments and even civilisational dialogue too.

We must also bear in mind that physical connectivity contributes directly to the development of agricultural, mineral and industrial production and creates greater opportunities for investment, technology transfer, trade and social progress.

In addition, when the world witnessed the spread of Covid-19 at the beginning of 2020, most Latin American nations received health and medical help from the PRC, in the form of equipment or advice. In their eyes, China stood out in the concert of nations for the assistance provided, becoming a beacon of global cooperation.

Currently, most Latin American nations have China as one of their top three trading partners, or at least as a leading foreign investor, lender, infrastructure builder and technology transferor. The PRC, in a global context of energy and food scarcity, has in Latin America a trustworthy provider of primary products.

Developments in the Sino-Latin American relationship have a strategic relevance, as they affect US interests. Beijing has more political and economic influence in Latin America than any other competitor to Washington has ever had. At the same time, the current competition between Washington and Beijing affects Latin America deeply.

Washington and Beijing compete not only for trade, technology, and geopolitical areas, but also for partnerships. For this reason, ties with China represent an increasingly sensitive diplomatic challenge for Latin American countries.

At a time when Latin American governments are having to deal with the serious economic consequences of the pandemic, they are also being forced to pick a side between Washington and Beijing. The region’s governments can choose whether they want to remain loyal to their traditional alliance with Washington or strengthen their ties with China. Alternatively, they can try to play both cards and adopt a foreign policy that maintains an equal distance from both poles.

In the light of the US’ current focus on Eastern Europe, the Middle East and the Indo-Pacific, it can be foreseen that Washington will remain unresponsive to Latin America, and that this will result in China expanding its influence on the subcontinent.

Therefore, among other developments, Xi Jinping’s expected third term will be characterised by growing Chinese influence in Latin America. The region will continue to strengthen its ties with the PRC, as it badly needs to leave behind the negative economic effects of the pandemic and put its economy back on track.

Jorge E. Malena/ISPI

Father Albert Nolan. The Challenge of the Gospel.

Anti-apartheid activist and internationally renowned theologian, Father Albert Nolan, died in the early hours of October 17.
“You have to take sides”.

Many will remember him as a hero of the struggle against apartheid, a humble Dominican priest and theologian awarded the national Order of Luthuli by President Thabo Mbeki in 2003.  Many more will know his name and have read his 1976 best-seller Jesus Before Christianity about the historical Jesus.  I will remember him as an inspiration and spiritual guide when I was Southern Africa Desk Officer at the Catholic Institute of International Relations (CIIR) during the 1980s when both civic resistance and state repression peaked in South Africa.
Albert, despite a traditional academic training in the Angelicum, the Dominican Pontifical University in Rome, believed that theology should be open to everyone, that it should come from the grassroots and be about discovering where and how to find God in an unjust world.  He was later to put his religious journalism into practice as the editor of Challenge, a popular Catholic paper in South Africa.

When Albert was Provincial for Southern Africa, the Johannesburg Dominicans abandoned their priory in a posh part of town, so the where of theology was a decrepit building in the ill-named Mayfair, home to down-and-out whites and surprisingly multi-racial.  The estate agent couldn’t believe his luck when he was given a description of the building the Dominicans were looking for and got rid of an unsaleable property.  And the how was by integrating faith with political commitment.
Albert Nolan chose the right religious name (he was baptised Dennis); like St. Albert the Great, teacher of St. Thomas Aquinas, he was an inspiring teacher and mentor.  YCS and YCW chaplain at the largely Afrikaans University of Stellenbosch, he became National Chaplain of the Catholic Federation of Students in 1973.  As well as listening and responding to youth seeking how to live in an unjust and divided society – ‘you have to take sides’ was his advice – he was able to compare notes with his counterpart in Peru, fellow priest Gustavo Gutierrez, the father of Liberation Theology and later a Dominican.
Leading up to and into the State of Emergency in South Africa (1985-1990), a time of massive repression and of mass resistance by the United Democratic Front drawing together African National Congress (ANC) front-organisations, church institutions and  independent civic bodies, Albert nurtured a group of young Catholics committed to the liberation struggle.

Hector Pieterson Memorial Site, Soweto, Johannesburg. Photo: 123rf.com

By listening to their difficulties, their fears of imminent arrest, their doubts about having children, their problems in handling the violence both of the state and anarchic youth, he was able to encourage a spirituality that both discerned the signs of the times and helped them develop a moral framework within which they could actively resist apartheid.   At the Mayfair Priory praying the Magnificat was almost a bidding prayer as each in their different ways was in the business of ‘pulling down the mighty from their thrones’.
For Albert apartheid was ‘sin made visible’.  I can hear him saying it now in his strong Cape Town accent. I can also hear his gentle humour coming through hair-raising stories of things nearly going wrong.  He was a wonderful companion and pastor.  In 1983 he was elected Master-General of the Dominican Order by his confrères.
His response was to request that he be allowed to decline so that he could remain in South Africa and fulfil his commitment there.  This was put to the vote and agreed so that he had the shortest time in office of any Dominican Master-General.
At the time of his election Albert was working in the Johannesburg Institute for Contextual Theology (ICT) begun in 1981, a small ecumenical group that included Rev. Frank Chikane, later the general-secretary of the South African Council of Churches who became President Mbeki’s Chef de Cabinet. The name Contextual Theology did little to protect it from the repression which was certain had it been called the Institute for Liberation Theology.

In June 1985 ICT published and distributed the Kairos document, a radical biblical and theological comment on the political crisis in South Africa and a challenge to the Churches to take sides, signed initially by over 150 mainly black Christians.
The South African National Security State was taken completely unawares.  Many more signatures followed publication and as the document was read out in township churches there was a palpable sense that congregations felt ‘this is what we believe’.
Sweden concluded that leaving support for the ANC solely in the hands of the Communist Party of Soviet Union and the East German Stasi bode ill for the future and was secretly getting money into South Africa to boost non-violent forms of resistance.
Much the same group as the ICT, including Albert and the great Dutch Reformed Church dissident pastor, Rev. Beyers Naudé, performed the invaluable and unusual role within South Africa of guiding this funding of the internal movement of the ANC whose base was outside South Africa in Lusaka, Zambia and to a lesser degree in Maputo, Mozambique.  For example one of the major requests of the ‘Christian ANC’ group was funding to strengthen leadership amongst black youth.  At the time arrests of youths for ‘necklacing’, that is killing suspected collaborators with flaming tyres around the neck, was decapitating the youth movement and creating anarchy in the townships.
Albert saw the movement against apartheid bringing together the different races and Christian denominations as a glimpse of the ‘kingdom of heaven’.   He saw no conflict between faith and political commitment and there was something beautiful about the way he and those around him lived out that integrated vision.  We should learn from him.  (Photo:  Babelio – 123rf.com)

Ian Linden
Professor at St Mary’s University,
Strawberry Hill, London.

Ghana. Women and Climate Change.

In harmony with Pope Francis’ call in Laudato Si’ to “care for our common home”, the Sisters of the Holy Cross have a long-standing commitment to ecological sustainability and systemic change across the globe. Among the Congregation’s initiatives to care for creation and God’s people is SOAR (Sisters Organizing and Advancing Recycling), a project launched by Sister Comfort Arthur.
She explains the initiative.

In Ghana, you can easily find water bottles and rubber sachets on the street. The polybag or plastic bags that we usually use are causing a problem in the country. Our beaches are filled with them. In terms of the gutters, our drains are also being blocked. Because of that, we have flood issues every year.

As a child, we used to have food served in plantain leaves rather than plastic bottles, bags, and other things. So, when the food is eaten and the leaves thrown away, the leaves can decompose to enrich the soil. It is only recently that plastic bags have become common in Ghana.
And look at what has happened! Even food, when it’s hot, is now saved in plastic bags. Can you imagine the chemical composition of plastic
and its effects?

I kept reflecting on what could be done because of the plastic waste being accumulated every day, creating a severe issue in my country.
Not only does this plastic waste deteriorate our environment, but, as I noted above, the plastic waste also clogs the drainage system
and causes floods.

The stagnant water causes water-borne diseases to spread more rapidly, and it also breeds more mosquitos that claim lives through malaria. And this is only the beginning of the impact of climate change in my country.

People can see plastic waste everywhere along the roadside, on the farm, and in the fields. Can you imagine what the farmers are struggling with? On the beaches, in our rivers and oceans, all life, both human and animal, is truly suffering.

Ghana is now filled with plastics. And we only recycle less than 2%! And so, I ask myself what can be done? As Sisters of the Holy Cross, we are committed to fostering models of development that care for our environment. We have considered how we can help the situation, clean up our country, save lives, and reduce our impact on climate change?

This is where the SOAR program came in. SOAR stands for Sisters Organizing and Advancing Recycling. The SOAR started as a pilot program in 2017 in Kasoa, located on Ghana’s southern coast.

Our mission is to utilize an integrated approach to waste management services, educate God’s people, care for the environment, and support the under-served.

Our vision is to be a leader in recycling, education, and action in Ghana. People are involved in our schools and parishes, especially women.

We were inspired by Laudato Si’ so that even if we cannot change the whole world at once, we can start from a small corner in Ghana. And hopefully, that light may grow and shine in other parts of the world, since climate change is a global concern.

We started by educating the public in the church. We talked to the parishioners after Mass about the importance of caring for our Common Home. We then provided recycling bins in the parishes and encouraged young members to fill them with plastics from home and around the church area. We didn’t stop there.

We then moved to schools and educated students, faculty, and staff about their role in making a difference and inspiring their family members to do the same as far as plastic waste is concerned. Also, there is global concern about what is happening in terms of climate change. Recycling bins were then placed outside the schools to collect plastics from home and the school compound.

Again, we moved ahead. We used the FM radio stations and other social media outlets to educate the general public. We knew we couldn’t do this work alone and so we decided to dedicate time and resources to organizing volunteers and individuals to help us collect the plastic waste. It was interesting how many women bought into the idea and started collecting a massive amount of plastic waste.

We paid the women for their hard work. Of course, we have to motivate them. This money supports them and their families to put something on their table and bring a smile to their families. Our aim and primary objective to help clean the environment then grew to include employment and job opportunities for women.

Five years after its humble beginning, SOAR is reaching incredible heights. We started with seven collection points in Kasoa. Today, the program boasts 33 collection hubs at six parishes and 11 schools in three cities – Kasoa, Cape Coast and Takoradi.

Many of the schools – where 3,600 students volunteer with the program – hold friendly competitions to see which can collect the most plastic waste. The students are enthusiastic. They take home what they learn about environmental issues and personal responsibility, sharing this new knowledge with family, friends and neighbours.

Along these years, we have aligned our mission with that of other climate change advocates and supporters. We know that when we heal the earth, which is the only home we have, we heal our neighbour. And when we heal our neighbour, we heal our relationships.

Blessed Fr. Ambrosoli. A Great Gift .

We have asked mons. John Baptist Odama, Archbishop of Gulu in Uganda the meaning of the beatification of Father Joseph Ambrosoli.

The beatification of Father Joseph Ambrosoli is a blessing not only for the Archdiocese of Gulu, Uganda, where he spent most of his missionary life, nor for Africa alone, the continent he loved deeply, but also for the entire Church and the entire human race. Father Ambrosoli’s life reflected the love of Christ.
And we know that Christ’s love is salvation for humanity from all kinds of evil, especially the spiritual evil we call sin.
He prayed hard to be liberated from selfishness, which is the evil that dominates our world, leading it far away from the dream God has for it. Even as a young man, Father Ambrosoli prayed that Jesus would free him from selfishness, and the love of Christ moulded him in such a way that he became a-man-for-others.

Mons. John Baptist Odama, Archbishop of Gulu.

A typical prayer of his was: “O God, deliver me from myself”. A prayer that may seem rather strange to many. Correctly understood, however, it is a splendid invocation addressed to God. And God made him truly free from himself and totally devoted to others. It is a prayer we should all pray always, if we want to live our lives like Jesus Christ, who from being God became the ‘servant’ of all.
By beatifying him, the Church wants to present Father Ambrosoli to us as an inspiration to imitate Christ, who lived and died for us all.
In our diocese of Gulu, we already boast two other blessed, Jildo Irwa and Daudi Okello: two young catechists who were killed in the early 20th Century and whom the Church today venerates as martyrs.
These three splendid people are not just a monopoly of the people of Gulu, simply because they are from here. Instead, they are a blessing
for the whole world.

Father Ambrosoli lived the values of the Gospel and practised what Jesus came to proclaim: salvation. His service to the people was nothing but ‘healing’ and ‘salvation’, especially for the poorest and most abandoned. He used to repeat: “I must love the poor”. He gave himself a slogan: “God is love and I am his servant for the poor and for the suffering”. He really was healing and salvation for many. And that was an extraordinary blessing for us and our people.
By proclaiming him blessed, the Church offers us a sure example to imitate. Through his life, he can teach us to be truly human, that is, people who can take interest in and care for others.
Father Ambrosoli was a simple man, humble and pure in his intentions. He served people with total dedication. No one was afraid of him. He was not at all proud, although he could have been, being one of the best doctors Uganda had.
Although he was the hospital’s head doctor, he never drew attention to himself, to the point that some people hardly noticed him. A warder from Gulu had brought a patient to the hospital in Kalongo. As was his wont, doctor Ambrosoli came and started passing between the beds, greeting the patients. After a while, the warder asked a nurse what time the doctor would arrive. “But the doctor has already been here”, she replied. “He even greeted you. But you can join him in his office at any time”. Fr. Ambrosoli was of a disarming simplicity.

I was assigned to the diocese of Gulu as archbishop in January 1999, 12 years after father Ambrosoli’s death. During my pastoral visits to the new diocese, people did nothing but speak well of him to me. They had no doubts: the ‘great doctor’ had been a very special person in all respects. Therefore, I decided to make an investigation and gather precise information about him, especially first-hand accounts of his life.
I thought that, if certain gospel values had indeed been lived by him in a truly exceptional way, they deserved to be made known to more and more people, so that, by imitating him, they would be helped to change their lives. Not only that: their faith would increase and their love for one another would improve. The best way to proclaim the gospel is a truly evangelical life. Dr Ambrosoli’s life really appeared to be such.

The initial work was undertaken by Father Joseph Okumu, who acted as local postulator [the person who guides a cause for beatification or canonization through the judicial processes required – editor’s note]. His work was then passed on to a postulator in Rome, who continued the work by interviewing all the Comboni missionaries who had known Father Ambrosoli closely. All this meticulous work was then collected in a voluminous document, called Positio in Latin: a true examination of the whole life of the ‘great doctor’, trying to show how he had really lived an evangelical life in a heroic way, following the example of Jesus. Father Ambrosoli had not only read and heard the Gospel, but had put it into practice.When, as a bishop, I ordain a deacon, handing him the book of the Gospels, I tell him: “Receive the Gospel of Christ, whose herald you have become. Believe what you read, teach what you believe and practice what you teach”. From the day of his diaconate, Father Ambrosoli did nothing but this: living the gospel. He was filled with the love of Jesus, so much so that he felt he had to share it. That is why he kept saying: “I must love those who are not loved”.
I want to repeat what I have already said: the beatification of Father Ambrosoli is an inspiration to us all. Blessed Giuseppe Ambrosoli is nothing less than a gift that God gives us through his Church. My wish is that we all learn from him to love as he loved.

Mozambique. Close to the People Despite Everything.

During the night, an armed group attacks the mission of Chipene, a small village on the border between the provinces of Cabo Delgado and Nampula in northern Mozambique. Sister Maria De Coppi, a Comboni Sister, was killed. She had lived in the country for 59 years. “I experienced beautiful and difficult times in this country: first the colonial times, then the war followed by peace and, today, unfortunately, a time of terrorism”.

They arrived at the mission around nine in the evening on pickup trucks and started shooting and throwing grenades. One commando entered the nuns’ house, shooting at everything they saw. In the shooting, Sister Maria is hit by a bullet in the head. Another group of rebels set fire to the hospital and the nearby church.

The raid ended around 11 pm, after about two hours. Only much later did the government officials arrive. Rebel groups had been active in the area for some time. The Islamic State claimed responsibility for the attack. Sister Maria De Coppi, an 83-year-old Comboni missionary Sister, had lived for 59 years in Mozambique having gone there in 1963 while still very young.
During the years of mission and services offered to the local population, Sister Maria had also become a Mozambican citizen and she felt “part of this land and this people in the midst of whom I lived my life”. She said: “I have experienced beautiful and difficult times in this country: first the colonial times, then war followed by a time of peace and, today, unfortunately, a time of terrorism”. She continues: “The last two years have been very tough. In the north of the country, there is a war over gas fields and people are suffering and fleeing: in my parish, there are 400 families who come from the war zone. Then came the cyclone. Finally, last year the drought lasted for a long time”.

The parish of Chipene, in the diocese of Nacala, Nampula Province, in the north of the country extends for 3 thousand square kilometres and has no asphalt roads. The population is plagued by hunger, ignorance, war, and floods, with an average life expectancy of 40 years. The parish hosts displaced people fleeing clashes between the Rwandan army and the military on the one hand and armed groups fighting the government on the other, and has schools, dormitories, and other recently inaugurated facilities. At the time of the attack, about eighty boys and girls living at the mission managed to escape.
The hope and testimony of Jesus in the poorest places on earth have always been the characteristics that accompanied Sister Maria throughout her life: “I try to be close to the people above all by listening to what they tell me. Despite material poverty, listening to others remains a great gift, it shows you respect their dignity”.
The bishop of the Diocese of Nacala, Alberto Vieira recalled: “Sister Maria had repeatedly denounced the war, exploitation and terrorism in Mozambique and the suffering of the people”.
The community of Chipene had four nuns and two ‘fidei donum’ priests, who miraculously escaped the attack.

Al-Shabab
The province of Nampula has been affected by the ongoing insurrection in the neighbouring province of Cabo Delgado. Fighting erupted in Mozambique’s Cabo Delgado region in 2017 when a group calling itself al-Shabab – unrelated to the Somali group of the same name – attacked towns in the region. After the rebels seized the city of Palma in early 2021, troops from neighbouring countries arrived in the country to help the Mozambican army.

About 2,000 soldiers from eight Southern African Development Community (SADC) nations, known as the SADC Mission in Mozambique (SAMIM), were deployed on July 15, 2021. Rwanda, a non-SADC member, had previously sent 1,000 soldiers to Cabo Delgado, after an agreement with Mozambique. The insurgents are known for their brutal methods, including burning villages and beheading civilians, and at least 4,000 people have died in the conflict. The International Organization for Migration estimates that over 900,000 people have had to flee their homes since the start of the conflict.

Buried in Caparica cemetery
The Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Southern Africa issued a Sept. 7 statement expressing its ‘deep sorrow’ over the murder of the Sister and said they were increasingly concerned about the safety of priests and nuns in the area.“There is nothing one can say at this moment to console you except to assure you that we grieve with you”, the statement said.

“At this challenging time, we try to hang on to the words of Jesus, who promises those who mourn while believing in him that they shall be comforted”, the letter continued.
They said Sister De Coppi’s life, like so many others before her, has been “brutally terminated out of greed and intolerance of freedom of belief”.
The bishops’ conference added the nun died “a martyr’s death”, noting that over six decades, the nun never abandoned the poor and destitute.
On 9 September last, Sister Maria was buried in Caparica cemetery east of Nampula where many Comboni sisters and brothers rest, having carried out their mission in this land so rich and complex. (C.C.)

 

Advocacy

Maria Ressa. Information that gives hope.

“We want to create a federation of international journalistic organisations that collaborate in this effort, starting from the global South,” says Filipino journalist and 2022…

Read more

Baobab

The Leopard, the Dog and the Tortoise.

Once upon a time, there was a leopard. He had a huge walnut tree that was full of nuts. Stingy as he was, however, he forbade…

Read more

Youth & Mission

Mission. In the school of life and humanity.

Three young Comboni missionaries from three continents share their vocation stories and missionary experiences. Fr Victor Cunanan Parungao from the Philippines reflects on 15 years of…

Read more