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Papua New Guinea, the island of dreams.

Gold, oil, gas, rare minerals, huge deposits and international demands on this Oceania state inhabited by over a thousand ethnic groups with 700 languages. A glance at the country.

This is Papua New Guinea according to a popular definition, well rooted in the reality of the figures which see this state as the eighth largest producer of gold in the world with the mines of Kainantu, Ok Tedi, near the Indonesian border, Porgera, Lihir and Panguna from which large quantities of copper are also mined.
There is no shortage of mineral deposits at the bottom of the Pacific Ocean, with the controversial seabed mining project of the Canadian mining company Nautilus Minerals, one of the many Canadian, Australian and Chinese multinationals engaged in the exploitation of the country’s natural resources. Not to mention the offshore drilling of Exxon Mobil and Total which invests heavily in fossil extraction projects.

123rf.com

About 90% of its natural resources go to multinationals and feed the scourge of internal corruption. In fact, the other side of the coin of so many riches is that Papua New Guinea is one of the poorest countries in Oceania where most of the population lives on fishing and agriculture.
Also called “the Island of Orchids” for the variety of its exotic flowers, Papua New Guinea, a remote corner in the heart of the Pacific, an area that today is strategic and disputed, never ceases to amaze with its contradictions: from the mosaic of over 800 original ethnic groups to the rapid transformation with Made in China technology and Western lifestyles; from the abandonment of rural villages to cities and climate change that has already forced the abandonment of some coastal regions.Many know it as an exotic destination, far away even if it has not yet entered the international tourist circuit. It is also one of 11 Commonwealth states that have King Charles III of England as head of state, albeit in a purely formal role.

Prime Minister of Papua New Guinea James Marape in office since May 2019. Photo: Gov. Press

In addition to the general governor, there is in fact a parliament with 111 members elected by the people and a Prime Minister James Marape, in office since May 2019, who has already met Xi Jinping several times on the thorny issue of creating Chinese ports (and not Chinese military bases as was specified under US pressure) on the coasts.
While today it seems there is no longer a corner of the planet that has not already been reached by the geo-economic appetites of the great powers, Papua New Guinea is a still partly unexplored reality that is increasingly proving to be rich in resources.
Papua is located right in the middle between Australia, China and the USA and according to analysts in this Asian scenario “the other war” is being fought parallel to the one on the eastern borders of Europe, in Ukraine.The war acceleration in recent months is also felt here, while Australian and American companies are courting the Marape government which in the meantime is working on development plans for 2050: projects to help Papua New Guinea take a new step forward, not only from the economic point of view but also ecologically.
Made up of five main islands and 600 smaller ones scattered across the ocean, the country encompasses a wide variety of ecosystems ranging from snow-covered mountains to tropical forests, swamps and coral reefs.The WWF report “The Last Frontier: new species discovered in New Guinea” tells of specimens never seen before and on the verge of disappearing from this paradise of biodiversity exposed to the downsides of climate change.
In particular, the ecosystem of the tropical forest (the third in the world after that of the Amazon and the Congo Basin) is severely tested by the trade in precious timber.And despite the difficult access to these areas, the natural habitat and human settlements are exposed to serious threats: if this trend does not stop immediately, 230 million hectares of forest will have disappeared by 2050.

The capital Port Moresby has around one million inhabitants. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Wikiedit.ray

The majority of the population (87%) who live in agriculture and fishing and are poor are destined to see conditions worsen if every possible effort is not made to counter climate change. In fact, in mountain areas coconut palms can now be planted, something unthinkable 30 years ago. Rising sea levels is another serious problem.
The inhabitants of the Carterets Islands have had to leave their homes because they could no longer cultivate the land or get fresh water from the wells due to marine infiltration.
Their schools and small hospital are now under water. These people became the first group of refugees due to climate change.
Moving elsewhere would not be easy since 90% of the land belongs to the people who live on it and not to the state. Most of the nearly nine million Papuans belong to over a thousand existing tribes who speak over 700 languages (with various dialects), while the official ones are Tok Pisin, Hiri Motu and English.Tensions between original peoples and trends toward the future have created a difficult era of transition. Isolated for millennia, in less than a century, these ethnic groups have come into contact with ever faster development.
The inland area of the country was only discovered in the 1930s by missionaries and explorers looking for gold.

About 90% of Papua New Guinea natural resources go to multinationals. 123rf.com

A local young man recalls: “I was born in a village in the mountains of Kundiawa and I remember the first cell phone arriving in my area in 2007. Today almost everyone has a cell phone, even in the farthest places there is now a network to connect to the internet. The original peoples have skipped so many millennia of human history.”
Social media and digital tools are widespread, especially among young people. In a country where 40% are under the age of 15, many do not know how to use all of this and above all how to avoid the damage of the network (phishing, online scams, child pornography solicitation, etc).
Apart from life in the capital Port Moresby, which has about one million inhabitants, the Papuans live in rural areas (84%) where they own the lands that give them the necessities of life.

Miela Fagiolo d’Attilia/PM

India. Saving an Endangered Language.

Hrusso Aka, an indigenous language in northern India, was on the verge of extinction. A Jesuit, whose mother tongue was Konkani, a language along the western coast of India, came to help the Hrusso Aka natives save their dying tongue.

A tribal language in northern India was moving toward extinction in the late 1990s. In 1999, a 25-year-old Jesuit decided to live among its speakers to learn their tongue and help them prevent its slide
down the deep pit of oblivion.
The Hrusso Aka language is spoken by the indigenous people in the West Kameng district of Arunachal Pradesh. It is an ethnically diverse state, shares international borders with Bhutan in the west, and Myanmar in the east. In the north, it shares over 1,000 kilometers of disputed border with China. The Hrusso Aka people don’t look like the Indians; they look more like the Mongols.

Father Vijay D’Souza, Director of North Eastern Institute of Language and Culture in Guwahati. (Photo Campion Hall)

When China invaded Tibet in 1950, some Tibetans fled to where the Hrusso Aka people thrive today. According to an account, Hrusso Aka women had a practice of smearing their face with paints to make themselves look undesirable–a way to protect themselves from men from the outside. Because of this practice, the British and the Assamese called them Aka, which means painted in Assamese, a language in the northeastern Indian state of Assam.
“The Hrusso Akas has a population of about 10,000” said Father Vijay D’Souza, Jesuit, who has been working to preserve the language for many years. He is the Director of North Eastern Institute of Language and Culture in Guwahati. He has a doctorate degree in Linguistics from the University of Oxford. He’s also an associate member at the University of Oxford’s Faculty of Linguistics.
“But according to our estimate, – he continued – only about 4,000 to 5,000 people are speaking the language today. So, it’s quite endangered that way.” A language is considered endangered when the young are no longer learning to speak it because the parents have stopped passing it on to them, D’Souza explained.
That is what is happening in Hrusso Aka villages. “People stop passing on their own language to their children when they feel speaking that language is not to their advantage. Parents think their children should speak Hindi, or English, in our context here. In other parts of the world, it may be Spanish or French,” the priest pointed out.

Father D’Souza in conversation with local people. (Photo Campion Hall)

A mother tongue would run the risk of getting endangered when its people start thinking that speaking in a foreign language would promise them a better future, the linguist Jesuit pointed out. “I think that is one of the major reasons why a language is facing the threat of extinction,” he said. But a language, especially a minority one, gets endangered not only by the prospects of better future of its speakers, but also by the government’s idea of achieving national integration that views minority languages as a threat to that goal, he noted.
“Sometimes the language is banned in schools. Parents may want to pass it on to their children, but the school says you need to speak only in this particular language.” Father D’Souza said. “
According to a National Geographic post on April 16, 2018, some 230 languages worldwide went extinct between the period of 1950 and 2010. “Children become smarter when they know more languages,” the priest said. “Children can easily learn more than one language.”

Prestige Languages
English is a prestige language in India. People who speak English are regarded as educated.  “We can’t deny English is required for the children’s future, for them to connect to the global scenario and be part of the global community,” he said. “But there’s an erroneous belief that if you speak in your mother tongue it will hamper your ability to speak English, which is not true.”
India’s former Prime Minister PV Narasimha Rao had spoken the languages of Urdu, Marathi, Hindi, Telugu, and English. Rao, an Indian prime minister from the non-Hindi speaking region of South India, spared his nation from an economic collapse by launching and accelerating free-market reforms. Gandhi, the Great Soul of India himself, was a polyglot who had spoken in Gujarati, English, Urdu, Hindi, Tamil, and even the very old Sanskrit.

The Hrusso Akas has a population of about 10,000, but only about 4,000 to 5,000 people are speaking the language today. (Photo Campion Hall)

Aside from English, the Hrusso Aka language is also threatened by Hindi, one of the official languages in India, D’Souza said. Hindi has become the lingua franca among Indians who speak different languages.
India has 122 major languages and 1,599 other languages, according to the Census of India of 2001. Hindi enjoys prestige among non-Hindi Indians and is massively promoted on TV. Father D’Souza has also observed many young Indians have become fond of speaking in Hindi and are now ashamed of their own mother tongue. They even teach Hindi to their children.

Preserving A Language
D’Souza gives the credit for saving the language to its native speakers. The first step he took to help them save it was “to learn the language.” In the evening, D’Souza went around collecting words. He got fascinated with the “very complex sound structure of the language.”
“We published the first ever book in Hrusso Aka language in 1999,” he said. “The people became very excited because their language has been written for the first time.” It was a hymn book. In 2017, D’Souza developed the language’s alphabet and subsequently modified it in collaboration with a team of Hrusso Aka native speakers. In the same year, they also founded a literature team “that became the Hrusso Aka language academy in 2021.”

Father D’Souza with his team at the North Eastern Institute of Language and Culture in Guwahati.

“The most important measure is to spread awareness among the people about language endangerment,”  – he said -. Unless the native speakers themselves wake up to this reality, we from the outside can do a little to ensure the language’s survival.”
The most important measure in ensuring the language’s survival is capacity-building, and it is bearing fruit now, D’Souza noted.
“When people realize the beauty of their language and start composing poems, stories, and helping out in making dictionaries and textbooks, there’s an involvement of many people, and the language has a better chance of survival.”

“Children can easily learn more than one language.” (Photo Campion Hall)

To ensure the language’s survival, D’Souza and his team of native speakers have also made three language documentations and have archived 150 hours of recordings, which were stored permanently at online sites. “If the language becomes dormant, people can go back 50 to 100 years to those deposits,” he said.
The third measure in ensuring the language’s survival involves composing literature, like children’s rhymes, poetry, church songs, and even secular songs, D’Souza added.
The Hrusso Aka Language Academy has been producing social media content. Its Facebook news channel, the first ever in the language, summarizes world and local news in its mother tongue.
“We just produced it experimentally and we started getting 2,000 views –  D’Souza said -. For a community of 10,000 people, 2,000 views for a story is viral. We are very proud that news is now available in their own language.” (Open Photo: Hrusso Aka women in their traditional dress. WM)

Oliver Samson

Kenya. Mama Shamsa. “I am a mother to them”.

Faced with the violence of criminal gangs that have overwhelmed the lives of many children, the Kenyan activist opened the doors of her home, giving young people an opportunity. A commitment that earned her the Zayed Prize for Human Fraternity 2023.

Shamsa Abubakar Fadhil is a Kenyan activist and first president of the National Women’s Peace Committee, a UN Women-backed network that coordinates local initiatives for women’s empowerment, peace, and security. On 4 February in Abu Dhabi Mama Shamsa – as she is known – received the 2023 Zayed Award for Human Fraternity, four years after the signing of the historic Document by Pope Francis and
the Grand Imam of Al-Azhar.

Shamsa recounts “In 2019, seven young people involved in criminal activities were killed in a police raid in my neighbourhood: the oldest was 15 years old. As a mother, I said to myself: ‘These children should be in school, instead they are being killed. Where have
we failed as families?’”

The commitment of Shamsa Abubakar Fadhil, now known as Mama Shamsa, an activist for the recovery of children at risk in her community in Mombasa, Kenya, began with this question.
Precisely her work to ‘remove the younger generations from crime and extremism’ earned the woman the 2023 Zayed Award for Human Fraternity, received in February in Abu Dhabi.

Faced with the uncontrolled violence of the gangs, exploited by extremist groups and by local political parties in fierce competition with each other, Shamsa, who has also been the first president of the Women’s Peace Committee in Kenya since 2021, decided that someone had to take charge of these “disbanded children who are often
slaves to drugs”, she said.

Thus, she obtained from the local administration two weeks to experiment with an intervention strategy. “In collaboration with neighbourhood leaders and the police, I proposed an amnesty for young people wanted by the police. Then I organized barazas, i.e., public confrontations, in different areas of Mombasa and asked the inhabitants to hand the children over to me, guaranteeing that no one would be prosecuted or killed”.

After the first meeting, there were four of them knocking on Shamsa’s door. “Together with the District Peace Committee, I took care of them; we organized a collection to buy clothes and shoes and showed the community that these people needed to be forgiven. The next day there were 24 knocking on my door…”.

Today the program initiated by Mama Shamsa, expanded through collaboration with civil society and the private sector, involves over 1,000 young people, providing them with counselling and professional training as an alternative to crime.

When asked how she managed to change these kids, the activist replies: “It’s simple. I became a mother to them. I accepted them unconditionally without ever judging them”. But she also underlines the importance of education as an antidote to a corrupt system: “Politicians don’t want kids to go to school, read the Constitution or know their rights; they prefer that they remain beggars. But we want to create the leaders of tomorrow who bring about change”. (Photo: UN Women/Luke Horswell)

Chiara Zappa/MM  

The Last Rites.

The Asantes perform rituals for their dead kinsmen and loved ones generally known as ayie (funeral) in the Akan language. They hold a general belief that death is but a transition into a next world termed locally as Asamando (Asante/Akuapim) or Samanadze (Fanti) and not necessarily the end of mankind.

The traditional Asante funeral is a festive celebration in which the whole community participates (not only family and friends of the deceased), where the predominant colours of mourning are red and black and are often climaxed with dances.
The universality of death is expressed in metaphorical Akan maxims – owu adar nndow baako, meaning ‘death’s cutlass does not weed only one individual’. The same idea is conveyed in the symbol of the universal ladder which every person is believed to climb – owu atwer baako mmfow meaning, ‘death’s ladder is not climbed by only one individual’.

When a funeral is well organized and attended to, the whole family gets recognized.

It is normally said that baabi a obi awuo, obi nna (‘no one sleeps where there is death’). In the Akan scheme of things, it is only the body which dies after death; the soul continues to live, and it is sometimes brought back into the world through the concept of reincarnation.
The Asantes recognise two types of death, owu pa (good death) and owu bɔne (bad death). An individual who dies of a natural cause – principally caused by illness –  is considered to have died a good death. People who die owu pa can also be associated with those who attain 70 years or more before dying. Some scholars associate good death with dying peacefully. In principle, the Asantes regard good death as dying peacefully, and most importantly not dying from any form of bonsam yarie (evil sickness).When a funeral is well organised and attended to, the whole family gets recognised. They are therefore noted for their strict compliance and cooperation during funerals which are celebrated to commemorate the deceased.

To plan for the funeral
The news of the death of a family member begins the funeral rites where the Abusuapayin (head of the extended family), who is usually a male, is first informed, and who as part of his duty informs the Chief of the community. The immediate relatives in the town or village are later summoned to a meeting where they are also informed.
Amid wailing, family members are instructed to convey the corpse immediately to the morgue if the person died at home. But if he or she dies in the hospital, family members are sent to the hospital to ascertain the death and the necessary arrangements are made to convey the mortal remains to the morgue for preservation, and to allow the family to plan for the funeral.

The participants dress in accordance with tradition in red and black cloth. (Photo: The Kingdom of Asante)

A week after the death, the family gathers to celebrate; this is the time when they will decide on burial arrangements. The celebration of ‘one week’ of the dead is predominantly among the Akan tribe. It is during this celebration that the extended family plans the funeral, announces the actual date for the funeral, the place of interment, grave, food, drinks, and water for mourners and loved ones, sound systems, casket, etc. Family and friends, sometimes in the hundreds, take part in the one-week celebration. The participants dress in accordance with tradition in red and black cloth backed with pieces of gold jewellery. There are many activities that take place including giving offerings to the spirits of the ancestors; food, drinks, and traditional dances accompany the dead into the world of the ancestors in a flurry of drumming and dancing.On Friday, the family conveys the corpse from the morgue. After washing (often in hot water), they dress the corpse neatly, either in Kente or suits. The body is laid in state and family members keep vigil. Visitors later file past it and stay for a period. The activities continue until early Saturday morning.
On Saturday dawn the chief mourner of the deceased, flanked by other family members, begins rituals as some wail. Other mourners join and the whole place gets engulfed with tears.

The coffins that are manufactured are brightly coloured, elaborate, and festive. Often called ‘fantasy coffins’. Photo: DDDA

The coffins that are manufactured are brightly coloured, elaborate, and festive. Often called ‘fantasy coffins’, depicting the professional life of the deceased or his or her status in society. Some coffins are created in the form of fish, animals, cars, bottles, sword, stool, Bible, and any other object requested. A fisherman may get a fish coffin, a carpenter a hammer, or a photographer a camera. A devout person may choose a Bible or religious insignia. These types of coffins are only for people with the appropriate status. Various animals, such as lions, cockerels and crabs can represent clan totems.
The use of elaborate coffins for funerals and different styles of laying corpses are explained by the beliefs of the Asantes regarding life after death with the belief that death is not the end, and that life continues in the next world in the same way it did on Earth. The prominence of the deceased depends largely on the importance, success, and usage of an exclusive coffin during a burial.
Carrying of caskets by pallbearers has gained popularity among the Asantes. They are exciting and their moves can generate some excitement among the mourners. At the cemetery, pastors and family members pray. After that, the casket goes into the 6-foot grave.

A year after death marks another significant milestone. Photo: Swm

Upon return, the family gathers in front of the family house or on a soccer field to hold the funeral celebrations. Here, guests are served with drinks and food, music is played, and people dance to celebrate the life of the deceased. There are special tables set aside for financial donations called nsawa to the family to help defray the cost of the funeral. On Sunday, if the deceased is a Christian, the mourners go to Church for a thanksgiving and memorial service. After the service, the family members and visitors gather again at the funeral grounds where they will be treated to some tasty meals. At the end of that, those who travelled from afar will ask permission to leave.
On Monday, some elders of the matrilineal family gather to render accounts to know whether there were gains or losses. When profit is made, it is either used to take care of the nuclear family left behind by the deceased or put into the coffers of the family for any future emergencies.  If there is a loss, the chief mourners and other well-to-do family members share the losses.
Forty days later, the family will gather for the celebration. A year after death marks another significant milestone. The grave of the dead is neatly dressed sometimes including building a whole room to cover the grave. It’s at the one-year anniversary that the will (if any) of the deceased is read to the whole family. Someone is then chosen to receive the inheritance of the deceased.

Damian Dieu Donne Avevor

‘Abadinto’. Naming a child among Asantes.

In the Akan societies in Ghana especially among the Asantes, names and the process of naming are essential since everyone and almost every living entity has a place and mission in the world.

The name of a person or entity reflects their purpose in life. The adinto or abadinto (‘to throw a name’) or naming ceremony usually takes place at the father’s house on the eighth day, that is, a week after and on the day the child was born. Newly born babies are not allowed to be brought outside of their homes until this ceremony is performed.
The purpose of waiting seven days after the birth of a child is to ensure that he or she has come to stay on earth (Asase Yaa) and will not prematurely return to Asamando (‘abode of the ancestors’).

In addition to the day name, Asantes frequently give children the name of an elder relative, either living or deceased. Photo: 123rf.com

Cultural beliefs dictated that after eight days, the infant was likely to survive and could be provided a name. In addition to the day name, Asantes frequently give children the name of an elder relative, either living or deceased. Naming the child is the responsibility of the father’s (agya) family. It is also believed in many communities that evil spirits and other negative influences may bring bad luck to the child. It is the father of the child that has the responsibility of naming the child on the day of the ceremony. Until that day, the child is regarded as a ‘stranger’ (ɔhɔho). Thus, the Asante say to the new infant child, woaba a tena aseɛ (‘now that you have come, sit down or do stay’); this phrase is a greeting that is said to an infant to wish the child long life.

The Ceremony
Before the scheduled day of the ceremony, items such as gin (nsa), two glass cups (nkuruwa), a bottle of water (nsuo), a mat (kɛtɛ), a calabash (pakyi or kora), and a broom (ɔprae) for young women and a cutlass (nkrante) for boys are gathered. Early in the morning of the scheduled day, two elders (mpanyimfoɔ) of good character from the father’s family are sent to go and bring the child and mother from the mother’s house. One elder is chosen to perform the ceremony; if it is a male child, that person chosen will be a man and conversely for a female.

Naming the child is the responsibility of the father’s family. Photo: Swm

The mother bathes the infant and they both dress in white cloth and stay indoors until the ceremony begins. Certain sacred beads (such as bɔdɔm, ahenewa, and abobɔe) are put on the child, and marks made with white clay (hyire) and, specific to this ceremony, are put on both the child and mother. In the early morning, close relatives and friends of the mother help in the preparation.
The ceremony starts with an opening libation (mpaeɛ) poured by an elder who announces the occasion and the purpose of it. The mother’s family provides the drink used for this libation, which is poured at every doorstep and the main entrance to the house. The father’s family provides the drink for the second libation. After this libation, the child is brought out and stripped naked. The child is then placed on a prepared area of the ground or on a comfortable cushion.Mostly, strong drink and water are placed on the tongue of the baby by an elder dipping a finger into the liquid. Strong drink and water are used to tell what is good from what is bad.
Among the Asantes too, babies are raised toward the sky three times as an introduction to Heaven and Earth. Libations are again poured as protection over the child.

Village. The naming ceremony is a celebration of the community. Photo: Swm

The father’s female or male elder then dips her or his forefinger into the gin or uses a leaf and then drops it on the child’s tongue and says, “when we say that it is gin (symbolic of untruth), say that it is gin” (sɛ yɛka se nsa a ka se nsa) three times. The elder does the same with the water: “when we say that it is water (symbolic of truth), say that it is water” (sɛ yɛka se nsuo a ka se nsuo). Both of these tastings advise the child to seek and tell the truth and to distinguish it from falsehood as she or he tries to live a righteous and ethical life.
The child’s name is given by the father (agya) and the child is then given a name: “We will call you…and this name means….” (yɛbɛfrɛ wo… ne asekyerɛ din yɛ…). “From today onward, we will call you… (ɛfiri nne rekɔ yɛbɛfrɛ wo…).

The second name of the child can come from consulting an ɔkɔmfoɔ (spiritualist/healer) or ɔbosomfoɔ, an elder or ancestor of the father’s family of good character, circumstances of the child’s birth, and the like.
As such, the second name is properly called agyadin (name from the father), which was synonymous with a family name or surname.
Most Asantes have two names, their ‘soul’ name, and the name from their father at birth before the arrival of the Christian orthodoxy in present‐day Ghana. Today, many Asante people have a first, middle, and last name or surname.

A day name
The baby is given a name concluded with a family name (surname). The name is then called out for the guests to repeat loudly to formally welcome the child into the world. The child is given a day name based upon the gender and day of the week on which the child was born.
A child born on Sunday will have his or her naming ceremony on the following Sunday and will be given the first name, Kwasi or Akosua. For the Asante and Akans in general, a child’s first name or kradin (‘soul name’) is routinely given based on the Akan week (nnawɔtwe, ‘eight days’).  A child born on Monday is named Kwadwo (male) and Adwoa (female); Tuesday, Kwabena (male) and Abena (female); Wednesday, Kwaku (male) and Akua (female); Thursday, Yaw (male) and Yaa (female); Friday, Kofi (male) and Afia (female); Saturday, Kwame (male)
and Ama (female).

The child is given a day name based on the gender and day of the week on which the child was born. Photo: Swm

There are other praise names given to an Asante child: Bodua (protector, leader), Okoto (calm, humble), Ogyam (good, humane), Ntonni (advocate, hero), Pereko (fearless, firm), Okyin (adventurer, itinerant), and Atoapem (ancient, heroic)
As part of the outdooring, male infants are circumcised, and female infants have their ears pierced. However, currently in Ghana, some of these practices including circumcision, and ear piercing are done after birth within the hospital, and the Outdooring serves as a symbolic ceremony and celebration of birth.
The child is then presented to the community; this is called ‘outdooring’ because it is the first time the child is taken out of the house. A final libation is poured to consecrate the ceremony, and blessings for the child and his or her family are requested along with requests for the child to be an obedient, truthful, and righteous member of the community.
Next, the child is addressed by their name and told what family and community members expect of him or her. Songs of praise can be sung to the child. Those in the audience bring the child gifts (such as money [sika] or clothing [ntadeɛ]) and feasting with singing and dancing begins. The ceremony officially ends. (D.D. D. A.)

 

Ghana. The Church has a strong voice in Africa.

The challenge of the Pentecostal churches. Young people who only want to leave. The importance of having African missionaries as a stimulus to the local church. We spoke with Father Saa-Dade Ennin provincial superior of the Society of African Missions and president of the Conference of Major Superiors of West Africa.

How do you see the situation of the country?
We can analyse the situation at different levels. Since 1992, Ghana has had a democratic regime which has worked very well and has given much hope. The change of government in 2000 gave people hope, and the same happened in 2008 with another peaceful change.

Father Saa-Dade Ennin provincial superior of the Society of African Missions and president of the Conference of Major Superiors of West Africa.

Ghanaians were happy that stability had allowed the country to develop and the economy to improve. But in 2020, COVID arrived and then the war in Russia, which worsened an already negative situation. The economy is not doing well. Inflation is very high, and people are desperate. Even more serious is the fact that people realize that politicians no longer work for the good of the country but for their own interests.

What is the role of the Church in this crisis?
People expect the Church to speak out on socio-political issues. When the Church says nothing, people suspect it may be involved in corruption and withdraw their trust. The Church has a strong voice in Africa that should be used since it can influence society.

In this context, what challenges does the Church face?
Ghana is a very religious country. About 71% of the population are Christian and about 1% are Muslim. About 1% are non-believers and the rest belong to other religions. There is no official ceremony that does not begin and end with a prayer. But, at the same time, this religiosity does not translate into public life.
What kind of faith are we practising? Some say that traditional African religiosity has been transferred to our confessions.

The choir of Our Lady of Assumption parish in Accra.

People want a faith that puts food on the table. The Christian does not pray to go to heaven but to get work, health and money. Our faith has become materialistic, and we have a lot of work to do to lead people to another kind of spirituality, to a more mature faith. Pentecostal and charismatic churches are booming. They have a lot of influence and preach their ‘prosperity gospel’.

In what sense do the Pentecostals preach ‘The Gospel of Prosperity’?
Pentecostal churches indicate what steps to take to get rich, to travel to Europe or the United States or to have better health. If you follow these steps, God will give you what you want. Their messages resonate with young people, who stick with them until they become disillusioned when they realize they don’t get what they want. Sadly, this is the kind of Christianity most people practice, one that tells you it will solve your material problems. It is with this that we of the traditional Churches – Catholic, Presbyterian, and Methodist – are confronted.

City Market in Accra. “The Christian does not pray to go to heaven but to get work, health and money.”

The challenge for us is to try to educate people and make them see the fraud behind it. There is no Christianity without the cross. If you want to be rich, you must work for it. Being Christian implies ethics and spirituality. If you accept this lifestyle, you will receive spiritual benefits, not excluding material ones, because Christianity also teaches you to work hard, with honesty and hope. What our Church has to offer right now is integrity and credibility. Another matter is that, compared to the Pentecostal Churches, the Catholic Church is not so visible. We do very good things everywhere, but we make little noise. We don’t advertise. They are constantly on the radio, TV, and social media, so we are trying to figure out how to be more present on these platforms. If we don’t tell our stories, the other stories will drown out the truth.

Where did these Pentecostal churches originate?
They are related to traditional religiosity, where people went when they had a problem. If you were ill or the crops were not going well, you went to the priest to find a solution. In the late 1970s, the Ghanaian economy failed and in the 1980s the economic situation was very bad. People struggled to survive. It was then that ‘American gospel evangelists through motivational prosperity speakers’ began to appear, copying from televangelists who said that if you were depressed or confused, they would pick you up and keep you going.

“Pentecostal churches indicate what steps to take to get rich, to travel to Europe or the United States or to have better health”.

That’s how it started and now it’s everywhere, as a professional company. They tithe their faithful, they create their television channels to sell themselves by making promises and attracting many young people, who will be their future donors. They arrange attractive activities and lively gatherings in which they dance, sing, and are not concerned with theological matters. They are concerned with you, with God and with how to be successful in life. They are churches that first help you and then benefit from it. All of this is in line with the traditional mentality, and for me the great challenge for the Church today is to convey to young people that our spirituality and our way of living Christianity can really help them in their lives.

Celebration for young students in a parish.

What is the situation of the youth?
I used to see that young Ghanaians had a lot of hope for the future: they made plans to study at university and those who went abroad thought of coming back to work here. There was some hope that things would improve, and those in power helped convey that hope. But that enthusiasm has disappeared. Now they are in a hurry to get money and leave for Europe or the USA. They are still innovative, creative, and hardworking, but the atmosphere does not encourage them to thrive, and their first thought is to leave.

European missionaries are becoming fewer and those from Africa are increasing. How do you evaluate this situation?
The transition from expatriate to local missionaries is something that must happen. The local person knows their context better. No matter how much the stranger opens his eyes, he won’t see the whole picture. But there are difficulties in this transition. The first comes from the fact that Europeans get a lot of support from their home countries to build infrastructure, but the locals don’t have this support. We must educate the Ghanaian people to contribute to their church. Another challenge is that the expatriate missionary comes to evangelize and comes with the impulse to go to new areas, to go from village to village building churches and forming communities, with the intention of making the mission grow, to expand it. But local priests often lack this impulse and tend to stay in parishes without the mentality of going to new areas. That is why I consider it important to continue the presence of expatriate missionaries. I also think it is important to have missionaries from the various congregations but who are Africans with that missionary desire to go to other places.
Text and Photos
Javier Sánchez Salcedo

 

Chinese Private Security Companies in Latin America.

The expanding presence of China-based companies in Latin America, and the security problems they have experienced there, create an inherent demand for Chinese private security companies.

The enormous expansion of global engagement by China and its companies over the past two decades has generated a corresponding need to protect Chinese operations and personnel in the dangerous environments where they sometimes operate.

The need to evacuate Chinese citizens from Libya in 2011 and Yemen in 2015 due to political turmoil in those countries, as well as recent attacks against Chinese nationals in Pakistan, highlighted the imperative for Beijing to protect its people, as well as its growing military and other capabilities for doing so.

China-based companies have responded to these risks to their overseas operations through a combination of working with local authorities and contracting private security companies (PSCs). In recent years, private security companies have begun to form in China to support operations both at home and abroad.

The proliferation of Chinese PSCs has arguably been based on the presumption that cultural familiarity, common language, and relationships with fellow Chinese will give such companies an inside track with Chinese companies in need of protection.

By 2022, there were an estimated 7,000 Chinese PSCs, with 20-40 such PSCs operating abroad in as many as 40 countries.

The scope of Chinese private security companies is broad, encompassing everything from firms selling principally electronic surveillance systems, to consulting, to providing armed personnel on the ground to physically defend Chinese persons and assets.

In general, Chinese deployment of private security companies has been most extensive in Asia, and to a lesser extent in Africa, where their familiarity with local cultural practices is strongest, and local governments are relatively malleable. In more developed countries and in Latin America and the Caribbean, PSCs have been more limited by their lack of experience, in competition with established and well-resourced companies with knowledge of working within (or around) local laws.

Despite such limitations, the expanding presence of China-based companies in Latin America, and the security problems they have experienced there creates an inherent demand for Chinese private security companies.

Since 2000, according to the respected Latin America-China academic network, Chinese companies have invested over $184 billion in Latin America and the Caribbean across 600 projects.

China-based companies operating in the petroleum, mining, construction, and other sectors have been continually beset by security problems. Protesters took control of a Chinese-operated oilfield in January 2007 in Tarapoa, Ecuador. Attacks against the Emerald Energy oilfield in Colombia in 2011 resulted in the taking of Chinese hostages.

In Peru, there has been regular violence linked to protests and criminal activity in Chinese-operated mines Shougang Hierro, Rio Blanco, and Las Bambas. Attacks forced Sinohydro to suspend construction on the Patuca III dam in Honduras; there have been numerous strikes against Chinese hydroelectric and road construction projects in Bolivia.

Most recently, violence this year in Colombia forced China-based Zijin to shut down operations in the Burtica gold mine and China-owned Emerald Energy to suspend its oil operations.

With the current deterioration of economic conditions, expanding violence and social protest across Latin America, on top of China’s expanding footprint there in the post-COVID-19 environment, security challenges to China-based operations in the region will likely continue to increase in the near future.

Official Chinese policy papers such as the 2016 China-Latin America Policy White Paper, the China-CELAC 2022-2024 plan, and the February 2023 white paper on China’s “Global Security Initiative” all acknowledge Beijing’s interest in multifaceted security cooperation with Latin America, but are notably silent on the issue of private security companies.

Although China-based private security companies have kept a low profile in Latin America and the Caribbean, a Chinese-language internet search on websites such as Baidu reveals multiple Chinese private security companies operating or seeking opportunities in the region.

In Peru, China Security Technology Group has a memorandum of cooperation with Grand Tai Peru, a company that provides security in the mining sector. Beijing Dujie Security Technology Company has an office in Argentina, and China Overseas Security Group claims to have conducted field research in search of opportunities in the country. Chinese security companies also operate in Uruguay and Venezuela, connected to the China-based conglomerate Tie Shen Bao Biao.

In Central America, Zhong Bao Hua An Security Company claims to have “strategic cooperation businesses” in Panama, El Salvador, and Costa Rica. Tie Shen Bao Biao advertises personal protection services in Panama. In Mexico, the “Mexico-Chinese Security Council,” formed in 2012 by former Chinese government official Feng Chengkang, has the mission of protecting Chinese business personnel based
in Mexico from gang violence.

Other Chinese-language materials on Baidu hint at a network of Chinese security activities, with possible links to the government, that may go much deeper. In addition to 14 Chinese “overseas police stations” operating in eight LAC countries, China advertises “Chinese Aid Centers” operating in the region with missions that include “urgent lifesaving, integration training, legal assistance, and helping the poor.”  A Chinese personnel recruiting website advertises security-related job opportunities in Latin America for projects in Guyana, Suriname, French Guiana, Venezuela, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru, Bolivia, Paraguay, Brazil, Chile, Uruguay, and Argentina.

China-based companies have the right to contract Chinese nationals and entities, where consistent with local laws, to help protect their expanding operations in Latin America and the Caribbean. Still, the lack of knowledge of this phenomenon in the region, fuelled by Beijing’s efforts to keep a low profile and confine their interactions to Chinese-language media, demands more attention as a matter of public policy. Transparency is needed to ensure that such companies are properly registered and regulated, and that the sovereign interests of the host countries and the safety of their citizens are respected.

While China has published “Security Management Guidelines for Overseas Chinese Funded Companies, Institutions and Personnel,” China-based companies are notoriously lax in following government guidelines, and the Chinese state has little interest in enforcing them in the absence of compelling political or other self-interested
motivations for doing so.

As Chinese interests in the region continue to grow, more Chinese PSCs may continue to proliferate throughout LAC. Authoritarian regimes like Venezuela, Cuba, and Nicaragua would be most likely to host Chinese PSCs, along with countries with large Chinese diaspora populations, such as Peru and Panama. As has occurred in Africa and elsewhere, an increasing presence by armed Chinese nationals in the region prioritizing the interests of their operations and compatriots, and inexperienced in the nuances of social protests and criminal activity in Latin America, could easily lead to the death or injury of locals.

In addition, if more Chinese diaspora communities in LAC become victims of gang violence, extortion from local and Chinese criminal groups, or anti-Chinese hate crimes, they may push for Chinese PSCs to protect them. Jamaica is a case in point: In 2013, the Jamaican police increased protection for the local Chinese community after the Chinese government raised concerns to Jamaica about robberies and extortion occurring in the Chinese community.

Finally, China allegedly has 14 overseas police outposts in eight LAC countries, part of China’s global network of more than 100 police stations around the world. Several of them operate without local government approval. Since some of these Chinese PSCs already closely collaborate with Chinese police, the Chinese authorities could potentially task PSCs to capture fugitives as part of their global Fox Hunt and Sky Net anti-crime initiatives.

It is also important to note that many employees of China-based security companies have backgrounds in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA) or other security services. Surveillance system oriented companies are inherently tied to the proliferation of Chinese digital architectures in the region, with data accessible by the Chinese companies that deploy them, and by the Chinese state via China’s 2017 National Intelligence Law.

In an era in which Beijing has shown its increasing willingness to explicitly target the United States through intelligence and military operations in the Western Hemisphere – such as its “spy balloons,” upgraded electronic intelligence facility in Cuba, and negotiation of a “training base” there – the U.S. and the region must be sensitive to the opportunities that the proliferation of Chinese PSCs across the region provide for activities by Chinese intelligence operators and PLA special forces in the region. (Open Photo: 123rf.com)

Leland Lazarus – R. Evan Ellis/The Diplomat

 

Asante Traditional Wedding.

The Asantes, have a unique style of marriage ceremony. It is an important community engagement as it involves the couple,
the couple’s immediate and extended families, and
the community at large.

Each ethnic group in Ghana has its unique way of performing a marriage ceremony. However, for every group, there are similar processes involved. For instance, the Akans, Ga-Adangmes and the Ewes from Southern Ghana all accept money and special drinks for the first step of the marriage process known as ‘kookooko’ (knocking).
It is unique to Asante wedding traditions and a symbol of respect in unifying the two families.
Weddings in contemporary society come with themes to capture a certain elegance and inspire uniqueness. Aside from the bride and groom’s dresses as well as that of their parties, the Kente cloth dominates.

The Groom’s family presents the items requested by the bride’s family. CC BY 4.0/ Quami43

Traditionally, when an Asante man wants to marry, he is first expected to seek the approval of the woman he wants to marry, through a secret meeting called Kasasie (Courtship). If the woman agrees, the man then informs the members of his family who then begin investigations into the woman’s family background. If the man’s family is satisfied with their investigations, the man (groom) and his family members formally ask the bride’s family for the bride’s hand in marriage which is called ‘kookooko’ ceremony.
This ‘knocking’ ceremony is done to inform the lady’s family, officially, of the man’s intention to marry her. The head of the delegation would use flowery language to refer to their mission. “Our noble son here says he has seen a very beautiful flower in your garden, and he would like to ask permission to pluck this flower”. This is a clear indication that the groom is willing to do what is traditionally right by asking for the bride’s hand in marriage from her family. The ‘knocking’ ceremony again serves as a chance for both families to be introduced to each other.

The bride’s family is accepting the items requested from the family CC BY 4.0/ Quami43

The man’s family would take along ‘tri nsa’ (head drinks). This could be two or three bottles of Schnapps, palm wine, or cash. The man’s family then first knocks at the entrance of the home, then at the door. The bride’s male family members take their time to open the door. When they finally do so, the groom and his family present them with gifts of money, alcoholic beverages, and other special gifts for the bride.

Libation as a form of prayer
Libations are important in Asante wedding traditions, as they are used to consecrate the union. The alcoholic drink presented is used to pour libation as a traditional form of prayer to the ancestral spirits and God. The marriage process has begun. Food and drinks are made available for the groom’s family present at the knocking ceremony.
The groom’s family then demands a list of items for the traditional wedding proper which is set for another date. Akan include an Asante traditional marriage list of items (dowry/bride price) and include head drink, usually whiskey or wine, a new suitcase containing shoes, lady wears, headpieces, and other necessities the bride would need, a bottle of whiskey and money for the father of the bride, a pair of sandals and money for the mother of the bride.

A procession presenting the bride to the groom and his family. CC BY 4.0/ Quami43

Others are at least six pieces of African wax print clothes for the bride, a stool for the bride, money for the bride to start a business, an engagement ring, an engagement Bible, and money for the bride’s brothers (akonta sikan) as a thank you gift for protecting their sister (bride). If the bride doesn’t have brothers, it goes to her male cousins, with cooking utensils, and jewellery for the bride.
As preparations for the traditional marriage start, the bride’s family does background checks on the groom and his family. Enquiries are made whether the groom is from a good family? Is there any history of strange or life-threatening illnesses in the family? Is there any record of criminal behaviour on the part of the groom? Is the groom being truthful about his marital status? When positive answers are given for these enquiries, the marriage preparations proceed smoothly. A date is then fixed for the traditional wedding.
Usually, the traditional marriage takes place at the bride’s home. Where that is not suitable, any other nice venue is chosen. Even before the ceremony kicks off, music and dance fill the atmosphere, be it music from traditional ‘adowa’ dance groups or a live band, or music from a disc jockey that makes the atmosphere filled with good cheer and joy.

Dressed like royals
The bride wears her best dress adorned with gold ornaments. During the traditional marriage ceremony, the rich culture of the Asantes is displayed by the bride and groom who are dressed like royals in brightly coloured Kente and adorned with gold jewellery and regalia. This is to give the whole occasion a good and beautiful traditional look.
On the day of the traditional wedding ceremony, once the groom’s intentions are announced, both families sit on opposite sides of the room or under a canopy if it is an outdoor event.
Elders from both sides begin the ceremony with prayers and introductions. The bride is usually not in the room or the venue for the ceremony. The groom does not speak.
A spokesman from the groom’s delegation who are usually known as the ‘masters of ceremonies’ (MCs) announces their intention, saying that the groom has seen a beautiful flower in the grounds of the house and would like to uproot it. The use of ‘flower’ is usually used as a metaphor for the bride to express her purity and virginity.
The dowry is then presented in a procession from outside led by the groom’s representative as the MC. The dowry is carried by family members and friends of the groom accompanied by a chosen traditional song. The dowry carriers dance in a procession with the items either on their heads or hands.

Family of the groom greeting bride’s family on their arrival at the wedding. Photo DDDA

In a traditional way, the bride’s family, also represented by an MC, decides whether the dowry is plentiful, or not based on the marriage list given to them on the day of the knocking. After both sides reach an agreement, a few decoys are brought in to confuse the groom. The bride is also escorted in a procession led by her friends or family members, mostly her sisters or female cousins who are also traditionally dressed.
Amidst music and dancing, beautifully clad in rich Kente and adorned with beads, the bride is literally paraded for all to see and admire her beauty. Mostly, the groom and bride wear matching outfits. She goes around to shake hands with the groom’s family as a sign of welcoming them. She is then introduced to the groom’s family with a lot of accolades showered on her: “our pretty queen”, “our lovely lady”, “our well-groomed woman”, “the apple of our eye” and many others.
After that, she is asked three times by her father if she agrees to marry the groom, and whether they should accept the dowry and gifts, or not. Once she agrees with a loud yes, the bride is then presented to the abusuapanyin (head of family) of the groom’s family, asking that she is kept as good-looking as she has been on the day of the marriage ceremony. The bride moves to sit with her groom.
The groom wears a ring on the bride’s finger and a bible is presented to the couple as a symbol of the importance of religion in their marriage. Prayers are said, blessings given, and congratulations and pieces of advice are also given to the couple by selected elders. They focus on areas like household responsibilities, sex, finances, and communication; some are indeed humorous and some serious. The traditional marriage is customarily a complete marriage process on its own and the couple are declared husband and wife in the eyes of the community.

Wearing of the ring at the wedding. Photo DDDA

It is now a fun time where assorted dishes and drinks are served, including jollof rice. In addition, locally made Ghanaian foods like Fufu, Ampesi, Etor, Apeprensan are usually on the menu. Customised traditional wedding souvenirs (chocolates, pens, mugs, hand towels, bowls, and flasks) are distributed first to the groom’s family and audience.The bride and groom now have the opportunity to go around to greet their guests and thank them for being a part of their day of traditional marriage. Before the bride leaves her home or parents, drinks are poured out (libation) as a sign of respect. Her brothers may demand ‘akonta gye sika’, a protection fee to be paid before she leaves her parents’ home. After the groom pays this fee, he sends some delegates to escort the bride to his home. (D.D. D. A.)

 

The Forgotten Conflict/Kashmir. A Decades-Long Crisis in the Heart of Asia.

Kashmir, a small Himalayan region claimed by India and Pakistan, is the protagonist of a frozen conflict that arose between Islamabad and New Delhi. The rivalry gave birth to four wars interspersed with political tensions.

It all started in 1947, when the United Kingdom granted independence to the nations of the Indian subcontinent and each territory had to decide its own future. In the case of Kashmir, with a Muslim majority ruled by a Hindu ruler, the Maharaja opted for independence but then turned to India to subdue a tribal invasion from Pakistan.

Maharaja Gulab Singh Jamwal (1792–1857) was the founder of Dogra dynasty and the first Maharaja of the princely state of Jammu and Kashmir. (Historical Archive)

The choice was not recognized by Islamabad, which owns a third of the territory and claims the remainder.
An advisory referendum, proposed by the United Nations in 1947, never took place because the region was not demilitarized. A small part of Kashmir, which is called Aksai Chin, is occupied by the People’s Republic of China.
Since 1986, Indian Kashmir has been wracked by a civil war fought by militant groups and New Delhi’s security forces. A part of the local population had never abandoned the dream of independence and in an initial phase, the insurrection was fought by the Jammu and Kashmir Liberation Front (JKLF), an organization aimed at the self-determination of this territory.
Constant clashes with the Indian Army and a series of splits weakened the JKLF, which fell on hard times.
From the early 1990s, the fighting was carried on by the pro-Pakistani Hiz-bul Mujahideen (HM) and later also by radical Islamic groups such as Lashkar-e-Taiba, responsible for attacks in India. The bloodiest phase of the insurrection ended in the early 2000s but sporadic violence continues to be recorded.

Kashmir map. CC BY-SA 3.0/ University of Texas map library

According to an estimate, prepared by the Hindustan Times, the fighting in Kashmir caused at least 41,000 deaths in the period between 1990 and 2017, with 22,000 losses suffered by militants, 14,000 by civilians and 5,000 by the security forces. Hundreds of thousands of people have instead been forced to flee their homes as a result of the conflict.
The Indian-administered territory, called Jammu and Kashmir, enjoyed partial autonomy guaranteed by the Constitution until 2019 when the nationalist government in New Delhi revoked the region’s status. The poet Zareef Ahmad, interviewed by the National Public Broadcast portal, explained: “For five thousand years Kashmir was able to enjoy political sovereignty and an inclusive culture from a religious point of view” but everything fell apart “when India and Pakistan were divided on the basis of the creed practiced”.

Srinagar, the largest city of Kashmir. CC BY-SA 3.0/KennyOMG

In Srinagar, the capital of Indian Kashmir, Hindu temples and mosques stand next to each other, silent witnesses of a distant past. Tens of thousands of Indian soldiers have been deployed in Kashmir since August 2019 to quell any opposition to the reorganisation. The deployment was accompanied by reports of harassment and violence against civilians and the arrest of more than 5,000 people in the second half of 2019. Mass arrests of politicians, activists and demonstrators continued throughout 2020. That same year, a crackdown on freedom of the press was introduced and schools, universities and colleges were closed, firstly for safety reasons and the coronavirus pandemic. Freedom of association continues to be severely restricted and subject to intrusive controls by the authorities.
During 2021, attacks against the Indian military apparatus were replaced by violent actions committed against civilians, such as medical teachers or shopkeepers, guilty only of being Hindus, Sikhs, or recent immigrants. The elimination of Kashmir’s autonomy has prompted many young locals, despite Indian propaganda, to join groups linked to extremism. The self-styled Islamic State has attempted to expand its activities in the Indian subcontinent, taking advantage of the conditions of poverty and inequality experienced by the Muslim minority.
In Kashmir, this infiltration led to the birth of the Wilayah Islamic State of Jammu and Kashmir (ISJK), which, after several attacks, became the Wilayah al-Hind (ISH). The ISH, after a prolonged pause in its anti-Indian propaganda and violent activities in the second half of 2022, returned to being more active in 2023. The presence of a local network of the self-styled Islamic State is indicative of how the ideology of the group, despite the global efforts made to suppress it, has had and continues to have a following in some areas of the world.

Police in Kashmir confronting protestors. CC BY-SA 4.0/Seyyed Sajed Hassan Razavi

The Daily Sabah portal has indicated, in an article published online, that the United Nations is in a unique position to play a more active mediation role and bring about a peace process in Kashmir through talks between the nations involved and some large powers or by exploiting the new procedures and mechanisms of the organization. Among the most urgent needs is that of demilitarizing the conflict area with a coordinated withdrawal of the forces (including paramilitary ones) of India and Pakistan. Consideration of the rights of the parties may be considered after demilitarization is consolidated and after the peace process is on a solid track. Furthermore, the success of any initiative cannot ignore the implementation of a ceasefire and the abandonment of the inalienable claims by the parties involved.

Andrew Walton

 

 

 

 

 

Chad. Navigating into Political Storms.

The regional ramifications of the clash in Khartoum have important appendages in N’Djamena. In fact, the various attempts at coups always started from neighbouring Sudan, with protagonists belonging to the fragmented Zaghawa community as well as Arab and Gour groups. For this reason, the transitional president Mahamat Idriss Déby is forced to negotiate in the conflict on the doorstep
of his country.

In April 2021, the Chadian rebel group Front Pour L’Alternance et la Concorde au Tchad (FACT) set out on a raid in northern Chad, leaving its bases in Fezzan, Libya. A thousand militiamen launched a sortie in the regions of Borkou, Ennedi, and Tibesti armed with weapons and vehicles obtained by lending their services as mercenaries to Khalifa Haftar in Libya. The clash with the Chadian army was disastrous: hundreds of victims on both sides and the death, above all, of the ‘warrior-president’ Idriss Déby Itno (1952-2021), who had decided to go to the battlefront while waiting for the results of the elections which, for the sixth consecutive time, would have confirmed him on the highest
seat in the country.

Group of rebels from Libya in Chad. File: Swm

The Gourane rebels had, for the first time, been able to mount an attack on the heart of the state since Déby, indeed, embodied the Chadian state. In April 2023, the power struggle between the official army and the elite corps of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF) started a bloody civil war in neighbouring Sudan. General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of the regular army and de facto head of the Transitional Military Council, bore the brunt of the offensive of General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo ‘Hemeti’, leader and guide of the RSF body, the former presidential guard of the ousted president Omar El-Bashir, for control of strategic sites in the country. While the crux of the dispute between the Sudanese military and the RSF is a purely domestic matter, situated in El-Bashir’s divide-and-rule strategy and the rivalries it engenders, its ramifications are also regional, especially for Chad, an attentive observer of the situation.

‘Kaka’ kingpin of power
Still mourning the loss of Déby, Chad is a character in search of an author. It seems to be seeking such a person, with lapidary resignation, in the figure of Mahamat Idriss Déby ‘Kaka’, the thirty-nine-year-old son of the late president, who rose to the highest office in the country with the typical rapidity of nepotistic military regimes.

General Mahamat Idriss Déby ‘Kaka’, president of Chad. He is today the central pivot of Chadian political power. Photo: Pres.Office

‘Kaka’ is today the central pivot of Chadian political power, between political institutions, the regular army and the dreaded presidential guard of which he was the commander. Not only that, ‘Kaka’ is now obliged, despite everything, to take on the role of mediator in the Sudanese crisis. Partly because he was solicited by his party and partly because one of the army chiefs of staff in Chad is Bichara Issa Djadallah, cousin of ‘Hemeti’. The latter’s family, like most of the RSF fighters, in fact, comes from the Darfur region, on the border between Chad and Sudan inhabited by Rizegait, Zaghawa and Gourane Arabs, communities at the centre of the intrigues in both countries and animators of the many rebel movements which, over the years, have tried several times to destabilize N’Djamena. So here are the reasons for concern: in the recent history of Chad, and of the Déby family, the overthrow attempts and coups all started from neighbouring Sudan, with well-known protagonists belonging to the fragmented Zaghawa community as well as Arab and Gourane groups. During the popular uprisings of October 2019 that led to the fall of El-Bashir, Déby senior had looked with concern at the events taking place in Khartoum, finally heaving a sigh of relief when, gradually but decisively, the process of confiscation of the institutions (and of the reasons for the revolt) by ‘Hemeti’ and the RSF had come about. However, N’Djamena’s relief was soon replaced by laborious negotiations and meetings to understand whether ‘Hemeti’, a candidate for the strongman post in Khartoum, had the skills to seize power, and bring with him the many former Chadian rebels now enlisted in the RSF.

General Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, head of the regular army and head of the Transitional Military Council (R) and General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo ‘Hemeti’, leader of the Rapid Support Forces (RSF). File: Swm

In this sense, after his father’s death, ‘Kaka’ Déby engaged in a delicate diplomatic operation to keep together the fragile cohabitation between al-Burhan and ‘Hemeti’.
For a long period of time, the influential Rizegait Arab community in Chad, led primarily by Djadallah, had given reassurances on the possibility of an understanding between the Déby and Dagalo families. Soon, however, the Zaghawa circle of generals, who had headed Chadian institutions for more than thirty years, began to worry about a rapid and unchecked consolidation of RSF power in Khartoum. Could the Arab community have formed a fifth column in Chad to threaten the excessive power of the Zaghawa?

What if ‘Hemeti’ returns to Darfur?
With the balance of the confrontation in Sudan still undecided, ‘Kaka’ and the Chadian generals are preparing today for the eventuality that ‘Hemeti’ is unable to take control of Khartoum and is forced
to withdraw to his rearguard bases in Darfur, dramatically close
to the Chadian border.

Sudanese Refugees in Chad. (UNHCR)

This, of all possible scenarios, is certainly the worst for Déby. If ‘Hemeti’ returns to ‘his’ Darfur, the possibility that former Chadian rebels serving in the RSF will flock to N’Djamena is far from imaginary. In fact, with the ceasefire in Libya in 2020, many Chadian mercenaries set out for the rich gold deposits of eastern Chad, in the hands of front companies controlled by the RSF whose thriving racket wends its way between the Sahara, Darfur, and Dubai.
Meanwhile, the Western allies of ‘Kaka’ (United States) have tried to force Chad’s hand to induce him to take a clear position against ‘Hemeti’ and his allegedly dangerous relations with the Wagner group and with General Haftar, leaking intelligence about a liaison between Chadian rebels and Wagner. The Déby clan, however, has been navigating the political storms of the Sahel for more than three decades and seems far from ready to hand over the reins of the game.

Alessio Iocchi

 

Mission. Living and Working Together.

Three young missionaries share with us their experience.

My name is Father Clement Kazaku Bosh Bebe.  After ten years in South Africa, I returned to the land of my ancestors – the Democratic Republic of the Congo, to continue being a missionary among my people. I thought everything would be easier and there wouldn’t be as many challenges as I had to face in South Africa but I found some new challenges in my native country.

I am in charge of the Comboni parish of Divine Mercy which, although it belongs to the diocese of Kisantu, is located in a suburb of the capital, Kinshasa. It is a booming area where many families from other parts of the country have settled.

In the parish, we have experienced this growth: whereas, in former times we used to celebrate two Masses on weekends, we now have to celebrate five and I think we will have to add more because the parish church is getting too small.

Although walking through the neighbourhood you can see some large houses where rich people live, most of the population lives in obvious poverty, a poverty that affects all levels of life. This is our big challenge.

When I arrived at the parish, the Christians did nothing particular apart from coming to church. Attending Sunday Mass is very important but it isn’t enough. The apostolic challenge of going out of oneself to meet the sick, the prisoners and all those who suffer, the least of our parish community, was missing. So, I decided to insist on this aspect of being an outgoing Church emphasized so much by Pope Francis.

Poverty affects the way our people live their faith. People suffer a lot and focus on meeting their temporal needs, so they turn to God to help them improve their situation, bless their marriages, give them a child, or find a job. If they receive any of these things, they immediately interpret it as a blessing from God and come to church.

This is a very superficial and dangerous view of faith because it poses the question of whether or not even those who don’t get a job are blessed by God. Faith is not a market where you give to me and I give you back. This is why a thorough evangelization that seeks Christ for who he is and not for what he does or doesn’t do is important. We are the ones who have to work to improve social conditions and get out of the structural poverty in which we live.

We recently organized three parish assemblies in which we made a general evaluation of our parish life. I was very pleased to see how the parishioners themselves realized that, in addition to prayer, the missionary aspect and social commitment were missing.

The ecclesial experience that is lived in the 14 basic ecclesial communities of the parish helps us to live the Gospel in daily life and, from there, many Christians who hear and share the Word of God have engaged in various evangelization services.

Both the leaders of the basic communities and we priests have renewed our commitment to all the parishioners to give ourselves totally and fully to the service of the people because we want to continue building an open and available community.

Sr Natingar. “The mission is shaping me”.

I am Sister Natingar Liée, a Comboni from Chad. I was 12 when I was moved by a message that the bishops of Chad had addressed to the young people of the country. In that letter, the text of the Gospel in which Jesus says: “The harvest is abundant, but the workers are few; ask the Lord of the harvest to send workers to his harvest”. This passage from the Gospel of St Luke attracted me and I decided to join the vocational group that accompanied the Comboni Missionary Sisters.

One day, a Comboni Sister gave me a book entitled: ‘A Prophet for Africa’, which spoke of the love of St. Daniel Comboni for Africa. I liked it, so I opted for religious life as a Comboni missionary. As soon as I finished high school, I started my religious training. I did my postulancy in the nearby Central African Republic and my novitiate in the Democratic Republic of Congo.

After my religious profession, I was sent to Togo, where I worked as a catechist in schools and accompanied the children in collaboration with the faithful of our parish. Then I was sent to Benin, where I also worked in schools, but this time as a teacher.

I had the opportunity to continue my studies at the Institute of Philosophy and Educational Sciences of the Salesians of Lomé (Togo), where I graduated in Philosophy and gained a Master’s in Educational Sciences, with a specialization in Planning, Management and Evaluation of Educational Projects and Policies.

After Togo, I was sent to the Democratic Republic of the Congo to work in Butembo in the North Kivu region, about 2,000 kilometres from Kinshasa. I am the principal of the primary school of San Daniele Comboni and of the school rehabilitation centre of the same name. In my apostolate, I realize that in educational accompaniment it is perhaps not so important to learn to speak pertinently as to listen closely.

When I speak, I am the centre of my discourse, but when I listen, I learn to stop being the centre and try to put myself in the place of the young person or child in front of me. In my work as a teacher, I am learning a lot from children and young people who help me to deepen my faith too because when you are with them you have to be authentic, you have to be yourself; you can’t pretend.

The mission is shaping me. I feel that our simplicity in relationships and our discretion are greatly appreciated. The same goes for our communitarian way of life. Living and working together in the name of the Lord is an essential element of our vocation.

Fr. Paul. “To grow in faith and joy”

My name is Fr Paul Schneider. I am an American-born Spanish diocesan priest. My mission is in Lagarba which is located in the region of Oromia. The distance from Lagarba to Ethiopia’s capital Addis Ababa is approximately 215 km.

To be honest, I never thought that the mission would be so exciting. I am involved in social projects. Since we have finished the boreholes in the schools and the rains have started, my pace of work has slowed down in terms of construction and projects, but in terms of personal relations, these have intensified, with community members from many families in the area, both Christians and Muslims.

Together with the voluntary cooperation of the people, we are planting a lot of trees, it’s the right time for it; now it’s raining and the ground is not drying out. We have planted about five thousand plants, mostly conifers and Grevilleas. We have also planted many fruit trees
at the mission.

Sometimes, I think back to why I came here and evaluate all these years in the mission. Although hardships, the missionary experience during these years had been an opportunity to grow in faith and joy.
Faith gives us many gifts, it opens doors, hearts and people. The mission can only be lived from our faith. I didn’t come here to build houses, bridges, roads and boreholes, or to plant trees. I do all that but I don’t even consider myself the author of these works, much less boast about them, even if I enjoy working and I am passionate about them. I came here to share God’s love. That is evangelization.

My presence here is to live among the poor, to be their father and their shepherd, and to contribute whatever I can to the betterment of their lives, spiritually, materially, in everything.

When you live with the people, the poor share what they have, and they also ask you to share. They ask you often, sometimes they overwhelm you; sometimes you give and sometimes you refuse, but in either case, you know that Christ asks you to renew your generosity daily, and the mission demands that you overcome your selfishness, make sacrifices and live with austerity.

After five years, I have to say that I am very happy with this life. It is the dynamic of sacrifice that is repeated every day, like the Eucharist. You are consumed, and you know that the sacrifice has an eternal purpose, that God has prepared a reward and rest for you.

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

Literature. In Memory of Ama Ata Aidoo.

In novels and plays, in politics and in university classrooms. A lifetime of fighting for Pan-Africanism and women’s rights. A model artist and activist for multiple generations.

On May 31, Ama Ata Aidoo passed away; an African postcolonial writer, feminist and activist who played a very important role in the cultural history of the continent and was – in her native Ghana but also throughout Africa – an extraordinary reference figure for women.
She came from an aristocratic Fanti family from the central area of Ghana, where she was born in the 1940s; she was therefore in her eighties when she died.
She belonged to the first generation of independence which arrived in Ghana earlier than elsewhere in Africa, already in the fifties, and gradually, thanks to the leadership of Kwame N’Krumah who led the country until 1966, when he was deposed by a coup d’état.

Ama Ata Aidoo grew up in postcolonial Ghana shaped by N’Krumah where education was free and compulsory, and much was done to promote women’s rights and allow them to participate actively in political life. The strongly anti-colonialist cultural atmosphere of those years was nourished by the pan-Africanist dream of N’Krumah and was fervent with hopes and expectations. The young Ama studied and graduated in Ghana, then she went to specialise at Stanford, in the United States, with a Fulbright scholarship. The encounter with the Euro-American world was decisive for her formation and provided her with a fundamental interpretative key for creative writing both for the theatre and fiction, as is clear above all in her famous novel Our Sister Killjoy of 1977. After the American experience, she returned home and took up teaching literature first at the University of Accra and then at that of Cape Coast, where over time she became a professor.

From the outset, she stressed the need to study and teach African literature – similar in this to the Kenyan writer Ngugi wa Thiong’o – and championed the cause of the postcolonial discourse of which she was a passionate champion.
She devoted herself a lot to the theatre, for which she wrote from the very beginning, with The Dilemma of a Ghost in 1964 and Anowa in 1970; in fact, she was the first female playwright in Africa.
In the early 1980s, she entered active politics and was education minister from 1982 to 1983 when she resigned and left Ghana, moving to Harare in Zimbabwe, where she continued to write and publish.
In 1991, Changes, a distinctly original novel that achieved great success and is still relevant today, was published. Ama Ata Aidoo presents the story of some women who face change with determination and freedom, building new lifestyles and new ways of living outside the box. She was not new to the theme of change, which she had already addressed in Our Sister Killjoy by speaking openly of female homosexuality, a theme that seemed remote to the awareness of the time which denied the existence of the phenomenon in an African environment.

The direction that she gave to this theme, however, as well as to other themes treated in the novels and in the many very lively stories, allowed her to explore the reality of human experiences rather than to use them to create sensationalism or scenographical effects. The world of women, their feelings and their habits attracted her notice and seemed worthy of attention. The narration that she has left us remains very interesting and insightful even today, free from stereotypes and sparkling with humour and sympathy.
Ama Ata Aidoo was always a great friend of women; she helped the younger ones with constant generosity and intelligence and did her utmost to change society by making it more open and equal.
In 2000, together with her daughter Kinna Likimani, she established the Mbaasem Foundation, a non-governmental organization based in Accra, aimed at helping the development and sustainability of African women writers and their artistic production.

Ama Ata Aidoo was always a great friend of women. 123rf.com

In addition to the works cited, she published three volumes of short stories and three collections of poetry, plus children’s stories and anthologies. Among the various awards that were bestowed on her, the Commonwealth Writers’ Prize stands out, as an important international literary prize awarded to her in 1992 for the novel Changes and, before that, the significant Mbari Prize that came to her from Nigeria already in 1962 for a short story written at just twenty years old.
With the passing of Ama Ata Aidoo, an African artist and intellectual of great value and international resonance is lost. She was a woman of incomparable human and political depth who fought for herself and for other women in the public sphere, in the academic world and in the political arena, tracing an extraordinary example of life and style.

Itala Vivan

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