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Electronic Africa Continues to Evolve.

The way electronic music entered the African scene in the 1990s, how it was developed, and how it is becoming increasingly relevant. From kuduro in Angola to gqom in South Africa.

Two factors occurred in the 1990s that created the space for the entry of electronic sounds into the African musical panorama. Since the 1980s, analogue recording studios began to close due to the collapse in vinyl sales with the boom in pirated cassettes. At the same time, digital studios and their distribution formats have not yet taken hold, and therefore in many African countries, there is a sharp decline in the production of recorded music.
In the same years, radio frequencies were liberalized in various states, and many new stations were created in many of the large capitals, heralding a new phase in which the demand for music skyrocketed, satisfied mostly by foreign music, often Western, precisely in the years where house, techno and dance genres start to go crazy. This is the context in which in 1994 the hit I Like to Move It by Reel II Real reached the airwaves of Angola, where it led to the birth of what later became the symbolic genre in the country, kuduro.

Kuduro has become the distinctive sound of Angolan youth. File swm

Young Angolans imitate the sound of the hit, which in turn recalls their local rhythms, using simple tools such as a cell phone with personalized ringtones. In the following years, small digital studios popped up all over Luanda and kuduro, with its hard and essential electronic beat, became the distinctive sound of Angolan youth.
Even in Ghana the wave of house and dance music, called asokpor, gradually absorbs local rhythms, taken mainly from the jama and kpanlogo dances and rhythms of the Ga people. In South Africa, house in its original form is a long-lived and dominant genre; still in vogue since the 1990s, it contributed to the breaking down of the barriers imposed by apartheid and gave rise to kwaito.
This slowed-down, socially conscious, take on house incorporates South African elements, particularly Zulu rhythms and hip-hop vocal styles.

An alternative sound
In the 2000s, a new, deeper form of Afrohouse emerged, with softer, more expressive singing and more delicate beats. The standard-bearer of this new trend is Black Coffee, probably the most popular African DJ in the world; he and other DJs have achieved superstar status in South Africa. However, as commercial success increases, the sound becomes economically inaccessible for new producers.
At the beginning of the 2010s, the need for alternative sounds emerged. Instead of polite rhythms and sophisticated – and expensive – vocals taken from established artists, local producers created the onomatopoeic gqom style, marked by essential, minimal, and repetitive arrangements reminiscent of Detroit techno and industrial music.

Black Coffee (left) performing with DJ Shimza. CC BY-SA 4.0/Andy Vuyo

Gqom started in South Africa, expanding across the continent and beyond, with gqom parties in many European cities. People had hardly become used to it, however, when a substitute took hold in the motherland, this time the more durable amapiano, literally ‘very piano’ in the Zulu language, which emerged in the mid-2010s. The tempo is slower than gqom or house music, the beats are softer, and the instruments have a more organic sound. Having gone further than any of its predecessors, the amapiano livens up parties in Lagos and Nairobi but also in London and Milan, and endless dance videos with amapiano music appear on TikTok, spreading its sound and culture.The sound spread to other African countries. Nigeria, musically the undisputed heavyweight champion, adopted its Afrobeat to create Afropiano.
Lubumbashi, in the DR Congo, is home to a vibrant Afrohouse and also an Amapiano scene, which began a decade ago with DJ Spilulu, and in more recent times led by DJ P2N and DJ Renaldo.
Angola remains permeable to South African house influences, with producers like Djeff touring the world.

“The growing influence of music created in Africa is a reminder of the cultural strength of a continent”123rf

In Ghana, there is no autonomous house scene, but some visionary producers work in Accra, such as Nshona Muzick, the main creator of the vogue for dance and azonto music that in 2012 spread across the country and among the diasporas.
The same economic obstacles that contributed to the birth of gqom in South Africa recently led to the birth of a new electronic genre in Nigeria: cruise, from the slang phrase catching cruise, literally ‘having a laugh’. Here too, producers replace expensive vocals with snippets of audio taken from online videos. Everyone from politicians to street vendors ends up listening to fast, stripped-down beats.
The countries mentioned all have a long tradition of adapting their musical environment to new instruments, trends, and aesthetic tastes. In other areas of the continent, electronic contaminations remain more experimental, more underground, but the musical scenes in which they develop are no less rich for that.

Rophnan Nuri Muzeyin known as Rophnan is an Ethiopian musician, singer, songwriter, DJ, and audio engineer. CC BY-SA 4.0/Cymande25th

Uganda is emblematic: in the capital Kampala, the Nyege Nyege festival and label drives electronic experimentation and creates connections between local artists and international situations. The Electrafrique nights, on the other hand, born in Nairobi and now at home in Dakar, are a lively hub for Afrohouse and other electronic styles. The Afro-futurist artist and producer Ibaaku works in Senegal; Chad is the home of Afrotronix, while in Ethiopia, Rophnan has become a star for having projected his traditional training into new and daring electronic productions. There are many more artists, and the creativity and opportunities that characterize the scene show no sign of decreasing. In an age where migrants are in the headlines and visas are denied, the growing influence of music created in Africa is a reminder of the cultural strength of a continent we too often overlook. (Open Photo: 123rf)

Benjamin Lebrave

 

Slovakia. The simplicity of an encounter.

The Little Sisters of Jesus live their contemplative and active lives in fraternity. They work among those marginalized: immigrants, precarious workers and township dwellers. They try to find beauty and greatness where only degradation and misery are imagined. Sr Anna offers her witness as a worker in a laundry in Slovakia.

I have been working in an industrial laundry here in Bratislava (Slovakia) with about 120 employees for two years. It’s a very modern laundry and a lot of the work involves using different machines. I am at the section for hand folding of bathrobes, sheets, hospital gowns, etc. so that they are ready to be sent to hotels and hospitals.
For each workstation, there is a screen that shows the productivity of each worker as a percentage. Alongside, tables present the parameters, i.e., the number of towels, pillowcases and sheets which, must be hung or introduced into the machine per hour. Unfortunately, these figures do not take into account breaks due to machinery breakdowns or other unforeseen situations. Initially, to be a good worker and not lose this job, I wanted to meet the required parameters.

Bratislava, the capital of Slovakia. File LSJ

But at the same time, I also wanted to be in contact with my colleagues, which was difficult for me since, as a Polish foreigner, my Slovak has a different accent. Furthermore, the work takes place very quickly and there is not much time for discussions. Nevertheless, a situation developed that showed me what was really important. One day I realised that I was the only one who hadn’t finished the job and that, to do so, I would have had to stay well after the scheduled time. I didn’t want to ask for help, I wished the others could finish their day. All the Roma women I work with, seeing that I wasn’t going out, came to help me finish. They showed me that it is possible to find joy in one’s work, not only by respecting an often-exaggerated parameter but above all in relationships and just by working together.

Sr Anna with one of her friends. File LSJ

About forty prisoners also work with us: they are guarded by four guards and controlled by surveillance cameras. In the beginning, the employer set strict limits on the possibility of having contact with them, so much so that we were forbidden any kind of conversation. However, after a few weeks, it became evident that it was not possible to work together like this and we were able to exchange a few words. One day early in the morning, Luca, one of the prisoners, asked me to approach him because he wanted to tell me something important. He began by telling me that he had read an illustrated Bible that someone had lent him. He was fascinated by Jesus’ encounter with the adulteress. He was particularly impressed not only by Jesus’ non-judgmental attitude towards the woman but also by the fact that he did not resort to violence against people who wanted to stone her. Luca’s need not to be judged and not to use violence against the other made me aware, once again, of the importance of looking at the other.
Too often, in our haste we can only look at the other through his defects, his limitations, failing to see you, above all a person.

Sr Anna with her co-workers in the industrial laundry. File LSJ

Following the war, some Ukrainian women welcomed by Slovakia also arrived. Some of us have started to worry. Would there be enough work for everyone? And would there be a reduction in seats? Fears and hostility arose, generated by resentment towards new hires. I wanted to get to know the Ukrainian women, but it wasn’t easy because they worked together in a separate group and only spoke their language.
One day last summer, we were all tired from the high temperature in the laundry room. We didn’t have the strength to work, we were suffocating. In those moments candies are useful. We started exchanging them: they had Ukrainian sweets and we had Slovak sweets. Small simple gestures matter, like giving candy or a smile. Jesus’ normal encounter with the Samaritan woman is equally marked by simplicity because it begins with the Lord Jesus’ simplest question: “Give me a drink” (Jn 4:7). The simplicity of the encounter between one person and another, without prejudices, reticence, fears, etc., becomes the basis of a true encounter. (Open Photo: Sr Anna at work. File LSJ)

Sr Anna Jana

Tanzania. Maasai Colours.

Red and black are two of the fundamental colours in the Maasai culture and symbolize God’s two main traits.

Red depicts anger and benevolence, and black (or dark blue) the sanctity of a person or object. Above all, they invoke God himself as Papa Jai Orok (the Black father) and they ask him to cover all the Maasai people with his black cloak, intoipo iyiook to Ikila lino orok.
Clothes and other items that are either black or dark blue show a person’s sanctity at a particular stage of their life. These people become untouchable: one must greet them, but not shake their hands or touch them. Their dark appearance, coming from their clothes is enhanced by their long hair, giving a more menacing appearance. This group includes babies that are no older than 6 months, and, for a brief period, boys after circumcision and women after giving birth. Since they belong more to God than to society, they are revered and respected.

Red represents anger and benevolence. File swm

The elderly that preside over the most important Maasai festivals, always of a religious nature, are dressed in dark blue and offer prayers and blessings. A sprinkling of a mix of honey, beer, milk, and a light spray of saliva symbolise God’s spit and his life giving rain – at times
more than what is needed.
In the life of a Maasai, objects associated with people or activities are preferably of a black or dark blue colour. This is also true for the circumcision ceremony of a small animal, a lamb, or a big one, a bull. Also in the “eunote,” the ceremony representing a warrior’s promotion (ol-orika) – the most important event of a man’s life. He is happy because from then on, he is considered an elder.

Maasai woman with her child. File swm

The origin of Il-oibonok, Maasai saints, date back to the “black house.” One of Natero’s children, Kop’s second wife, was named Naiser – meaning the rebellious. All the most important Maasai saints are chosen from the Ilaiser clan.
According to the Maasai, the Oikum orok, the black stick that is sometimes made of steel, is a sign of great authority. It has the same cultural, symbolic, and sentimental importance as the wand in other cultures. The stick is buried in a river of mud for some time to give it its black colour. The elderly Maasai wear the black emurt narok around their neck: the Isaen naarook (black pearls). A long string of dark blue coloured pearls that is usually wrapped twice around the neck and hangs down on the chest. Some call them the pearls of prayer.
Black also means “emptiness.” Only a thin line separates the sanctity of emptiness from the greatness of poverty. Everyday sayings reflect this, such as enkurma narok (flour – to which neither oil nor sugar is added), enkaji narok (an empty house) or enkare narok (water – to which nothing is added, water the elderly don’t drink).Dark colours are often associated with the elderly and wisdom; red symbolises, above all, youth and energy but at the same time impatience and even cholera.

Dark colours are often associated with the elderly and wisdom. File swm

When God gets angry, his mountain spews out lava and boiling red fire. After every eruption, Oldoinyo le Engai (God’s mountain) calms down and covers itself with a sober layer of grey ash, returning slowly to normality with new vegetation and life. This shows God’s renewed and eternal benevolence towards his elusive Maasai people.
Red emblazons their clothes and their hair. Warriors paint their bodies red ochre. Red is found in the wildness of youth and life. Before 1900, the Maasai used to wear cowhide, tainted red with ochre. In every ceremony, before a boy’s circumcision (enkipaata), and even during the eunoto ceremony, there are two days of dancing. The red dance (enkzpaata nanyokie) and the white dance (enhpaata naibor). White is obtained by scraping the sides of riverbeds with white diatomite and chalk (enturoro).Green is another important symbolic colour. Grass, trees, and shrubs have a symbolic and a real meaning for individuals. Grass is peace – he who carries it in his hands cannot carry a weapon. Trees, with their leaves, roots, bark, fruit, and wood are the ingredients for traditional Maasai medicines. In fact, the Maasai often use the olcani (tree) for medicine. (Open Photo: 123rf)

Frans Mol – Natana Ole Paswa

African Music. Creativity and the Internet.

Afrobeats, bongo, amapiano, rumba, and gengetone are genres that are now heard everywhere. Thanks to social media and the growing investments of the recording industry. The world has never heard so much African music as today.

Over the last decade, African music has risen to the forefront of the international scene. Out of all of these, it was Afrobeats, the genre born in Nigeria, that showed the way, with artists like Burna Boy increasingly achieving sell-outs, climbing the charts, and winning awards. However, the music of the continent has much to offer beyond Afrobeats.
There are several genres that are increasingly capturing the interest of the global public: the amapiano from South Africa, the bongo from Tanzania, the rumba from the Democratic Republic of Congo, or the gengetone from Kenya, but also the African declinations of genres such as R&B and drill music. It is safe to say that African music is entering
its ‘golden age’.

Divine Ikubor, known professionally as Rema. On 26 October 2023, Rema released a 5-title EP named Ravage. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Thealfe Studios

In 2023, for example, the Afrobeats category was included in the MTV Video Music Awards for the first time. Taking a look at the artists nominated for the statuette allows you to get a precise idea of the exploits this style has recently performed. Virtually impossible to escape, anywhere in the world, is Rema’s Calm Down, as well as her remix with Selena Gomez.
The two versions of the song have totalled 1.1 billion views on YouTube. Davido’s Unavailable is the lead single from Timeless, the Nigerian artist’s fourth studio album, and the first album by an African songwriter to reach number one on the US iTunes chart. Then there is Burna Boy, with his hit It’s Plenty. The Nigerian singer’s seventh LP, I Told Them, reached number one in the English charts: just the latest in an endless series of recognitions. Moving forward we find Bandana, by Rema and Fireboy DML, one of the anthems of the year 2023, and then People, another great success of the same year, by Cameroonian Libianca.

TikTok
How did this explosion arise? Several factors have contributed to the enormous increase in the global consumption of African music. Above all, the internet and social media, have given a decisive boost to the international public’s access to the music of the continent. YouTube, and more recently TikTok, have played a crucial role in taking African music to a new level. YouTube has made many listeners discover African
songs for the first time.

Selena Marie Gomez, singer, actress, businesswoman and producer at the 2023 MTV Video Music Awards. CC BY-SA 4.0/Vmas

And, in recent years, TikTok has been a launching pad for the careers of quite a few artists. With short-form dance videos dominating the social media platform, their songs have provided the perfect soundtrack for millions of people
around the world.
The platform’s data reveals that Rema’s Calm Down has been used in 1.8 million videos; Ruger’s Girlfriend in 1.5 million. “For listeners, TikTok is now one of the main tools for discovering new music”, emphasises Emmanuel Okiri, strategist of the music and entertainment platform Loud.co.ke. based in Nairobi: “When developing strategies to launch their songs, many African artists focus on the most effective ways on the platforms, such as viral challenges and collaborations with influencers”.

Major and local labels
Not only ordinary fans have become enthusiastic about African music. Reading the current trends, major record companies have started investing in artists from the continent like never before. Over the past six years, Universal Music Group, Sony, and Warner, the three major labels that alone control around 69% of the world’s record market, have all added African talent to their stables.
The biggest names in African music, such as Rema, Davido, Burna Boy, and Wizkid, have all signed contracts with major labels. The latter are also entering into partnership agreements with local labels, thus creating a channel that can bring emerging African talent to the global spotlight. Of course, the revenue generated by African music has also grown.

Afrobeats star Burna Boy performing at Nativeland Concert, Lagos, Nigeria. CC BY-SA 4.0/Catherine Omeresan Sutherland.

According to data from the International Federation of the Phonographic Industry (IFPI), artists in sub-Saharan Africa produced $70.1 million in revenues from recorded music in 2021, an increase of 9.6% year-on-year. Today, the main revenue sources for African musicians are live performances and streaming. For the more successful ones, brand partnerships are also proving profitable.
Between August 2021 and August 2022 Apple Music recorded a 500% increase in streaming from African DJs. Also in 2021, Spotify decided to expand to reach 39 African countries, in order to tap into the vibrant musical genres that are redefining the continental scene. Research by the Dataxis centre estimates that annual revenues from African music streaming will increase in 2026 to 314.6 million dollars, from 92.9 million in 2021. Unlike the IFPI data, which only takes sub-Saharan Africa into consideration, Dataxis considers the entire continent including North African markets.

Royalties
However, several factors could hinder the expansion and development of the great financial potential of African music. First is the low network penetration rate recorded on the continent. In its research, Dataxis estimates that this will represent the first limit to the growth of the sector, underlining that ‘streaming cannot go faster than infrastructure’. Improving this aspect can therefore act as a driving force for the entire sector. In the growth of African music consumption, the transnational diffusion of various genres on the continent has played a central role, and Nigerian Afrobeats, for example, is very popular in Kenya, as confirmed by the data on streaming listeners – unlike Kenya which is one of the African countries where the diffusion of the network is more widespread. Observes Okiri: “If we could improve internet access on the continent, the impact would also be felt in all creative sectors, not just music. The benefits for cinema or video games, both of which use music in various ways, could be significant”.

“If we could improve internet access on the continent, the impact would also be felt in all creative sectors, not just music.” 123rf.com

The growth of the African music industry is also being held back by the limited support for artists in some of the continent’s biggest markets. Musicians lose millions in royalties due to inaccurate collection systems, mismanagement, and lack of accurate data. A forensic audit of organizations in Kenya responsible for collecting and distributing royalties to artists has revealed that between 2020 and 2022, musicians did not receive the $1.07 million they were owed. Although the organizations collected licensing fees from the various businesses that used the music, the money never reached the artists, who often found themselves in poverty. Investments and policies that increase internet access in Africa and ensure fair wages for artists should therefore be priorities for African governments. Only in this way will music and entertainment become pillars of African economies, generating thousands of jobs and valorising a large number of artists. (Open Photo:123rf)

Martin Siele

 

 

India. Child Brides. A School for a Fresh Start.

According to a recent UNICEF report, there are 640 million, 200 million in India alone, child brides. In Polur – in Andhra Pradesh – a congregation of nuns runs the ‘Sree Jeevan Jyothi Vocational Junior College’, a nursing school that welcomes young women who are victims of early marriage

Kavitha and Navyashree, are two Indian girls who were married off at the ages of 14 and 16. Their marriage didn’t last long; they were in fact chased out of their homes by their in-laws in a village in the state of Andhra Pradesh, in south-eastern India.
Today they live in Polur – in the Nandyal district – together with 150 other young women in the ‘Sree Jeevan Jyothi Vocational Junior College’, an institute that since 2010 has welcomed girls – many of whom are victims of early marriages – and prepares them to become nurses so that they can care for the elderly, pregnant women and disabled people both at home and in hospitals. The institute is run by the nuns of the Society of Saint Anna Phirangipuram – a local congregation dating back to 1874 – and aims to take care of child brides and girls in extreme poverty and make them independent.

The students of the Sree Jeevan Jyothi Vocational Junior College attend the morning assembly in Polur, a village in the southeastern Indian state of Andhra Pradesh. (GSR photo/Thomas Scaria)

In India, marriage under the age of 18 is prohibited; but at the beginning of the year over 1,800 men were arrested, mainly in the north-east of the country, in 4,000 cases of child marriage. This practice, unfortunately, is still widespread not only in India but throughout the world. And indeed, it has grown again as a consequence of the Coronavirus pandemic.
The new UNICEF report ‘Is an End to Child Marriage within Reach? Latest Trends and Future 2023 Prospects Update’ highlights that 640 million girls are married off worldwide, 12 million every year. And India alone has a third of them, or a number of child brides that exceeds 200 million. Furthermore, it is estimated that another 10 million girls will become child brides by 2030 due to the effects of the pandemic. In fact, as we read in the report, across the world, conflicts, climate disasters and the ongoing impact of Covid-19 – in particular the increase in poverty, income shocks and school dropout – contribute to increase the causes of child marriage and make it difficult for girls to access the health care, education, social services, and community support that protect them from child marriage.

Kavitha talks about her early marriage and separation with Sr. Ignatius Suman, the director of the College. (GSR photo/Thomas Scaria)

Kavihta is now 18 years old and has spoken of how she was forced by her parents to marry a stranger shortly after eighth grade. At her husband’s house, she had to do household chores, get up at two in the morning, cook for the family of six and then go to work on the farm all day under the scorching sun. She was very often beaten by her husband and her parents for her shortcomings in her work. “One day I attempted suicide, and they kicked me out”, she said.
It was Sister Balajyothi Ramisetti who found her and admitted her to nursing school. “We have several cases like hers among our students; they gradually emerge from the trauma and manage to study well”, she says.Navyashree – now 26 and a first-year junior college student – has been married to a close relative for seven years. “I had four pregnancies, including two miscarriages; the other two children were born mentally retarded and were unable to survive”, she says. “My husband’s family blamed me for my inability to give birth to healthy children and they sent me away”. Consanguineous marriages are very common in the villages of Andhra Pradesh and lead to the birth of unhealthy children who often die very early.To prevent dropping out, and to work on their personality development, female students stay in the hostel attached to the College and during their stay on campus they keep busy with various activities, such as tailoring courses, cooking exercises, cultural events, and sports and counselling sessions that help them overcome their traumatic past.
Since its opening, the school has trained 650 young women and also holds courses for laboratory technicians. The government’s Board of Intermediate Education has recognized the College making it an accredited school.

Thatipatri Gnanamma (1822 – 1874) founded the congregation of Sisters of St. Anne of Madras and Sisters of St. Anne Phirangipuram.

The congregation was founded by Thatipatri Gnanamma to educate and promote women, especially those living in rural areas, who are particularly vulnerable and often victims of unjust systems and traditions. Thatipatri Gnanamma was an ordinary lay woman from Phirangipuram, a small village in Guntur district, Andhra Pradesh. She was married to Innaiah and had five children. Unfortunately, she was widowed at the age of 37. Four of her children entered religious life and one married. Finally free from all family commitments, Gnanamma moved to a village called Kilacheri, 40 km from Chennai, where she lived until her death. In her time, girls’ education was an impossible dream. Gnanamma constantly kept in touch with the illiterate girls in the area and identified education as the main means of making them independent. Father Arokianathar, the parish priest of Kilacheri, helped her to think concretely and establish a school for girls in Kilacheri in 1863. Inspired by her commitment to serving the cause of women, two young girls asked Gnanamma if they could help in this inspiring work, also expressing the desire to become nuns. Gnanamma agreed and sent them to Bellary for training. After initial training, these two girls became nuns and thus a religious congregation known as the ‘Society of Sisters of St. Anne-Madras’ (SSAM) was born, with the specific vision of giving impetus to the cause of women.
In 1999, Pope John Paul II established it as a pontifical congregation and it now has more than 1,000 members in 90 convents, serving in five continents. (Open Photo: 123rf)

Sara Toffano/MM

Europeans, Israel and Palestine.

European countries have a history of differing views on the Israel-Palestine conflict. Recent disagreements among EU leaders highlight the complexity of the issue, but a political solution necessitates the involvement of various stakeholders.

The recent ‘cacophony’ of EU voices – as some defined it – over the Israel-Gaza conflict should not come as a surprise. Historically, in fact, few international issues have divided Europeans (governments and citizens alike) more than the Middle East. If the 2003 Iraq War represented perhaps the most spectacular case in point, throughout the decades Europe’s main countries have often aligned themselves differently on the Israel-Palestine dispute.

During the Cold War, particularly after the Six Days’ War of 1967, the Eastern bloc led by the Soviet Union (yet the first state to recognise Israel in 1948) sided with the Palestinians and their Arab supporters. After 1989, however, Moscow gradually developed a peculiar relationship with Tel Aviv – which included the migration of thousands of Russian Jews to Israel – while most Central European countries (some of which had not been immune to antisemitism during the XX century) shifted their support towards Israel, partially also in connection with their efforts to join NATO and later the EU. Among them, the Czech Republic would even become one of its staunchest allies, with former US Secretary of State, Czech-born Madeleine Albright, playing a key role therein.

In Western Europe, France evolved from a close friend of Israel (helping it i.a. develop its nuclear capabilities) to a fierce critic of its post-1967 occupation of Palestinian territories, in particular under De Gaulle and his immediate successors. Only under Nicolas Sarkozy (himself of Jewish origin) did the Fifth Republic adopt a more balanced position, further consolidated later on in the wake of the terrorist attacks of 2015/16 (today France is the European country with the highest number of both Muslims and Jews).

Belgium has followed a similar trajectory. Italy, too, has evolved from a mainly pro-Palestinian posture in the 1970s and 1990s (equally shared by the left and the Catholics) to a more balanced one, whereas Spain has combined unwavering solidarity with the Palestinian people with a highly symbolic ex post acknowledgement of the unjust expulsion of the Jews in 1492, offering Spanish citizenship to the descendants of the old Sephardic community.

The UK, for its part, has long struggled between, on the one hand, aligning itself with Washington (especially after the 1956 Suez crisis) and, on the other, coping with its role as the former ‘colonial’ power in the region and protecting the financial interests of the City of London (where many Gulf monarchies had stored their ‘petrodollars’).

If Ireland has always identified with the Palestinians and the Netherlands has been mindful of hosting a major Jewish community, both – along with the Nordic countries – have traditionally supported diplomacy while vocally condemning breaches of human rights and international law by either party. But key to understanding Europe’s internal differences is the German (and Austrian) position – dramatically shaped by the legacy of the Holocaust – of constant and virtually unreserved support for Israel, which often blocked more critical common statements and initiatives.

In this context, the one season where Europe found itself completely united on the Middle East was the decade between the Oslo Peace Accords (1993) and the last serious attempts to implement them, roughly 20 years ago. The European Community had actually been one of the early supporters of a reasonable deal between the two parties: its first ever common foreign policy statement was indeed the 1980 Venice Declaration, which explicitly mentioned the legitimate rights of the Palestinians to “self-determination” and of Israel to exist in security. And when that prospect suddenly became tangible, the Union – in close cooperation with the Clinton administration – threw its full weight behind the peace process.

The EU even became a formal member of the so-called ‘Quartet’ (alongside the US, the UN and Russia) that monitored and accompanied the process, and it supported the fledgling Palestinian Authority both financially and operationally, i.e. by deploying a border assistance mission to the Rafah crossing and training the Palestinian police
in the West Bank.

And when the peace process came to a critical juncture – after Itzhak Rabin’s assassination, the recurrent Intifadas and the uninterrupted Jewish settlements in the Occupied Territories – the Union engaged to play a central role in its final implementation. In the last-ditch negotiations that took place in the final months of the Clinton presidency (2000), Brussels committed to massively support Ramallah in building a Palestinian state-like entity in return for Washington supporting Tel Aviv in reining in (and compensating) the Jewish settlers and fully accepting the two-state solution.

The draft arrangement – enshrined in a famous ‘non-paper’ prepared by Miguel Angel Moratinos, the EU Special Envoy and close aide to then High Representative Javier Solana – was never finalised though, partly because of Yasser Arafat’s hesitation, but mostly because within a few weeks George W Bush succeeded Clinton at the White House and Likud’s Ariel Sharon defeated Labour PM Ehud Barak in the Israeli elections.

Ever since, the peace process was first put temporarily on ice, then overtaken (and undermined) by other developments: 9/11, the Iraq War, the conflict between Israel and Hezbollah in Lebanon, the growth of Iran’s regional influence, the so-called ‘Arab Spring’ and the ensuing turmoil across the region, the rise of the Gulf monarchies and the re-alignment of Erdoggan’s Turkey – but also the continued expansion of Jewish settlements in the West Bank, recurrent skirmishes between Gaza-based Hamas and Israeli forces as well as controversies and even provocations in and on Jerusalem.

In turn, Europe was hit by the so-called ‘polycrisis’, from the Eurozone woes to the migration waves (mostly from Muslim countries), the jihadist attacks and, more recently, the pandemic and the Russian invasion of Ukraine. All these developments have contributed to putting the ailing peace process on the back burner – some EU countries even followed the Trump administration’s example and moved their embassies from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem – but have also had major consequences at societal level, with growing anti-Muslim/anti-migrant sentiments and recurrent episodes of antisemitism: the boom of right-wing populist parties across the continent can be seen as both a cause and an effect thereof – all duly amplified by and through the digital sphere.

Following the 2008 Russia-Georgia War, relations with Moscow replaced the Middle East as the most sensitive and controversial foreign policy issue inside the EU – at least until last year, when Russia’s blatant aggression against Ukraine quickly unified opinions and generated a surprisingly well coordinated and effective response by the Union. Does the recent ‘cacophony’ over the Israel-Gaza conflict put into question that newfound cohesiveness and decisiveness of the 27 and their declared ambition to act more “geopolitically”?

It may indeed have appeared a bad omen to see EU leaders differ in public – including at the UN – over whether to suspend or increase humanitarian aid to Palestine, over the meaning of ‘ceasefire’ as opposed to ‘pause(s)’, or over the emphasis to give to the respect human rights and international law while acknowledging Israel’s right to defend itself. Yet these differences, in part driven also by petty inter-institutional rivalries, are neither fundamental nor unsurmountable: they are not unique to Europe either, and they also run through public opinion and across political parties inside individual countries. And much will depend on the next stages in the conflict, as Europeans are understandably concerned about a possible regional conflagration and its consequences – including a further rise in energy prices, waves of refugees and terrorist actions.

Twenty years later, however, it is evident that there is no military solution to the conflict and, above all, that a political one will require the convergent and constructive engagement of not only Americans and Europeans but also the Arab countries – and especially of the Gulf monarchies, which now undoubtedly have all the necessary resources to stabilise a region in which, instead, they have hitherto played a predominantly divisive and destabilising role.

Antonio Missiroli/ISPI

Mali. The Mieruba label. ‘Music, our raw material’.

A collective runs a cultural centre and a record company in Ségou, an unstable area of Mali. To keep the art scene alive and because ‘music and the desire to live cannot be stopped’.

Now with eight titles, available digitally, The Lost Maestros is a series from the Malian label Mieruba intended to enhance the heritage of the golden, post-independence years of Malian music.
Mieruba also releases physical albums and new material, such as the recent Diré by veteran Idrissa Soumaoro.
Mieruba is part of the activities of the Mieruba Art Center, created in 2008 in Ségou, a stone’s throw from the Niger River. Over 300 kilometres north-east of the capital Bamako, Ségou, once the capital of the Bambara Empire, today the capital of the region of the same name, is located in an unsafe area due to the activities of jihadist groups. The centre is animated by a collective that replied to us via email.

“Music is like cotton or gold: a raw material that is extracted in Mali”. Photo: Mieruba Art Centre

Malian music continues to have strong visibility internationally through world music labels. Why then the initiative of a label?
One of the reasons is the need to relocate part of the music industry in the country. Music is like cotton or gold: a raw material that is extracted in Mali. This does not mean that it is not transformed and valorised by foreign labels driven by sincere respect for Malian culture, but the time has come to ‘decolonize’ world music. It needs to be done for the good of Malian music and there is immense work to be done for the rights of musicians. The vast majority do not perceive any rights for what they have created. Beyond the big names who give prestige to Malian culture in the world thanks to foreign labels, there are many extraordinary musicians who live in absolute precariousness. We have to start from here and it’s not easy because we have to consider all the works that have been in circulation in the world for more than fifty years.
This implies a general rethinking of world music, which at the moment is based on a ‘Western’ functioning that does not exactly reflect the reality of the local culture.

 How did the cultural centre come about?
The project of the centre and the label were born together because they feed off each other: The Lost Maestros series is the foundation of all of Mieruba. Mangala Camara, who returned to Mali after twenty years of precarious employment in France, gave the first impulse – as well as Askia Modibo, returning from France where he had not found the space to express himself. He therefore felt the need for a local reality that could give voice and pay respect to artists who marked the golden era in which the fusion of tradition and modernity was experimented, and who have much to pass on to the new generation.

“The Lost Maestros series is the foundation of all of Mieruba”. Photo: Mieruba Art Centre

The situation of the region is not an easy one…
The initial idea was that of a meeting place between these great artists, the new generation and foreign artists. Before the war, many stars came to Mali (Bono, Damon Albarn, Robert Plant…) to ‘learn’ something. The hypothesis was to live on the fruit of these meetings, also on an economic level. Then the worsening of security conditions made the project unfeasible in the terms imagined. But despite the difficulties it was not possible to stop, due to the energy already spent and because Mieruba was becoming a point of reference, and the failure of the project would be a loss for the community of Ségou and for the Malian art scene. In a moment of general crisis, there is more reason than ever to spread music, and to do so from Ségou, a city at the crossroads between
north and south.

What projects are you running?
To have an international outlet we started a collaboration with a French vinyl pressing company and its label Deviation Records. With them, we published the first volume of the anthology The Lost Maestros and the first of the collection of songs by the legendary Super Biton de Ségou orchestra. We plan to publish the second volume of both of these. However, we have also started to distribute independently in digital and physical formats. In 2022, Mieruba received its first economic contribution from the AWA fund financed by the European Union and managed by the Fondation sur le Niger – considered an important reality for Ségou and all of Mali, which deals with culture and organizes the Festival sur le Niger, that every year fills the city with joy.

“Mieruba wants to become a reference first and foremost for local artists, to perform but also to get to know each other and rehearse”. Photo: Mieruba Art Centre

There are no longer many foreign tourists, but the festival is aimed primarily at the inhabitants and is an example of how, despite all the difficulties, music, and the desire to live, cannot be stopped.
Mieruba wants to become a reference first and foremost for local artists, to perform but also to get to know each other and rehearse.
We are completing a space dedicated to live performances and last September, as part of the Pacific Fusion #2 project, we had young musicians of varied origins in residence who, under the guidance of two members of Super Biton, worked to fuse different traditions in the name of peace and diversity.

What is happening in the music scene in the city?
There were once concerts in all the maquis (informal venues, ed.) of the city, but few survive, like the historic Mobaso. Painfully, some musicians moved to Bamako, but many are still here and okra – the music at weddings – remains a source of income. As throughout Mali, the new generation is also interested in rap, and small recording studios are widespread in the city; however, these energies are dispersed, and the necessary framework to achieve the quality they can easily aspire to, is often lacking. Despite everything, there is perhaps no better place in the world to continue the project and the dream of a cultural centre from which music can radiate. Music is Mali’s wealth and its weapon
for peace and prosperity.

Marcello Lorrai

 

The Hamas attack on Israel: the positions of the Indo-Pacific actors.

Following the attack launched on Saturday 7 October by Hamas militiamen against Israel, diplomats from all over the world have expressed the positions of their respective states on the incident and, more generally, on the wider Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

In the Asia-Pacific region, one of the first actors to intervene in support of Israel was Narendra Modi’s India which harshly condemned the attacks and demonstrated closeness to the country led by Benjamin Netanyahu. Furthermore, the two leaders were in contact by telephone on 10 October in which the Indian Prime Minister confirmed his full support for his Israeli counterpart. Such activism is not surprising when looking at the recent trajectory of Indo-Israeli bilateral relations.

Since the mid-1990s, the two countries have begun a slow and progressive process of rapprochement which today allows us to define the Tel Aviv-New Delhi axis as extremely sound. Relations, in particular, entered a new phase when, in July 2017, Modi became the first Indian Prime Minister to visit Israel.

The visit, historic in its own way, did not include any stops in the Palestinian territories. On that occasion, India and Israel elevated relations to a strategic partnership and this facilitated the development of economic-commercial ties. The overall trade between the two countries has grown over time to reach approximately 10 billion dollars in 2022, with Israel establishing itself as one of the main suppliers of Indian defence, transferring, among other things, anti-missile systems, radar high-tech and night vision equipment.

Recent and central stages of this path of strengthening bilateral relations are represented by the formalization in 2021 of the so-called I2U2, a cooperation group including India, Israel, the United Arab Emirates and the United States, and by the expansion of the Indian presence in Israel with the purchase of the port of Haifa concluded in early 2023 by the Adani Group.
Subsequently, in May 2023, India and Israel signed a Memorandum for Cooperation on Industrial Research and Development, with a focus on several key technology areas, such as aerospace.

Finally, the Modi government played a decisive role in the approval, during the G20 in New Delhi, of the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC), which provides for the first connection between the Indian port of Mumbai and the Emirates port of Jebel Ali, then continuing through Saudi Arabia to the Israeli port of Haifa. The ongoing conflict in Israel and Gaza, however, risks slowing down the rapprochement between Tel Aviv and Riyadh and, consequently, shelving part of the plans relating to the IMEC.

Another actor whose reaction was awaited is the People’s Republic of China which, after having avoided giving excessive space to what happened in the Middle East in the national media, issued an official statement to express concern. The spokesperson of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Mao Ning, also stated that the responsibility for the escalation lies in the stalemate of the peace talks and that without political solutions, such as the implementation of the two-state solution, it will be difficult to resolve the conflict.

Beijing, after having mediated the rapprochement between Iran and Saudi Arabia in March 2023, had recently gained space in the international media for its apparent desire to encourage a dialogue between Israelis and Palestinians which today appears to be an increasingly remote prospect. China, in fact, enjoys good relations with Israel to the point of having included the country, in 2017, within the ambitious projects linked to the Belt and Road Initiative.

On the other hand, during a trip to China by President Mahmoud Abbas in June 2023, the Chinese authorities promoted the signing of a strategic partnership with the Palestinian National Authority based on solar energy, the development of Palestinian industry, and infrastructure construction. At the moment, therefore, China remains in balance and is essentially waiting to understand the evolution of events in the region, while inviting the parties to de-escalate.

At the same time, Beijing will try to exploit any mistakes made by Israel’s Atlantic allies, led by the United States, which are highly likely given the complexity of the political framework that has been created. An emblematic example of this attitude is the reference that appeared in the Chinese media to the apparent failure of attempts to normalize regional relations between Arab states and Israel sponsored
by Washington.

Beyond India and China, other Asia-Pacific actors have also expressed their positions forcefully in recent hours. In particular, in Pakistan, the leader of the Pakistan Muslim League (N) and Prime Minister until last August, Shehbaz Sharif, stated that he believes the recent events are a direct consequence of the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories.

Also along the same lines are the statements of the former Prime Minister, then disqualified in April 2022, Imran Khan who reiterated his full support for the Palestinian cause in this complex phase. Among the most active, in this phase, the Emir Sirajul Haq stands out as an expression of the Jamaat-e-Islami party (Pakistan), who invited all Muslim countries to support the action of Hamas.

Mobilizations in support of the Palestinians also took place in Dacca, Bangladesh, where the Ministry of Foreign Affairs spoke of a state of occupation that does not allow a solution to the conflict.

Support for the Palestinian action also came from the Taliban-led Islamic Emirate of Afghanistan, which defined any resistance action for the freedom of the land and the holy places as legitimate. Invitations to mobilize also came from the Pan-Malaysian Islamic Party, which was left considerably strengthened by the 2022 election, while Jakarta called for an immediate cessation of hostilities after an Indonesian hospital was hit in Gaza by Israeli F-16 bombings.

Harsh condemnation of the Hamas attacks came, however, from the Government of the Federal Democratic Republic of Nepal which denounced the killing of as many as 10 citizens during the action carried out against Israel. The Singapore government also took the same line and strongly condemned the killing of civilians by Palestinian groups. The Vietnamese government appeared cautious, while a harsh condemnation of Hamas’ action with no reference to the occupation appeared in Japan’s official statement, thus confirming its alignment on the issue with most of the actors of the Euro-Atlantic bloc.

In this context, it is possible to note how in the broad Asia-Pacific area, the Palestinian issue still has the ability to mobilize the masses in the main Muslim-majority countries, even in theatres that have a significant terrorist presence such as Western Pakistan and Eastern Afghanistan. India’s absence from the bloc of states aligned with the Palestinians, however, indicates a lack of alignment between New Delhi and a good part of the actors of the so-called global South and this could partially complicate Indian plans with respect to its ability to assume the leadership of this broad and heterogeneous front.

Tiziano Marino/Ce.S.I.

The meaning of the sacrifice in the African culture.

Every religion has some form of sacrifice. In fact, sacrifice is the most universal of all rituals.

Most rituals imply an offering and quite often a blood sacrifice. A blood sacrifice is a displacement of mystical forces made possible by God himself, thanks to the intercession of a spirit, divinity or ancestor and the mediation of a priest for the satisfaction of the sacrificing community. The blood of the victim, when poured on the altar, releases the vital force contained in it and feeds the spiritual beings directly alerted by the words of the priest. We have here an offering of food given to the sacred forces, which gives life to the sacrificing community through a common meal. We also have the words of the priest to the divinity or ancestor who intercedes to God. The response of God comes in an inverted way: it goes to the sacrificing community through the ancestor and the priest. Note here that God does not feed on the blood of the victim; God is the very source of the vital force; for him the vital force does not diminish.

Kenya. Pokot. Among cattle-keeping communities, a sacrifice of a bull is offered in order to curb violence within the society. File swm

On the contrary, the vital force of other spiritual entities like the spirits of nature, the ancestors and the divinities get spent especially, when they do favours to the living. This is the reason why they ask for sacrifices. If the sacrifices are not offered, they punish the living. ‘Do not complain that the divinity (lubaale) is killing you if you ignore the sacrifices you are advised to offer’, thus goes a Luganda saying.
In Africa, sacrifices to God are usually eggs, portions of raw staple food, or live cocks left in the bush or forest. Some tribes make annual sacrifices to God but the animals immolated are for divinities and the ancestors, not for God.

Ethiopia. Sidamo. Some tribes make annual sacrifices to God but the animals immolated are for divinities and the ancestors, not for God. File swm.

The commonest sacrifice in Africa is a cock. It is offered in order to ward off minor troubles or sicknesses but it plays a deeper role than that: when day comes, insects, birds and animals sing or make noises to welcome the day but man is still asleep. The cock, which traditionally used to spend the night in the same house as its owner, crows and pushes the family into the rhythm of the awaking nature. When it is immolated and as it dies, its vital force pushes the same family or even the individual into the rhythm of the spirits. Sometimes the colour of the cock matters according to the likes of the spiritual entity concerned. This law works even for goats and cows. Goats are sacrificed when a large family or clan is at risk, but when the whole tribe is attacked by sickness or any form of common enemy, it is a bull. Sheep are also sacrificed in order to keep epidemics at bay.
A sheep is believed to be immune to suffering because it does not make noise when it is being slaughtered and its resistance is minimal. The vital force in its blood is believed to strengthen the sacrificing community, rendering it immune to epidemics. The same animal is sacrificed for reconciling two brothers who have become bitter enemies. Its heart is cut in two and shared among the warring brothers.

Kenya. Pokot. Goats are sacrificed when a large family or clan is at risk. File swm.

This sacrifice brings out clearly the nobility of a sheep. Sometimes, before the sacrifice, the reason for the sacrifice is explained to the sacrificial victim accompanied with excuses. It is clear here that the animal, in this case, is not taken as something to use; it is a respected individual. Among cattle keeping communities, a sacrifice of a bull is offered in order to curb violence within the society.
It is the whole community, which performs what we can call the rite of diverted violence. When the animal is killed, sometimes very cruelly, the violence, which would be directed to people is done on the animal, which is their substitute. It is at the same time an elevated violence since it is transported from the profane to the sacred. It is also a transcended violence since it enables the community to transfer the grudges, rivalries, hatred, tension and the tendencies of aggression within it to an animal victim. This is the way the community ‘deceive’ its own violence by directing it to victims which do not call for vengeance. All in all, sacrifice in whatever form is for respect of life, that is, in sacrifice, life is not lost; it just becomes sublime. (Open Photo: Maasai warrior playing a traditional horn. ©photopiano/123rf)

Edward Kanyike

 

 

The Declaration of Human Rights is for all.

December 10, 2023, marks the 75th anniversary of the universal promulgation of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and its adoption by the United Nations General Assembly through resolution 217A during its third session in Paris on December 10, 1948.

It was a torn and destroyed world after WWII that was reeling after the destruction, death and mass murder of an estimated total of 70–85 million people, men, women and children.

There were only approximately 2.3 billion people globally in 1940 and about three percent of them were needlessly killed by the incredible destructive force of the human species. As of 2023, the World Population is 8,045,311,447 (at mid-year, according to U.N. estimates).

The bitterness, hatred, anger, violent death and destruction unleashed by the human species 83 years ago made humans the deadliest and most vicious creatures to ever walk the earth. Humankind is perhaps the most flawed species ever to evolve from prehistory to the present.

This global evil that humans brought upon themselves awakened in the survivors of the war, people of conscience, to establish the true noble dignity of the human person that was so savaged and damaged by the hatred and violence that arose from racist discriminatory urges of one nation against another.

The Universal Declaration of Human Rights laid down the rights and dignity and the equality of every living human and it was offered to humankind and every nation to accept, respect, ratify and implement or not. We can see in the world today that many nations have embraced these principles and the rights of their people but many have done so in word only but not in deed. Among political leaders, hypocrites and corrupt politicians proliferate.

There are some nations and leaders that have accepted and believe in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and strive to implement and respect them. To do so is to emerge from the wild savage instincts closer to wild animals to the conscious rational thinking of a reflective educated human person.

In the preamble to the Declaration, it is stated that the “recognition of the inherent dignity and of the equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice and peace in the world and that disregard and contempt for human rights have resulted in barbarous acts which have outraged the conscience of mankind, and the advent of a world in which human beings shall enjoy freedom of speech and belief and freedom from fear and want has been proclaimed as the highest aspiration of the common people.”

Violence, war and barbarous acts in West Asia, Ukraine, Middle East are a total disregard and gross violation of these rights. There can be no grievance on either side used to justify any violation against any person.

The first article of the Declaration lays down clearly the truth and right to be upheld by all humankind. It says “All human beings are born free and equal in dignity and rights.
They are endowed with reason and conscience and should act towards one another in a spirit of brotherhood”

Not only is the right to equality declared but the rights are for all and everyone: “without distinction of any kind, such as race, colour, sex, language, religion, political or other opinion, national or social origin, property, birth or other status.”

Yet our world is in a state of upheaval where daily we see nations invade, land grab and occupy another by force and fear. They displace the original inhabitants and rule with discrimination and force.

The Declaration says in its preamble that when people are deprived of their rights and dignity and lands, they tend to rebel and fight back against tyranny. “Whereas it is essential, if man is not to be compelled to have recourse, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression, that human rights should be protected by the rule of law.”

So only with the rule of just laws and the implementation of them without fakery, connivance, manipulation and delay based on manufactured evidence, will rights be all the more respected and upheld.

Many rights campaigners have been unjustly jailed and they have been deprived of their human rights. This must change and justice must be done.

Fr. Shay Cullen

Burkina Faso, Mali e Niger: the New Military Alliance in the Sahel.

The military juntas of Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger have signed the Liptako-Gourma Charter, establishing the Alliance of Sahel States (AES). The objective is to establish an architecture of collective defence and mutual assistance against common challenges. The unknowns.

On 16 September Burkina Faso, Mali, and Niger signed an agreement by signing the Liptako-Gourma Charter in the region of the same name called the ‘three border area’, which is one of the epicentres of the security problems of the three countries. This agreement in Article 1 establishes ‘the Alliance of Sahel States and an architecture of collective defence and mutual assistance’ (art.2).The name itself indicates a broad projection and underlines the desire to potentially extend participation to those States that will embrace its aims.
The President of the military junta in power in Mali announced the signing on his X profile (formerly Twitter) citing the importance of the agreement for the security and well-being of the people of the signatory countries. The alliance could change the balance of power in the region, uniting countries with different problems but presenting similar vulnerabilities, and providing an alternative to the influence of ECOWAS and the Euro-Atlantic powers.

What is foreseen in the Charter
The Liptako-Gourma Charter is based on 17 points and focuses mainly on mutual assistance, the restoration of security and the prevention of rebellions. Article 4 establishes that Member States ‘undertake to fight against terrorism in all its forms and against organized crime in the common space of the Alliance’ while Article 5 announces that members will work to prevent, manage, and resolve any armed rebellion or other threat to the territorial integrity and sovereignty of each of the Alliance countries, giving priority to peaceful and diplomatic means but also with the use of force. Under Article 6, which is similar to NATO Article 5, ‘any attack on the sovereignty and territorial integrity of one or more Contracting Parties shall be considered an aggression
against the other Parties’.

The ruling military leaders, from the left: Capt Ibrahim Traoré (Burkina Faso) Colonel Assimi Goita (Mali) General Abdourahmane Tchiani (Niger).

Article 8 instead announces the commitment not to resort to ‘the threat, use of force or aggression, against the territorial integrity or independence of one of the member states; not to implement naval, road, maritime or strategic infrastructure blockades through the armed forces; not to perpetrate attacks or aggression against another Member State or third States, starting from the territory made available by one of the signatory States’.
An alliance that is opposed not only to the intervention of external countries in the territories of sovereign states but also to economic warfare tactics such as sanctions, which, however, provides for intervention in each other’s territories to fight insurrections. Article 10 of the Charter specifies that the financing of the Alliance of Sahel States will be provided mainly by the three signatory countries and Article 11 opens up membership to other countries.

Objectives of the Alliance
“This alliance will be a combination of military and economic efforts between the three countries”, Malian Foreign Minister Abdoulaye Diop told reporters. “Our priority is the fight against terrorism in the three countries”. Although it is not certain that the Armed Forces of the three member countries of this new tripartite alliance will actually follow the mutual provision of support, its formalization deepens the political and security bond and coordination in the fight against insurrections, the main concern of the contracting parties. The Alliance therefore has a triple function, which in order of priority are:  coordinating efforts against insurrectional movements; weakening the political-diplomatic weight of the neighbours of the West African Economic Community (ECOWAS); and countering Western influences in the region.

Nigerien army soldiers from the 322nd Parachute Regiment. File swm

Mali’s coup junta is experiencing a resumption of hostilities, after the start of the withdrawal of the MINUSMA peacekeeping mission at the end of August, with the pro-independence Tuareg (or kel tamasheq) of the Coordination of Azawad Movements (CMA) advancing to the north against the Armed Forces and the Wagner group. This seems to be Bamako’s main concern at the moment. However, the penetration of Islamist groups such as Jamaat Nusrat al-Islam wal Muslimin (JNIM) and the Islamic State in the Sahel (IS Sahel) is also constant, despite the fact that they are driven by mutual rivalries. These groups now have substantial freedom of movement thanks to the end of the peacekeeping mission and the French presence, especially in Liptako-Gourma, where the agreement was symbolically signed.

Fragmentation and the search for sovereignty
After the failure of the G5 Sahel military alliance (made up of the countries that are part of the new alliance with Mauritania and Chad and sponsored by France) this umpteenth agreement, defined as ‘the NATO of the Sahel’, presents many unknowns relating to its effectiveness, above all due to the military weakness of member countries. However, the signing can currently be considered both a diplomatic and internal success for the coup plotters. After capitalizing on the perception of corruption and impunity of supported governments of European countries, the councils have now signed a mutual and equal regional security agreement that highlights common objectives.

The United Nations Multidimensional Integrated Stabilization Mission in Mali (MINUSMA) convoy led by the Malian Armed Forces (FAMA). MINUSMA is to cease to operate by 31 December 2023. UN Photo/Harandane Dicko

But without addressing the causes of instability, increased militarization will only lead to more frequent violent clashes and new unpunished war crimes, which will spur the recruitment of separatists and jihadists. Only time will tell what the art. 3 of the Charter states, urging the establishment of bodies and operating mechanisms of the Alliance, will be carried out. There will be an answer at the time of the outcome of an intervention by one of the contractors alongside or within an allied country. A test case could already be that of the Tuareg independence activists in Mali, a more heated clash than the confrontation between ECOWAS and the Nigerian coup junta – which saw the mobilization of Burkina Faso. But, if this were the case, Niamey’s intervention in support of Bamako could likely exacerbate security problems in northern Niger, where other Tuareg populations are looking for greater autonomy. (Open Photo: file Swm)

Daniele Molteni/CgP  

 

 

 

The Pop Music of Nigeria. Afrobeats.

For some years now, the Nigerian and Ghanaian Afrobeats music scene has taken on global dimensions in terms of reach, acceptance
and impact
.

Increasingly, the yardstick for measuring the success of an Afrobeats artist is the level of international success he or she enjoys. It means not only collaborating with leading music superstars from around the world but also filling prestigious arenas in metropolises such as London, Amsterdam, Paris, and New York. This also involves recording, distribution and sponsorship deals with the largest companies involved in the music and entertainment business.
The speed with which Afrobeats stars churned out their hits was astonishing. For a while, it might have seemed that this scene would soon peter out and eventually give way to other interesting genres such as amapiano, the subgenre of house music born in South Africa, which fuses different styles such as R&B, kwaito, soul, gospel, and indeed house. In reality, Afrobeats musicians have simply incorporated amapiano as part of their ever-growing repertoire.
This demonstrates not only the versatility of the artists but also the resilience of this genre of music.

Tiwa Savage performing at the Mavin Industry “Nite” Concert in Nigeria. CC BY-SA 3.0/TCD

The first wave of great Afrobeats artists includes P-Square, D’banj, Flavor, Timaya, and Tuface. Those were followed by the likes of Wizkid, Olamide, Sarkodie (Ghana), and Davido. And then it was the turn of Burna Boy, Yemi Alade, Tiwa Savage, Patoranking, Simi, and Mr Eazi.
While many of these artists have achieved viral successes, some of which have had a global impact like Alade’s Johnny, the latest generation of Afrobeats stars has brought even greater depth to the genre. Among the hottest artists are C-Kay, Rema, Fireboy DML, Ayra Starr, Ruger, Joeboy, and Asake. All of them are touring all over Africa, as well as shooting their elaborately plotted music videos in exotic locations abroad. Asake, in particular, not only does successful tours in the US and UK, but shoots his intricate videos – made mostly by the ubiquitous TG Omori
– almost exclusively in the US. Last August he held major shows
at the O2 Arena in London.

Tems, the voice
On the other hand, Tems’ rise as a current Afrobeats star has been nothing short of meteoric. When the smoky-voiced Nigerian singer and her compatriot Rema were announced as part of the line-up for the August 2023 edition of Lollapalooza, their already notable international profile was cemented even further. Furthermore, Tems, who has already won two BET Awards, was nominated in three different categories for the 2023 edition of the BET Awards in the United States. Tems is something of an enigma: shy, reserved, and sexy. Nigerian Afrobeats superstar Wizkid launched it globally with his 2020 hit Essence, an R&B-influenced track that wowed audiences across multiple continents. The hit was even remixed to include Justin Bieber.
The 28-year-old Tems creates a pleasant Sade-style atmosphere (very successful Anglo-Nigerian singer in the 1980s, ed.), but also more captivating than the latter.The speed with which she has won the favour of the American public is unprecedented for Nigerian singers, which include artists of the calibre of Tiwa Savage, Yemi Alade, Simi, and younger aspirants such as Ayra Starr, Fave, etc. On stage Savage, Alade, and Starr are exuberant performers.

Temilade Openiyi, known professionally as Tems. CC BY-SA 4.0/NdaniTV

Tems, on the other hand, seems to have a strength within her that releases in songs of emotional intensity, desire, and adventure. Rather than express herself in an ecstasy of dance and raw theatricality, she reserves acrobatics for the deep, soothing flourishes she undertakes with her extraordinary voice. In 2020, she released her first EP, For Broken Ears, which made her mark on the Nigerian music scene. The 2021 song If Orange Was a Place had an even stronger impact, which reverberated beyond Nigerian shores.
She has collaborated with heavy hitters in the American music industry like Khalid, Brent Faiyaz, Drake, and Future; so far, these overseas releases have been lucky. This doesn’t usually happen to African artists who, hoping to achieve big results, venture into the American music market. In most cases, in an effort to conquer new audiences, they seem to lose themselves and their creative spirit, in a game similar to Russian roulette. Many seek their fortune in America full of illusions and expectations. Of course, they also have to meet the changing demands of record labels and their managers. Divergent and often competing interests can drag artists down into a lack of success and even total failure. And once they return to Africa it may happen that they are no longer able to recover their audience, which in the meantime has followed new trends.

In the United States
Elaine, for example, the sensual South African R&B singer, left for the United States and returned without having a great artistic streak anymore. She has now embraced the amapiano, thus hoping to reconnect with her home audience. Several years ago, Nigerian megastars Davido and Wizkid also flew to the United States.
In particular, Davido came out with several pieces designed for the US market, which did well in Africa but did not achieve the desired results across the Atlantic.
In 2017, however, Davido hit the mark in the USA, as well as in Canada and France, with the hit Fall, a song that didn’t seem to promise much. It almost seems that Afrobeats, now one of the main ingredients in the programming of many Western radios, however, needs to be adapted to find wider acceptance outside Africa. In reality, numerous niche spaces have been created for Afrobeats as has happened for reggae. However, as long as the genre retains the mould and character of tropical Africa, it will lag behind Western pop music.

Davido in concert. CC BY-SA 4.0/Peter Verwimp

This in itself is not worrying. In fact, the biggest African stars, Davido, Burna Boy, Diamond Platinumz (Tanzania), Flavour, Rayvanny (Tanzania), Harmonize (Tanzania), Fally Ipupa (RD Congo), Sarkodie, Ferre Gola (RDC), Stonebwoy (Ghana), Shatta Wale (Ghana), and Wizkid have established themselves on the continent, in Europe, in South America, and the Caribbean – markets that are more than sufficient today for those who intend to build a lasting career. In Found, her song featuring Brent Faiyaz, Tems describes the inner turmoil between her and her lover, as they seek a solution to their differences. With her remarkable performance, Tems proved that she is capable of not selling herself short when she wants to engage with American listeners. However, she is not always like this. She has, among other things, composed a song for Rihanna and collaborated with Beyoncé and Grace Jones. Additionally, her performances and compositions have won numerous prestigious awards in the United States. In any case, the international musical scenario that many African artists have to deal with is certainly not easy. However, it will be interesting to see how Tems manages the challenge of an international career. What is certain is that there will always be new Afrobeats talents with fresh ideas, ready to take up the baton. (Open Photo: 123rf)

Sanya Osha

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