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Egypt. Pigeons, what a passion.

In the shade of the pyramids and minarets of Cairo, the tradition of pigeon and homing pigeon breeders has been handed down.

Cairo is a chaotic, immense and difficult city. The streets are always too crowded and the continuous cacophony of horns denies concentration and quickly exhausts one’s energy. But raise your eyes and you will realize that there is another level of the city, hidden and almost inaccessible, a kingdom where birds and their keepers are masters.
It’s a day like many others in the working-class heart of Cairo; the streets crowded with vendors and three-wheeled vans all look the same, dominated by the tall concrete and red brick buildings that have sprouted like mushrooms in recent decades. A monotony of shapes and colours broken only by a large flamboyant structure similar to a cistern or a crooked medieval tower that seems to be supported with long, unstable stilts on the flat roof of a building.

A boy with pigeons at the Souk al Gomaa Friday market in Cairo. Shutterstock/Emily Marie Wilson

Groups of people crowd around the wooden pillars and along the dizzying ladder that seems liable to collapse at any moment. Suddenly, one of these figures takes out two large red flags and starts waving them with regular and rhythmic movements while keeping his eyes raised to the sky. Soon a flock of birds begins to circle lower and lower towards the roof of the building.
It is one of the thousands of gheyas that dot the roofs of the Egyptian capital: dovecotes where many Cairo residents can dedicate themselves to pigeon breeding, a widespread passion which for some is also an important source of income.

Ancient Roots
According to historians, the Egyptians’ love for pigeons is so ancient that even hieroglyphs testify to their widespread presence and the custom of offering them as sacrifices on the occasion of rites or funerals, while in the era of the Fatimid rulers (X-XII century AD) the use of birds as messengers and pets is documented.
It is a tradition found not only in the cities but also in the countryside: in the villages of the delta or further south along the river, and in the enormous agricultural area of the Fayyum, it is not uncommon to notice flocks of birds crowding around certain high constructions.

Muhammad Ali Mosque in Cairo. 123rf

Rural dovecotes are large conical towers similar to chimneys made of sun-dried mud, where holes arranged in geometric patterns and transversal wooden poles allow the pigeons to rest or enter, sheltered from predators.At first glance, their appearance recalls the shape of the minarets of Sahelian mosques and the unmistakable outlines of the rural landscapes that wind along the Nile.
And food has nothing to do with it: while it is true that these birds are often found in various typical delicacies such as the famous hamam mahshi, pigeons stuffed with spiced rice and bulgur cooked for a long time in the oven, at the same time, bird breeding is a true passion that has been handed down for generations. Pigeon racing, for example, is a widely practised sport: on the rooftops of Cairo, many both young and old spend entire afternoons training their squadrons with large flags acting as a call to the roost.

Heavenly challenges
The most common type of race is the long-distance speed race. This involves the flocks being released in distant cities with an encrypted message, contained in a package attached to the leg, which is communicated by the farmers to the jury as counter-evidence as soon as the birds reach the base. These can be seen as Marathons of the skies that fascinate and become legendary competitions, like the one that takes place annually between Cairo and Aswan, almost 700 kilometres of flight across the whole of Egypt.Besides racing, there are other hobbies involving pigeons. Other very popular competitions involve real wars between flocks that have to capture or try to free themselves from opposing teams, with the ownership of the birds themselves and the consequent size of their “army” at stake.

An old woman selling pigeons in an Egyptian market. Shutterstock/RovingPhotogZA

Once down from their towers, breeders and enthusiasts have an unmissable meeting point: the animal market held on Fridays around Al Khelaa, the long road that crosses the famous suburb of the “City of the Dead”. Along the road, thousands of coloured plastic cages are piled up from which birds of all types look out, from tiny canaries to enormous hawks motionless on their perches.
Pigeons and doves are obviously among the best-sellers here. To the untrained eye, these immense flocks are distinguished only by their plumage, which ranges from pure white to dark grey and beige, but the attentive gaze of the breeders can immediately identify different species with their respective characteristics and qualities, establishing the setting of prices starting from a few tens of Egyptian pounds for the youngest and most inexperienced specimens and reach several thousand, more than the average monthly salary of an Egyptian.

Architecture to be conserved
In addition to its social, cultural, economic and ecosystem enhancement aspects, the tradition of pigeon breeding also has its effects on the urban landscape and the appearance of the city. In fact, the gheya are unmistakable structures that make the roofs of Cairo unique. A dizzying castle of vertical and diagonal wooden poles up to 7-8 meters high on which rests a large fence made of thin wooden slats placed side by side and painted in bright colours and with geometric decorative motifs.
Inside the enclosure, accessible with ladders, cages are arranged along the perimeter, while a wide rope net acts as a ceiling and prevents the possible arrival of predators or rival flocks.

Pigeons in Giza City flying on the houses. 123rf

Like tall and lively medieval watchtowers, the pigeon lofts overlook the entire city, becoming a distinctive architectural element, especially in the working-class neighbourhoods where the monotony of the buildings with a concrete skeleton and red brick walls interrupted by a few sparse windows is enlivened by the colours of the decorated walls.
In its frenetic growth, the Egyptian capital (one of the largest metropolises on the planet) is inexorably destroying fundamental parts of its past, such as the famous awamat, the centuries-old floating houses removed from the banks of the Nile a year ago, or various inhabited tombs of the City of the Dead, demolished to widen highways and bridges.The most popular areas are especially prone to suffer demolitions and heavy transformations daily in the name of mobility, urban decorum and a questionable idea of progress that has no regard for anyone, not even for history. The pigeon lofts, however, seem to resist, perhaps thanks to their elevated and almost hidden position, and continue to give colour, lightness and vitality to the skies of a difficult city which never ceases to surprise. (Open Photo: Sunset over Cairo with silhouettes of flying birds. Shutterstock/Repina Valeriya)

Federico Monica/Africa

Nike, ambassador of contemporary Nigerian art.

Recycled material reigns supreme in Nike’s modern art galleries in Lagos and Abuja. It brings together, on crowded walls, sculptures, textiles, jewellery, amulets and paintings that lay claim
to another Nigeria.

It’s not easy to keep up with Nike Okundaye, founder of the Nike Art Gallery art centres in Lagos, Abuja, Òsogbo and Ogídi-Ìjúmi. Known as Mama Nike, she arrives with her four daughters in a very small van decorated with striking colours and photographs. As you enter the gallery in Lagos, you are welcomed by animal sculptures inspired by real creatures and others from the artists’ imagination. They share the space with signs announcing workshops, cultural activities and city tours in which Nike’s seemingly inexhaustible energy takes centre stage.
Smiling, welcoming and overwhelming, Nike takes several questions that she barely has time to answer to quickly classify her interviewer. As she affectionately greets the employees and artists in training, she heads towards the large door leading to a multi-storey gallery whose centre is occupied by panels that share the available space.

Nike Art Gallery, Lagos. CC BY 2.0/Jeremy Weate

The walls are covered with paintings. The floor is also a space covered with contemporary art pieces that occupy enormous tables on which piles of drawings must be unpacked in order to appreciate them. “From rubbish to treasure, from waste to wealth”, is how Nike defines her works, made largely with recycled materials, a technique in which the African continent is a true master.
“We use wax to make large jewels, even animal remains that speak of Nigerian tradition, or wood to make other traditional jewels that can be used to decorate the wall, for those who prefer not to hang up painting,” Nike continues. She stops just long enough to show what she is explaining, but without lingering too much, aware of the enormous work she has managed to concentrate on in the gallery. Her aim is to cover as much as possible and offers her personal attention to each artist, telling how they arrived at that point in their creation, their maturation process and the meaning of shapes and colours.

Nike’s work
“My work focuses on coloured balls and glue. I like to make things that people can wear, for example, the hats I design. We give some pieces a coloured patina to make them look older,” explains Nike, interpreting the genre with unwaning enthusiasm. In the area of textiles, with blue and indigo fabrics printed with geometric figures, you can see another of her best-known techniques. “When we wear a tunic or a certain dress, we are saying something about ourselves”, she says, passing her hand over the garments hanging in the exhibition area.

Visitors at the Nike Art Gallery in Lagos. Photo: Carla Fibla García-Sala

Nike comes from a childhood marked by poverty and the loss of her mother. At the age of 16, she left home and went to live with the artistic community of Òsogbo and a year later she participated in her first exhibition organized by the Goethe Institute. Six years later she managed to study sewing at the Haystack Mountain School of Crafts (USA) and in 1981 she won first prize at the Southwest Washington Art Festival. Subsequently, recognition came from London and the UN, which in 1994 chose her among the 50 artists selected worldwide to show their work in a documentary on the occasion of the fiftieth anniversary of the organization.

Creating community
She began sharing her knowledge with her first arts and culture centre which opened in Òsogbo in 1983. Almost 20 years later she did the same in Abuja, the capital, and in 2009 in Lagos. In 1996, she moved to the economic capital of the country and created the Textile and Sewing Center in Ogídi-Ìjúmi (Kogi State), which became her first training workshop. “I’ve always been obsessed with girls’ independence, but how to reach it? We managed to convince schools from 36 states to regularly send us 150 girls so that, while spending two months at the Òsogbo centre, they discover their skills and begin to develop them”, she proudly explains, still showing pieces made by some of the young women who passed through their workshops. Despite being well-known, Nike does not seem to have lost touch with the reality of her people, with the poverty and unemployment that afflict her country, conditions that she tries to show and, in part, remedy through art.

Nike art gallery, Abuja. CC BY-SA 4.0/Turizimpressions

In addition to public relations and monitoring artists in training, Nike dedicates several hours a day to developing their talents. Now in her eighth decade of life, her capacity for inspiration still remains intact. “You learn by trying to imitate, it’s the way to create your own style. This work – she says, indicating the face of a restless child – seems to say: ‘When I grow up, I want to be like you’, but when you look at it you only see a child. Yes, but the child tells you something.”
The reflections she offers while walking through the Lagos gallery leave no loose ends: “All these drawings are like communication by telephone… Here it is the barbed wire, the bamboo that unites us. It’s the cycle of life. The child is born, grows and becomes an adult. And that same child takes care of the one who took care of him or her as a child.”

“Art relaxes people, it’s very important because it has a healing component. You look at a work and feel a certain emotion, sometimes joy.” Photo: Nike Art Gallery

We pass in front of a work of hers which she playfully shows us, explaining that she needed to draw an aeroplane and convey what you feel when you get on board, which is why the painting is full of farewell words and good wishes for the journey. “There is this comparison in contemporary art between old and new creations, but we must focus on young artists because they are the ones who can give the most.”
Nike claims that visiting her art galleries is “a therapy” in which the most important thing is to look at the works and stop at the most evocative part of each one, trying to understand them and thinking about what would be going through the mind of the artist when he or she created them or draws conclusions whose understanding at times cannot be shared. “Art relaxes people, it’s very important because it has a healing component. You look at a work and feel a certain emotion, sometimes joy.”Although it is difficult to choose a technique or material to define current Nigerian contemporary art, Nike highlights the use of bronze, the application of wax – whose origin is in Benin City – and creativity in the textile sector “because it’s what’s attached to your skin, something very important and that’s why I started focusing on the designs we capture on fabrics, the meaning of the symbols we use. And that’s what I’m still dedicated to,” Nike concludes. (Nike Okundaye, founder of the Nike Art Gallery art Centre in Lagos. Photo:Carla Fibla García-Sala)

Carla Fibla García-Sala

 

Vietnam, new-found hope.

In a historic step, the Hanoi government has invited Pope Francis to visit the country. We talk with Mons. Nguyen Anh Tuan, bishop of Ha Tinh “New climate, trusting us more.”

The Catholic community in Vietnam makes up one of the most vibrant Churches in Asia today, with 7 million faithful in a country of over 100 million inhabitants. Almost fifty years after the communist regime conquered Saigon in 1975, opening a new season of persecution for the local Catholic Church, the authorities in Hanoi have officially invited Pope Francis to visit the country with a letter sent by President Vo Van Thuong, who visited the Vatican last July.
On Christmas Eve, Pope Francis officially appointed a permanent representative of the Holy See in Vietnam, Monsignor Marek Zalewski, who is also the apostolic nuncio to Singapore and will now reside in Hanoi. A diplomatic step resulting from patient bilateral negotiations that have continued for years.

Monsignor Louis Nguyen Anh Tuan, bishop of Ha Tinh. Today the government wants Pope Francis to visit the country”. File MM

Last September, precisely to underline the importance of the new climate that had been created, the Pontiff himself wrote a letter to Vietnamese Catholics in which he invited the Catholic faithful to live as “good Christians and good citizens”, testifying to the love of God “without distinction of religion, race or culture”. “We must always move forward…recognizing convergences and respecting differences”, the Pope also wrote. This also entails a responsibility for Vietnamese Catholics who, Francis observed, realize “their own identity as good Christians and good citizens” both by animating their Church and by spreading the Gospel in daily life. A testimony which, thanks to the development of “favourable conditions for the exercise of religious freedom”, can help the Catholic faithful to “promote dialogue and generate hope for the country”.
Monsignor Louis Nguyen Anh Tuan, 63, bishop of Ha Tinh, in the north of the country, comments, “The people were very happy to receive Pope Francis’ letter. It was the first time he addressed the faithful directly and they are now they are waiting for the opportunity to welcome him to Vietnam. We have wanted to invite him for several years. Today the government also wants this visit.”

Ho Chi Minh City. Sunday Mass at Hanh Thong Tay Catholic church. The Catholic Church in Vietnam has almost 7 million baptized people, that is, 9% of the population. Shutterstock /withGod

Speaking about relations between the Holy See and Vietnam, Monsignor Anh Tuan says: “The joint working group between the Vatican and government representatives worked with great patience. The president’s visit to the Vatican last July with the signing of the agreement on the presence of the permanent representative of the Holy See in Hanoi was an important step. We expect it will be of help in our work to expand our pastoral activities, we have seen a change in recent years where we have been given much more freedom.”
During the Coronavirus pandemic, the church was very present and this was recognized by the government. The bishop says: “Saigon was greatly affected and the dedication with which many priests, nuns and lay people assisted the victims was recognized by the government. Trust in us has grown and I think it was an opportunity to testify
to faith through welfare activities.”
Development in a country like Vietnam however remains an open challenge: “The gap between the big cities and the rural areas is very large – explains the bishop of Ha Tinh -. In my diocese I see young people leaving for Saigon, Hanoi, Da Nang, Hai Phong, but also for Korea, Japan, Malaysia or the United States and Europe, where they can earn a living. We educate children in perceiving the faith as something like a spiritual baggage to carry with them wherever they may find themselves in the future. However, our Church is still looking for solutions to their pastoral care, we must work more with the Churches of the destination countries; this is also part of the work of the synodal Church. The Vietnamese Catholics are a dynamic community, wherever they gather, this is confirmed by many. One of the ways we are trying to address the problem is by sending missionaries with them who are not only for the Vietnamese but also at the service of the local Churches where they are introduced. An ad vitam ministry, also made possible by the fact that vocations to the priesthood and consecrated life are still deeply rooted in Vietnam.”

There are 3,047 parishes spread across the country. Shutterstock/godongphoto

This resource is proof of the vitality of the Vietnamese Church. “Last year – says the prelate – in my diocese, we had 105 candidates for the seminary, but we could only take 30. Some bishops send those they cannot accommodate to other countries such as New Zealand or Australia. Vocations are still plentiful, more so in rural areas than in cities. A social reading of this phenomenon can be given: these are the poorest areas and the Catholic families there are much more devout. But I look at the spiritual meaning: it is the place where the Lord calls us to serve the Kingdom of God. After all, as Jesus said in the Gospel: “Blessed are you poor because the Kingdom of God is yours.”
The Catholic Church in Vietnam has almost 7 million baptized people, that is, 9% of the population distributed in 3 archdioceses and 24 dioceses with 41 bishops. There are 11 major seminaries and approximately 7,700 Catholic institutions in the country and 3,047 parishes are spread across the territory with 8,000 priests. Catholicism is the country’s second religion, after Buddhism. (Open Photo: Top view of Vung Tau with the statue of Jesus Christ on the Mountain. Shutterstock/ Dong Nhat Huy)

Giorgio Bernardelli/MM

 

 

 

History. Ancient Urbanisation.

Although colonization contributed to its urban development, Africa had already experienced the flourishing of cities from ancient times. Let us look back at some of these cities through what the continent’s first chroniclers said about them.

The African shore of the Mediterranean is the region in which the most ancient urbanization developed through the work of the Phoenicians, the Carthaginians and the Greeks, to whom Rome subjected and imposed its architectural and decorative canons: Phoenicians: Leptis Magna and Sabratha (Libya); Carthaginians: Kerkuane, Carthage (Tunisia) and Tipasa (Algeria); Greeks: Cyrene, Libya; and others such as Berenice (Benghazi), Adrianapolis (Driana), Tauchira (Toera), Tripoli and Ptolemais (Tolmetta).

The Theatre at the spectacular ruins of Leptis Magna near Al Khums, Libya. 123rf

The cities were located on a maritime trade route between Alexandria and Carthage whose main product was oil. Rome built cities to colonize or defend – the Algerian Djemila and Timgad – and administer – the Tunisian El Djem and the Moroccan Volubilis and the capital of Mauritania Tingitana. From these emerged a series of inland routes connected with the Saharan caravan routes.

The Cities of the Sahel
They were commercial centres that connected the Mediterranean with tropical Africa, such as Ghadamés, a Berber oasis town in the Nalut District of the Tripolitania region in northwestern Libya, of which Abu l-Hasan al-Bakri – a Muslim hagiographer wrote in The Roads and Kingdoms that it was “A beautiful city, well-watered with a palm grove”. Ualata in Mauritania, with a large market of gold, ivory, slaves, aromatic plants, salt, rubber, copper, tapestries and dates, according to Leo Africanus, whose real name was al-Hasan ibn Muhammad al-Wazzan al-Fasi, traveller, geographer and explorer, author of the Description of Africa.Teghazza, in the far north of Mali, supplied salt to the entire region, and there “Business is done for many hundredweights of gold dust”, wrote Abu Abdullah Muhammad ibn Battutah commonly known as Ibn Battuta, a Maghrebi traveller, explorer and scholar in Through Islam, and said of the Takkeda enclave that “The people have no other work than trade. Every year they go to Egypt, from where they bring back all that is good in cloth and other things. They live in abundance
and in well-being”.

The ancient Moroccan town near Tinghir.123rf

Another geographer, Ibn Hwkal, author of Configuration of the World, wrote of Sijilmasa in Morocco: “Large palm groves, beautiful orchards and gardens can still be seen (…) The inhabitants are generous and cheerful; they distinguish themselves from the peoples of the Maghreb by their external appearance and behaviour. One can see in them the taste for science, modesty and a certain elegance of the body, the practice of virtuous qualities, composure and moderation. The palaces have high and solidly built doors”.
Poetic narrations by same author described other cities in Morocco. Speaking of Agmat he said that “There are all kinds of articles and merchandise”; of An-Nafis that “it is very ancient (…) densely populated and prosperous”; he considered Tamrurt “flirtatious and charming”; Kuga, “the richest in gold of all the countries of the gods”; Tadmekka “the one that most resembles Mecca”; and Uargla “an agglomeration of seven fortified villages”.

The Empires of the Sahel
They were the destination of the caravans. Audaghost in Mauritania was the main gold market. “It is a big city… The people live comfortably and own a lot of goods (…) There are beautiful buildings and very elegant houses (…) Their gold is the best and purest in the world.”
The empire of Ghana arose nearby and the capital, Kumbi Saleh, as Al-Bakri recounted, “is made up of two cities (…) One is inhabited by Muslims, the other is the city of the king”.

View of Timbuktu. Drawn by Martin Bernatz (1802–1878) after a sketch by Heinrich Barth (1821-1865). The lithograph was produced and printed by M. & N. Hanhart – Barth, Heinrich (1858)

Niani was the capital of the Malian Empire. Ibn Khaldum described it as “Very widespread, very populous and very commercial (…) a stopping place for caravans coming from the Maghreb, Ifriquiya and Egypt. The goods are shipped from all parts”. It was overshadowed by Gao, the capital of the Songhay empire, “One of the most famous in the country of the blacks”, and “Its inhabitants are rich merchants who constantly circulate in the region (…) An infinite number of blacks arrive there with a large quantity of gold to purchase objects imported from Barbary and Europe”, according to the writings of Al-Idrissi, Battuta and Leone Africanus respectively.
The Florentine Benedetto Dei visited Timbuktu in 1470 and said: “A lot of business is done selling thick fabrics, twills and cloth.” A century later, Leo Africanus indicated a turning point in business: “Many manuscript books are sold that come from Barbary. There is more profit from this sale than from all other commodities.”
At the end of the 16th century, in his work Tarik el-Fettach, Al Hajj Mahmud Kati (or Mahmoud Kati) an African Muslim Songhai scholar, warned that “Timbuktu had no rivals among the cities of the blacks (…) for the solidity of its institutions, political liberties, purity of customs, safety of persons and property, clemency and compassion for the poor and foreigners, and consideration for students and men of science”.

Great Mosque of Djenné. The city re-emerged in the 19th century as a cosmopolitan and prosperous city. Photo: Andrea Caruccio.

D’Jenne in Mali re-emerged in the 19th century as a cosmopolitan and prosperous city, and by the mid-12th century it was, for Al-Sadi, “A great fortunate and blessed city (…) It is one of the great markets for Muslims”. The French explorer René Caillié confirmed this in the early 19th century: “Every day numerous caravans and merchants arrive carrying all sorts of useful supplies.”
It was the capital of the Bambara kingdom of the same name, which emerged after the dissolution of Songhay. Mungo Park, a Scottish explorer, in the eighteenth century, recognized that “The sight of this sprawling city, the numerous canoes on the river, the lively population, and the crops of the surrounding fields, formed a whole picture of civilization of grandeur, such as I did not expect to find in Africa”.
Bambara city-states such as Zaria, Zanfara, Gobir and Sokoto were urban centres with a thriving life. Katsena and Kano stood out. Leo Africanus said of its inhabitants that they were “Skilled artisans and rich merchants”. Heinrich Barth, a German explorer, was there in the 19th century and underlined the production of its kinds of cotton: “I could estimate the total production of this industry at its minimum export at around 300,000 million Kurds (…) With 50-60,000 Kurds, a family can live comfortably with all expenses included.”

The Cities of East Africa
Kush, an ancient kingdom in Nubia, had three capitals – Kerma, Napata and Meroe – which reflected a culture derived from that of Egypt. In Christian Nubia, Soba, Dongola and Faras were capitals of kingdoms.

Nubian temples. Entrance to Great Enclosure, Musawwarat es-Sufra. CC BY-SA 3.0/COSV

Soba, as documented by Al-Maqrīzī a medieval Egyptian historian, had “Very beautiful buildings, large convents, churches, where gold abounds”, while Dongola was, “Very populated”, the inhabitants “are rich and civilized because they trade with Cairo and with all the cities of Egypt.”On the coast, Mogadishu produced “fabrics that are incomparable; they export most of them to Egypt and elsewhere”; Zayla, “A vast city with a large souk”, while in Kilua “Ivory is almost always given away and gold is very rarely given”, wrote Ibn Battuta.

In the Gulf of Guinea
Begho and Bono Manso (in present-day Ghana) were two important gold trading markets where trade between the interior and the coast was frequent. Kumasi was the capital of all the Akan, while the Yoruba organized themselves into city-states. Ifé was the origin of them all and their spiritual and cultural centre. Oyo was the most powerful, and Benin the best known. Already in the 17th century, Dutch geographer Olfert Dapper in his Description of Africa, said that “It is composed of 30 very straight streets (…) as well as an infinity of small transverse streets.
The houses are close to each other and aligned in good order with roofs and balustrades”.

Cities of the Centre-South
The historical capital of the Mbanza Congo kingdom, renamed São Salvador, was connected to the coast by a wide road. Antonio Pigafetta, navigator, geographer and citizen writer of the Republic of Venice, wrote in his Relación del Reino del Congo: “It was Don Alfonso (…) who surrounded it with walls (…) He did the same with his palace and the royal quarters, leaving in the centre of these enclosures a large open space where the main church was built. Outside the walls there are numerous buildings belonging to the lords, without order, so they can live near the court”.
Further south, Luanda was built in 1575, where shells were used for trade. In his Description of Angola, Abreu de Brito recalled that” one day, while I was in the city, a large quantity of gold coins was sent to the Congo for the purchase of slaves; It was rejected by the sellers. They said that their true currency, their gold, were the shells of Luanda, which were the ones with which they got rich”.

Aerial view of Great Zimbabwe’s Great Enclosure (circumference 250 m, maximum height 11 m)[1] and adjacent ruins looking southeast from the Hill Fort. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Janice Bell

In Great Zimbabwe, populated by the Shona ethnic group, stone building began in the 13th century. On the hill overlooking a valley, the most notable buildings arose: the Acropolis and the Great Enclosure, a wall about seven meters high with carved stones with no connecting element. Inside, the rooms were made of wood and mud. It was the residence of the sovereign.Sofala in Mozambique emerged as a major Portuguese trading emporium. Al-Masudi in Meadows of Gold and Mines of Precious Stones, said of it that it “Produces gold in abundance and other wonders”, while Álvarez Cabral, who visited it in 1500, was amazed to see “Houses like those of Spain (…) There are very rich merchants (…) there is a large quantity of gold, silver, amber, musk, pearls (…) People wear clothes of fine fabric and other beautiful things”. (Open Photo: Tuareg men walking in front of the ancient minaret of the grand mosque in Agadez in Niger. Shutterstock/Catay)

José Luis Cortés López

 

 

Yemen. The Houthis and their Own “Brand”.

By opening the Red Sea front, the Houthis have taken the lead of the Palestinian cause and of anti-Americanism in the region. They address now an Islamic audience broader than the axis led by Iran.

Doing so, the Houthis are capitalizing on traditional anti-Israel and anti-US slogans and symbols of the Iranian galaxy but this time they are also upgrading their status within the Tehran camp.

The Houthis are portraying themselves as the main ´achievers` of the Iranian-related constellation, engendering a transnational competition among pro-Tehran actors: they are the newcomers who have quickly made the headlines.

The Houthis’ military capabilities advancement wouldn’t have been possible without the Iranian support. However, their emboldened and still autonomous posture could become problematic for Iran.

The Houthis are good at exploiting contextual factors to effectively construct political discourse and advance their own interests. The 2023 Red Sea front and the US raids in Yemen are only the most recent demonstrations: the Houthis’ actions are gaining popularity in large segments of Yemen and in the whole region.

In 2001-2002, the Houthis condemned President Ali Abdullah Saleh’s security-oriented alliance with the US to fight al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula (AQAP) in the context of the war on terror.

The founder Husayn Al-Houthi exploited government’s choice to amplify criticism of Saleh’s regime, paving the way for the Saada wars fought against the central government (2004-10).

As the popular uprising against the Yemeni government broke out in 2011, the Houthis renamed their movement Ansar Allah to attract supporters beyond the Saada-core.

In mid-2014, the Houthis hijacked popular protests for fuel subsides cut in Sanaa to set up camps and denounce the corruption, while gradually taking the armed control of the city. In 2015, the Houthis exploited the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen which followed their coup to depict themselves as “defenders of the nation against
the “foreign aggression”.

The Houthis are materially and immaterially profiting from the alliance with Iran and its armed network. Since 2015, the Houthis have become closer to Iran and gradually more integrated with the “axis of resistance” than before, due to the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen. They received weapons, military training and advising, intelligence cooperation, and media support from Iran and the Lebanese Hezbollah.

This alignment has also strengthened the Houthis’ regional identity, even though as the most external ´planet` of the Iranian constellation. Since October 7th, the Houthis are publicly emphasizing their belonging to the Iranian-led network: “We are in complete coordination with our brothers of the axis of resistance, stated the leader Abdel Malek Al Houthi. They aim to be perceived as the ´vanguard of the axis` stressing, at the same time, their autonomy.

The Houthis have likely understood that they currently are the pro-Iranian actor that can earn more –and risk less- in the Gaza war context. Differently from Tehran and its groups, they are already at war, don’t share power with others and don’t profit from being part of internationally-recognized institutions and legal economy. Furthermore, the Houthis’ access to the Red Sea and the Bab el-Mandeb waterway allows them to damage the Israeli economy and global trade routes, asymmetrically challenging the US maritime power in the area.

However, this doesn’t mean the Houthis are becoming, or will become, more dependent on Iran and the axis. On the contrary, the Houthis are rather exploiting the narrative and symbols of the axis of resistance to advance their own ´brand`, at both the domestic and regional level.

For instance, a poster of Mahdi Al-Mashat (the Houthi president of the Supreme Political Council in Sanaa) stands in the capital side by side with those of axis leaders (such as former Hamas chief Ahmad Yassin, former al-Quds force chief General Qassem Soleimani and Hezbollah’s leader Hassan Nasrallah). Now the Houthis are displaying photos of Soleimani and former Hashd al-Shaabi leader Abu Mahdi Al Muhandis “to celebrate” their own “enterprises”, as occurred on the Galaxy Leader ship hijacked on November 19, 2023.

Through violent means, the Houthis are emphasizing their ´revolutionary face` to alter the balance of power in Yemen and in the Middle East. The targeting of Israeli-related vessels and, more broadly, of international maritime trade achieves this goal. In this context, the US-UK raids against Houthi military sites allow the Houthis to reinforce their revolutionary message, as they repeat that they are not going to stop their attacks.

The Houthis are currently addressing a broader Islamic audience thanks to the Red Sea low-intensity battlefield, thus transcending confessional sects (Shia, Sunni) and ethnic ones. For instance, a giant poster of Abdel Malek Al Houthi appeared in Istanbul, Turkey, with the Turkish text “we are all Yemenis”.

The Houthis stress the revolutionary character of their armed movement for two reasons. The first is the appeal to the Zaydi Shia tradition, of which the rebellion against an unjust ruler (khuruj) is central feature.

The second is the anti-imperialist discourse the fallen founder Husayn Al Houthi has cultivated since the beginning against the US.
This discourse ideologically paved the way for the alliance with Iran and the axis of resistance.

In his collection of lectures (“Malazim”), Husayn identified the US and Israel as main enemies and frequently mentioned the ayatollah Khomeini as an inspiring leader not because he was an Iranian or a Shia, but because he “resisted” to the Western pressure.

Echoing again the topics of ´revolution` and ´resistance`, he referred to Hezbollah as “head of mujahidin in this world”. Khomeini is instead missing in the current Houthi leader’s speeches: when Abdelmalek mentions Iran, this is mostly related to the “resistance” against Israel, which therefore remains a key issue.

The Houthis’ attacks against Israel and Western maritime targets have generated a global echo which might trigger competition with other pro-Iranian armed groups of the axis. This scenario is especially likely in case the “attack-retaliation scheme” between Iranian-related forces and the US should continue, but without a major escalation. Due to their kinetic maritime actions, the Houthis are in fact portraying themselves as the ´achievers` of the “resistance” against the US and Israel.

This distinguishes the Yemeni armed movement from other Iranian-related actors, many of them with a longer history of ´resistance` alongside the Iran’s Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC), whose frequent attacks haven’t been so effective (ex. more than 170 attacks against US forces by militias in Syria and Iraq), or pursued a ´controlled escalation` path so far (ex. Hezbollah).

The Houthis’ boldness could partly explain recent developments in the axis, pushing some groups to experiment new tactics or heighten the threat level. Since December 2023, the Islamic Resistance in Iraq (a militia label created after October 7th to claim attacks against US targets), has threatened to strike against Israeli linked vessels and ports in the Mediterranean Sea, claiming in late January 2024 a drone attack against the Israeli Ashdod port.

The January 28th attack that killed three US soldiers in Jordan (and wounded more than 40 militaries), was also claimed by the Islamic Resistance in Iraq: it occurred two days later the Houthis had directly targeted for the first time an American destroyer (although the Centcom statement still explains the missile was headed “towards” the USS Carney), also striking a British tanker with an anti-ship ballistic missile.

The Houthi-Iran alliance, which has grown due to the war in Yemen, is built upon similar worldviews, shared strategic interests and, most of all, political convenience. The Houthis still need Iran’s weapons to support long-term fighting in Yemen (and in the Red Sea) and Tehran is well aware that the Yemeni armed movement can provide it with an invaluable door on the Red Sea.

However, the quick rise of the Houthi ´brand` can be a double-edged sword for Iran. The Houthis are now more powerful than ever and their actions are gaining popularity in Yemeni and Middle Eastern audiences. Nevertheless, they conserve autonomy in decision-making.

The Israel-Hamas war marks a turning-point for the Houthis: the fact the Yemeni armed movement is now selling its own ´brand` may, at a certain point, generate divergences with Tehran. As the Houthis continue to disrupt maritime trade despite the US-led naval mission “Prosperity Guardian” and the US-UK raids, Washington could opt for retaliation against the Iranian territory ultimately. This is something both Iran and the US seek to avoid.

Without a ceasefire in Gaza, the Houthis could be tempted to further escalate against US interests in the Red Sea and in the region. Washington –who seems to be still overstating the Iranian leverage on Houthis’ decisions- may retaliate by attacking targets in the Iranian territory at last, as deterrence options get narrow. A scenario that would test the limits of the Houthi-Iran alliance. (Photo:123rf)

Eleonora Ardemagni/ISPI

Ecuador. Alexandra Narvaez & Alex Lucitante. “We are people, who care for the earth”.

Two young leaders from the A’i Cofán community of Sinangoe in Ecuador led a movement to protect their people’s ancestral territory from gold mining.

Their leadership resulted in a historic legal victory in October 2018, when Ecuador’s courts cancelled 52 illegal gold mining concessions, which were illegally granted without the consent of their Cofán community. The community’s legal success protects 79,000 acres of pristine, biodiverse rainforest in the headwaters of Ecuador’s Aguarico River, which is sacred to the Cofán.

The ancestral territory of the Cofán of Sinangoe, located in northern Ecuador around the Cayambe-Coca National Park, covers more than 1,500 square miles of rainforests, wetlands, glacial lagoons, and snowcapped mountains, including the Cayambe volcano. The area is home to 3,000 species of plants, 50 mammal species, 650 bird species, and 100 types of reptiles and amphibians. Additionally, the region is among the most carbon-dense pockets in the Amazon.

The Cofán territory lies inside a biodiverse tropical forest at the headwaters of the Aguarico River, a tributary of the Amazon River. The Cofán are a small nation, numbering just 1,200, and their culture is deeply connected to the land and water. Their way of life depends upon the rivers and forests, with a reliance on subsistence agriculture, hunting, and wild harvesting.

Despite Cofán land titles, the Ecuadorian government has not completely recognized the ancestral lands of the Cofán community, which has protected the territory for thousands of years. The rainforest located within Cofán territory is continuously under threat from illegal logging, small-scale illegal mining, and poaching. Instead of advancing further protection of this biodiversity hotspot, the government has pressed for opening the area up to large-scale gold mining.

Alex Lucitante, 31, and Alexandra Narvaez, 32, are two young Cofán who felt a profound responsibility to protect their ancestral territory and the source of their culture and livelihoods. Alex comes from a family of traditional healers and is a member of the Ceibo Alliance, an Indigenous coalition that unites various groups to protect their territories, rights, and cultures. He hopes to become an attorney to be able to continue to help the Cofán and others defend their territory and way of life.

Alexandra grew up knowing that her role was to defend women and her territory, and to lift the voices of the voiceless. Along with Cofán youths and elders, she formed a forest patrol called La Guardia in 2017 to monitor and halt illegal activities taking place in their territory. Alexandra is also part of an association of women called Shamec’co, of which she’s been the president since 2019. The group seeks to safeguard Cofán territory for the next generations.

In 2017, La Guardia began spotting makeshift mining encampments along the riverbanks in remote parts of their land and within the national park, with loggers, poachers, and illegal gold miners operating actively.

Soon after, in January 2018, during land patrols along the Aguarico River, the Cofán discovered heavy machinery designed to excavate on a large scale. Upon further investigation, they learned that the Ecuadorian government had issued 20 large-scale mining concessions with 32 more concessions pending. The concessions were granted in Cofán territory on the periphery of the national park—without informing or consulting the community.

Upon the discovery of mining operations and concessions, Alex and Alexandra first sought to unify the Cofán and develop a plan to protect their land. The duo supported the community in the development of a strategy to monitor the area affected by the mining. They stepped up patrols by foot and boat to spot and report illegal mining, logging, and fishing in the territory.

They placed camera traps along remote trails to photograph illegal incursions, used GIS tools to map threats to the land, and operated drones over rivers and creeks to document illegal activities from above. The patrols and evidence-gathering led to a meticulous archive of images, footage, and maps that would become critical evidence in the Cofán legal challenge of the mining concessions.

While Alexandra organized the patrols and served as the spokesperson for the community of Sinangoe, Alex spearheaded the legal and media strategies. He coordinated legal trainings, organized downriver communities to join the campaign, formed a media campaign to generate national and international support, and helped bring on more than 60 national and international organizations and 14 local communities into the campaign.

In early 2018, the duo led the Cofán community in the filing of a lawsuit against Ecuador’s government for violating their rights as an Indigenous community and illegally granting mining concessions without free, prior, and informed consent.

In July 2018, Ecuador’s provincial court nullified the 52 mining concessions that the government had granted in violation of the Cofán right to consultation. The Ecuadorian government appealed the ruling and court proceedings continued for three months. The duo organized delegations of Cofán and neighbouring Indigenous groups to demonstrate in front of the courthouse.

Then, in October 2018, the court ruled again in favour of the Cofán. The Court also ruled that the concessions violated the right to a healthy environment and clean water, calling for remediation of the area damaged by previous mining activity. All current mining operations were halted and pending concessions were canceled. The decision closed the door to gold mining in their homeland.

Alex and Alexandra led the Cofán community of Sinangoe to a landmark legal victory that protected the headwaters of the Aguarico River and 79,000 acres of primary rainforest from gold mining. The victory has set a key precedent in Ecuador, where the country’s Constitutional Court is using the case as an example—with a public hearing in the Amazon in November 2021—of how to respect the rights of Indigenous peoples and guarantee free, prior, and informed consent.

In 2022 they received the Goldman Environmental Prize – known as the ‘green Nobel’ – for their efforts. “Now the survival of our people is guaranteed,” says Lucitante.

Narváez believed their victory was something for the whole world to celebrate. “All Indigenous people and nationalities won, so this represents a historic moment for all,” she says. “We all walk on the same land so let’s unite. Because the future that we are fighting for belongs to all of us.”

(The Goldman Environment Report – Photo Goldman Environmental Prize)

 

The Catholic Church. “A laboratory of evangelization in a Buddhist world”.

Under the Pol Pot regime, the Church lost everything: bishops, priests, men and women religious and catechists. Since the 90s it has emerged from the catacombs and is slowly growing in numbers as well as
in social commitment.

Monday, April 14, 1975, was an overcast afternoon. From his window, Father Joseph Chhmar Salas watched as people with their few belongings fled from the ferocity of the Khmer Rouge. He had recently returned from Paris where he was on sabbatical, after having received a letter from Bishop Yves Ramousse asking him to return. Leaving the seminary of the Missions Étrangers in Paris he had no illusions, “I’m going to Cambodia to die there,” he said to his brothers but he obeyed the bishop and immediately returned to the country. Foreign missionaries had left the country. It was necessary to have a bishop in the country who could continue the mission of the Church.
Since the capture of Phnom Penh by the Khmer Rouge was imminent, his episcopal ordination was brought forward. There was already a curfew in force in the city so he was consecrated that same evening and appointed coadjutor bishop of the Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh.

Bishop Joseph Chhmar Salas, coadjutor bishop of the Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh. He died in a forced work camp of the Khmer Rouge. He was the first Cambodian native bishop. File archive

Three days later, on April 17, the Khmer Rouge entered Phnom Penh and evacuated the entire population, including the sick, the elderly and the children. The genocide began which would cause one million seven hundred thousand deaths, including that of the new bishop. All the leaders of the Catholic Church and evangelical pastors were either killed or died of starvation under Pol Pot. All churches, convents and cemeteries were systematically razed to the ground.
Pol Pot’s regime fell in 1979 but the Church was forced to continue to exist underground. Only in 1990 did the first faint glimmers of religious freedom begin to appear and the first outdoor acts of worship were held despite enormous difficulties.
The Church, however, was still under strict surveillance. Each community had to draw up a monthly report and the local authorities sometimes asked for a list of the Christians. In 1993, the new Constitution also granted freedom to non-Buddhist religious denominations. In March 1994 diplomatic relations were established with the Holy See and the Council of Ministers approved the statutes of the Church in 1997.

The Cross of Mons. Salas
However, the Catholic community does not forget the horrors of persecution and the death of so many Christians and every year, on June 17, the small community of Catholics living in Cambodia remembers the Christians who testified to Christ by giving their lives in the years when the Pol Pot and Khmer Rouge oppression raged: Monsignor Joseph Chhmar Salas and 34 priests, lay people and catechists, Cambodian, Vietnamese and French missionaries, for whom the Cambodian Church opened the diocesan phase of the beatification process in 2015.

Monsignor Olivier Schmitthaeusler, MEP, Apostolic Vicar of the capital Phnom Penh. (Photo: Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh)

During the commemoration last year which was held in Taing Kok, in the centre of the country, where Monsignor Salas had celebrated the Eucharist until his death in 1976, Monsignor Olivier Schmitthaeusler, Apostolic Vicar of the capital Phnom Penh recalled: “Every year the Church is called to celebrate this anniversary. Earthly life is a time to give glory to God on Earth and the testimony of the martyrs guides us on the way.” Monsignor Schmitthaeusler noted that the cross given to Monsignor Salas during his pastoral ordination on September 14, 1975, three days before the start of the genocidal regime of the Khmer Rouge, has been preserved and handed down over time.
After his death, his mother kept it and later entrusted it to Monsignor Emile Destombes, Apostolic Vicar of the capital from 1997 to 2010, who in turn handed it to him.

A Church that touches the heart
Cambodia has just over 17 million inhabitants and around 95% of the population is Buddhist. Monsignor Olivier Michel Marie Schmitthaeusler explained: “The small Church of Cambodia is in some way a laboratory of evangelization in a Buddhist world that has fully adhered to the process of secularization brought about by globalization, a bit like the Asian dragons.” He indicated how the Church should be, to reach out with the new evangelization: “A Church that touches the heart, a simple Church, a hospitable Church, a praying Church, a joyful Church.”

The Catholic Church in Cambodia has 14 native priests and around 150 foreign missionaries. (Photo: Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh)

Monsignor Schmitthaeusler indicated how to “Build our Church, a sign of the Kingdom of God”, in ten points: “Spiritual life: we are born of God and sent into the world; communion among us; inclusion for all: everyone is welcome; forgiveness: a sine qua non condition for moving forward; a heart that listens and loves in action and in truth: charity in action; true and direct dialogue at all levels: religious, institutional, social; concrete presence in society; the integral formation of just and virtuous men and women; the heart of a father and mother: the Church is a family… a giant tree with a huge heart; be creative: the Gospel is new every morning”. “Yesterday, today, tomorrow: the Church is 2000 years old and it has roots that nourish ours today and prepare the future – recalled Mgr. Schmitthaeusler -. No one is indispensable, we are mere worthless servants who offer more love and life and who can withdraw discreetly knowing that others continue this service of announcement and peace; the Church was, the Church is, the Church will be”.

Sunday Mass. “To listen to the Word of God”. Photo: Photo: Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh)

Looking forward to the Jubilee Year of 2025, Mgr. Schmitthaeusler invited the Cambodian Catholic community to listen to the Word of God: “To prepare for the Year of Jubilee, 2025, which will be a year of mercy and grace from the Lord, let us take time to pray. Prayer is the foundation of all things, the foundation of conversion, the foundation of our vocation through listening to the Word of God, the foundation of every activity of the Christian community.”
Currently, the Catholic Church in Cambodia has 14 native priests and around 150 foreign missionaries who provide pastoral service in more than a hundred parishes throughout the country.
There are three ecclesiastical districts: the Vicariate of Phnom Penh and the Apostolic Prefectures of Battambang and Kompong Cham, and overall, there are around 20,000 Catholics. (Open Photo: Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh)

François-Xavier Demont/MEP

 

 

 

 

 

 

Israel/Palestine. The Doors of the Desert.

“It is very important to be present and accompany them,
especially in this painful and difficult moment,”
says Comboni Sister Expedita Perez.

Our community of Al Azarieh is very close to Jerusalem, in a place called Bethany in the time of Jesus. From here we usually go out on Saturdays to visit some of the Bedouin communities in the West Bank, but we have not done so since 7 October because of the insecurity around us.
Early one Saturday, we decided it was time to resume our visits and set off. The women and children were overjoyed to see us. Some of them told us that the children waited for us every Saturday and that when they saw the evening coming, they said sadly: “The sisters won’t come today either”. During these visits we work with the women, embroidering typical Palestinian scarves and giving them English lessons. We also play with the children, although, to be honest, I think what they like best are the gifts they get if they manage to win in one of the activities we do with them. Anyway, we had a lot of fun with both the women and the children that day. The women told us that they had not left their village since the conflict started because they were afraid of the settlers.

A Comboni sister with a group of women. File swm

To get to one of the four villages we visited that first day, we had to take a detour through the desert because the settlers had closed two of the nearest gates. Some of the women also confessed that they had barely slept in the first few weeks for fear of being attacked. The children had been out of school for over a month. The first day the classrooms reopened, it took about three hours to get in and another three hours to get out of Jericho.
This is the UN school for the Bedouins living in the refugee camp and those living in the nearby desert. That day, of course, they didn’t make it to class on time. Thankfully, the school’s headmistress made a deal with the Israeli soldiers who control the entrance to Jericho and let the school bus through immediately.
A lady told me that one of the kindergarten children asks her mother the same question every day: “Is there war today or is there kindergarten?” If her mother tells her that she is going to kindergarten, she immediately wakes up very happy, but if the answer is no, she remains in bed sad and silent because she feels she is in danger. That is how children are. In the four villages we visited that Saturday, the women told us of the difficult time they are now going through. They live in fear and, on top of that, their husbands are at home without work because they cannot enter Israel or the settlements where they worked in the Judean desert.

Sister Expedita and two young ladies with some kids. File swm

The food, already very simple, has become even more sober. When we said goodbye, almost all the women asked us if we would be back next week. They told us that our presence is very important for them because we offer them the opportunity to experience a different, relaxed, and joyful day, beyond the fact that they can learn English and the technique of embroidery. Also, for us Comboni missionaries it is very important to be with them and walk with them, especially in this painful and difficult moment. We told them we would be back.
Furthermore, we accompany our response with words of encouragement, because we have lit up in our hearts, each of us from our own faith, be it Muslim, Jewish or Christian, the hope of being able to live as brothers and sisters, in peace and justice.

 

Mexico/Usa. “Yes, we can”: the school bus for migrant children.

On the border between Mexico and the United States, a bus converted into a classroom offers education to asylum-seeking children who are unable to go to school. This is an initiative of the ‘Yes, We Can World Foundation’.

On the Mexico-USA border, the non-profit organization Yes, We Can World Foundation – founded in 2019 starting from the profound belief that every child has the right to education, regardless of where they are, their legal status and/or their economic context – brings education to migrant children with a bus converted into a classroom.
The idea of the two founders, Estefanía Rebellón and Kyle Thomas Schmidt, emerged when in 2018 – with the increase in migrant caravans on the border – they decided to travel from Los Angeles towards Tijuana together with some friends to bring supplies, clothes and kits for hygiene to the thousands of people seeking refuge in the United States.
Once they saw what was happening and realized that there was no space dedicated to children, they decided they had to return.

The request for asylum is a long process that takes time: weeks, months, or even years. During that time, children do not have the opportunity to receive an education. 123rf

The request for asylum is a long process that takes time: weeks, months, or even years can pass before it is granted. During that time, children – who have to face the traumas of violence, kidnappings, rapes and threats – do not have the opportunity to receive an education. Many have been travelling for months or years, and find it difficult to attend school because they are often in transit. Security, economic instability, poverty, and lack of means of transport are other factors.
“People don’t realize that it’s a very long process for families.  It’s not as if you arrive at the border, ask for asylum and your life is a rainbow from then on. It takes decades, a lot of work and a lot of pain.” Estefanía said.
She dreamed of becoming a Hollywood actress and had moved to Los Angeles to continue her already established career, but she felt the weight of the migration crisis on her shoulders because she too had been a migrant child. Originally from Cali, Colombia, she was forced at the age of ten to flee with her family after her father received death threats from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Estefanía’s parents were both lawyers and her father was also a university professor; once political asylum was granted in Miami, her mother took on various jobs, including as a carer and her father was employed by Walmart, the large American retail chain.
After five years they obtained permanent residency – the so-called green card – and after ten years, US citizenship.

Estefanía Rebellón is the co-founder and Executive Director of Yes, We Can World Foundation.

So, Estefanía and Kyle – after taking a thousand dollars from their savings and looking online for volunteer teachers – returned with tents and materials needed to set up a makeshift school on the border, effectively creating it overnight and managing to gather first a few children and then about fifty into the camps. “I thought: why don’t we transform a bus into a mobile classroom and take it to all the shelters? We searched on Google and YouTube on how to transform a bus into a mobile classroom” said Estefania. After three months of work including sharing on social media, the 54 seats have left room for two long desks and many small chairs. The bus has also been equipped with school supplies and technological tools.
Today three school buses can travel long distances to reach those who need them, helping to provide quality education at no cost, and eliminating the obstacles that children and families face when they cannot access schools, due to distance or transportation costs. ‘Yes, We Can’ also has four schools along the border and provides bilingual education in English and Spanish that includes subjects such as math, English and visual arts.
Furthermore, two ad hoc courses on the migration process and emotional intelligence support children and allow them to process and express what they are experiencing, helping to deal with the shock of the trauma they have suffered.
“Every time I have the opportunity, I share my immigrant story with the children. I want the kids who go through our programs to understand that being a migrant is not something they should be ashamed of,” says Estefanía.The ‘Yes, We Can’ program – which to date boasts 2 million hours of lessons given to more than a thousand children – has been accredited by the Secretariat for Education in Mexico and is aimed at children aged 3 to 15 from various countries with a high rate of migration, such as Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador, Haiti, Venezuela and others.

The programs available range from pre-school to middle school. Photo: Yes we can world foundation

The programs available range from pre-school to middle school; the school is open every day from 09:00 to 15:00, there are no summer or winter holidays and, even when the Covid-19 health emergency was added to the migration one, the doors always remained open. Children are immediately enrolled in one of the programs when they arrive at one of the partner shelters and are equipped with a new backpack full of school supplies, two uniforms and a new pair of shoes; all at no cost to the families and thanks to the support of donors.
“Things happen and now we just have to forget the past, be braver, smarter and never give up” says a young student. “I would like to be like Estefanía, I want to help children and build something beautiful like she did.” (Open Photo: 123rf)

Sara Toffano/MM

 

 

South Africa. The most crucial election since the end of apartheid.

Thirty years after Nelson Mandela’s election, South Africa will hold the most crucial ballot in a context where the ruling ANC might lose its absolute majority. Several scenarios of coalition.

Almost all opinion polls since last October predict that the forthcoming election scheduled for the next 29 May will mean the end of the ruling African National Congress’s absolute majority for the first time since 1994 and force it to form a coalition.
Support for the ANC is indeed expected to drop somewhere between 39% and 48%, from 57% in 2019. According to a Social Research Foundation poll, the support for the main opposition party, the White-led centre-right Democratic Alliance (DA) increased from 24% in March 2023 to 31% last October.

DA supporters march to the Union Buildings for the DA National Manifesto Launch. Photo:DA

The challenge posed by the DA led by John Steenhuisen, is strengthened by the coalition it has formed with 10 other parties: the Multi-Party Charter (MPC) which may get up to 38 percent of the vote, according to the most optimistic forecasts. This coalition includes the DA, the United Independent Movement, the Freedom Front Plus, the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the African Christian Democratic Party, ActionSA, the Spectrum National Party and the Independent South African National Civil Organisation.

Julius Malema leader of Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party. He can get between 12% and 16% of the vote. Instagram

According to various polls, the radical leftist Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party founded in 2013 by former ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema, would get between 12% and 16% of the vote and remain the third largest party by “stealing the ANC’s mantle”, as says political scientist Ongama Mtimka of Nelson Mandela University.
In Kwazulu-Natal, part of the ANC vote has gone to another dissident force: the newly formed uMkhonto WeSizwe (MK) party, named after the former armed wing of the ANC, the Spear of the Nation and supported by former President Jacob Zuma. The MK party which snatched votes from the ANC in this province at the 2021 by-elections, poses “a direct challenge to Ramaphosa’s leadership”. In endorsing the party, Zuma indeed not only challenges the ANC politically but also claims its heritage. The MK party also formed in January 2024 a coalition with the African Congress for Transformation, created by former ANC Secretary General Ace Magashule, following his expulsion from the party for misconduct. The Social Research Foundation survey also found that five of SA’s nine provinces (Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, Free State, Western Cape and the Northern Cape) could be run by coalition governments after the elections.

Declining popularity
The collapse of the confidence in the ANC is the combination of various factors. One is unemployment which the DA plans to fight with the creation of two million jobs. Daily power cuts which affect badly households and businesses, the cost of living, crime and poverty are the other issues in a climate of growing xenophobia exploited by one member of the Multi Party Charter coalition, Action SA which promotes strict immigration policies.
According to the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, the ANC’s declining popularity is attributed to perceptions of growing corruption within the party. South Africa ranks 72nd out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s corruption perception index. TI also reminds a series of corruption scandals involving the former and incumbent presidents. Former President Zumla was jailed in 2021 for contempt of court after refusing to testify about corruption under his presidency

View of Soweto. South Africa is one of the most unequal countries in the world. File archive

A report completed by Chief Justice Raymond Zondo in 2022 revealed that one hundred ANC party members including the first deputy secretary-general, Nomvula Mokonyane were involved in corruption. The ANC has been increasingly vulnerable to state capture (control over government decision-making by the private sector or external actors), namely through the influence of the Gupta brothers’ network of private interests within the Zuma administration.
The ANC which has been ruling South Africa for 30 years is also held responsible for the growing inequality in a country where whites still own 72 percent of the land and is considered by the World Bank as the “most unequal” in the world.  The poverty and the magnitude of youth unemployment which hits over 60 percent of 15- to 24-year-olds and 32 % of the population has largely contributed to the growing popularity of the Economic Freedom Fighters who call for state-provided housing, nationalisation of mines and land redistribution.

High levels of crime
Sandy Africa, associate professor of politics at the University of Pretoria speaks of a “mood of despair” over high levels of crime and violence and “widespread frustration” over crumbling infrastructure and poor service delivery. The murder rate of 45 per 100,000 is the fifth highest in the world, after those of Venezuela, Papua New Guinea, Afghanistan and Haiti. Political violence is endemic. Twenty councillors were killed in KZN in 2023. The police say most of the dead are victims of political battles, often linked to factional infighting within the ANC.

Police HQ, Johannesburg. Istock/pilesasmiles

Assuming that the ANC will not achieve an absolute majority, there are several scenarios of coalition. Some predict that if the ANC does win slightly less than half the vote, potential partners may include the GOOD party, whose leader Patricia de Lille serves currently as tourism minister in the government, or other small parties like the Patriotic Alliance and Al Jama-ah.Should the gap be wider, then the ANC may have to choose between the centre-right Multi-Party Charter coalition or the EFF to obtain the majority it needs to rule the country.
The ANC is divided between those who prefer the MPC as a partner and those who prefer the EFF.
The EFF has a difficult relationship with President Cyril Ramaphosa but has co-ruled with the ANC in several municipalities. Dr Seelan Naidoo, principal associate at Public Ethos Consulting considers that in the scenario of the lowest performance by the ANC and the highest performance by a DA-led coalition and by the EFF, the only way to form a national government would be through an ANC-EFF coalition. In such event, however, there could be a continuous policy tussle between the ANC and EFF and over executive positions immediately after the election. But such scenario could be unstable politically.

The president of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa. Differences between the foreign policies of the three main parties. Photo: Foreign Office UK

Some analysts also suspect that to keep the MPC out of power after the elections, the ANC would go as far as forming a coalition with the MK Party as an alternative or jointly with the EFF. The scenario of an ANC-MPC coalition though more comfortable arithmetically looks less likely because of the gaps between both in terms of policy. 
At any rate, the South African election is likely to draw a lot of attention globally, owing to the differences between the foreign policies of the three main parties. In both scenarios of an ANC-MPC or an ANC-EFF coalition, the deployment of 2,900 South African National Defence Force (SANDF) troops in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, will be at stake. This deployment is “reckless, irrational and must be reversed immediately” declared the DA Shadow Minister of Defence, Kobus Marais on the last 13 February. Accordingly, President Ramaphosa ignored warnings from military experts against this deployment and authorized it without timeously informing Parliament of his intentions as required by the Constitution.

Foreign Policy
Ukraine is another bone of contention between the ANC and the DA. The Democratic Alliance shadow minister of International Relations, Darren Bergman claims that the ANC has tarnished South Africa’s international image by failing to condemn the Russian invasion. South Africa’s involvement in the BRICS is also criticized by the DA, which favours the alliance with the West rather than with the non-aligned BRICS.
Last August, the DA noted the admission of Iran and Saudi Arabia into the BRICS with concern. It argued that it was unclear what common vision South Africa could share with nations that fundamentally oppose democratic values and do not respect human rights, press freedom and gender equality. The DA also deplored that Iran continues to provide military aid to Russia which raises questions about the motives behind its admission to BRICS, suggesting a strong influence of Russian interests. By acquiescing to Russia’s interests, the ANC government risks sullying South Africa’s reputation on the world’s stage, accordingly,

The Gaza Strip. Photo Who

A fourth bone of contention in the event of a ANC-MPC coalition is the Palestinian issue. The ANC but also the EFF and the MK-Party are staunch supporters of the Palestinian cause. The ANC has the support of the Muslim community but also of large portions of the rest of the population which consider that Israel’s policies remind of the apartheid regime, for its decision to file a case at the International Court of Justice accusing Israel of genocide and condemn its illegal occupation of Palestinian territories.
By contrast, the DA expressed steadfast support for Israel. Its shadow minister for international relations Emma Powell condemned “Hamas’ unprovoked attack on Israeli territory”. Although the DA voiced a more centrist rhetoric since then, expressing solidarity with both Palestinians and Israelis who seek a two-state solution, unlike the ANC it has refused so far to speak of a genocide in Gaza. But it is on the domestic front that the choice of the coalition partner will matter the most. The gap between the DA’s liberal policies and the EFF’s Marxist economic program of nationalization of mines, for instance, is simply enormous. (Open Photo: 123rf)

François Misser

 

Haiti. A Better Future Through Education.

Sister Paësie Phillipe had been a missionary in Haiti for twenty five years when she founded the Kizito Family in 2017, a community that cares for, protects and educates vulnerable children living on the streets of the violent and dangerous slums of the country’s capital, Port-au-Prince.

Sister Paësie Phillipe who is originally from Nancy, France felt called to consecrated life at the age of 15. At 18, she joined the Missionaries of Charity, the congregation founded by Mother Teresa. After her formative years, she was sent on missions to Grenada, the southeastern Caribbean Sea, the United States, and Iceland. She arrived in Haiti in 1999, where the nuns cared for the sick, especially children, affected by tuberculosis, AIDS, typhoid, malaria, cholera and pneumonia.
Many children were orphans or had been left at the care centre by their parents, who never returned to pick them up.
Sister Paësie, despite loving this apostolate, realized that the children living in slums did not have access to education and that this keeps them in the condition of poverty and marginality. Public schools are free, but to attend them you need to purchase uniforms, books and other school supplies. To study in private schools, you have to pay fees which, although low, are impossible for needy families to pay.

The Kizito Family serves 2,500 severely disadvantaged children in Cite Soleil, Haiti. iStock/ 1001nights

Adolescents and young people, living in the slums and who do not go to school quickly join gangs where they are exposed to violence, corruption and all kinds of degradation and many begin to beg or steal.
The Missionaries of Charity who are overwhelmed with caring for the sick, have no time to dedicate to the education of these children. “Every day, needy children come to us. We are overloaded with medical work, which takes precedence over education”, Sister Paësie recalls.
The young Sister felt a growing call to dedicate herself exclusively to the education of children and young people so, after having discussed the matter with her congregation and with the local bishop it was agreed that she leave her community while maintaining her four vows. Mother Teresa’s Sisters, in addition to the traditional vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, take a fourth vow of service to the poorest.

Sr. Paësie with some of the children in Cite Soleil, Haiti.  The Kizito Family

On April 25, 2017, Sister Paësie left the house of the Missionaries of Charity in Delmas to dedicate herself to the new mission. She moved to Cité Soleil, the largest slum in Port-au-Prince, an area where violence, poverty and indifference coexist.
In the slums, homes are a jumble of houses and people survive from day to day by selling a bar of soap, laundry detergent or a handful of rice.  Access to drinking water is difficult and expensive and families do not have sanitation facilities. When it rains, everything is flooded and when the sun shines, the heat is unbearable. Soon, some young women arrived who wanted to support Sister Paësie’s evangelizing work.
Sister Paësie’s founded the Kizito Family in 2017, a small community of consecrated women officially recognized in 2023 as an association of the faithful by the Archdiocese of Port-au-Prince. The name chosen for the community refers to Saint Kizito, the youngest of the group of 22 Ugandan martyrs canonized by Paul VI in 1964. The Sisters wear a grey-blue habit made of karabela, a traditional fabric used by the peasants and workers of the region.

Giving children a chance
The goal of the Kizito Family is to offer children living on the streets an opportunity to develop through education, care, nourishment and protection from all forms of violence.
In just a few years, the Kizito family created various types of structures in the heart of the slums of Cité Soleil, Petite-Goâve or Village de Dieu, which serve more than 2,500 disadvantaged children: they have seven family homes with 140 children of school age and whose family ties are traced; eight schools attended by 1100 pupils, with canteens to provide them with nutritious food; three centres for extracurricular activities (dance, football, sewing, embroidery, drawing, schooling support) and in which 700 minors are involved.

There are eight schools attended by 1100 pupils. The Kizito Family

There are also six catechetical centres with the participation of 700 children and young people because the spiritual poverty also needs to be overcome with adequate Christian formation. “Very poor children do not have access to the sacraments. They don’t go to church because they don’t have the necessary clothes and, on the other hand, the parishes usually ask them to make offerings, which is also an obstacle”, comments one of the leaders, Sister Helena Sánchez.

The challenge of violence
However, educators do face challenges and difficulties. “When they were on the streets, some of our young people were involved in gangs and many were victims of sexual abuse, some have continued with bad habits but they have chosen to leave the streets, the transition isn’t easy and it’s a process which takes place gradually”.
But the biggest challenge they face is the intense and indiscriminate violence that is spreading in the neighbourhoods of Port-au-Prince, both because a gang controls the territory and because of clashes between different armed groups. There are currently more than 300 armed groups that control 80% of the capital.

According to United Nations data, violence has displaced more than 300,000 inhabitants in Haiti’s capital. The Kizito Family

According to United Nations data, violence has displaced more than 300,000 inhabitants in Haiti’s capital. Thousands of people live in precarious conditions and are forced to flee from one neighbourhood to another, leaving behind what little they have. Sr. Paësie says that almost every week  “new neighbourhoods are invaded” and therefore on every occasion “thousands of people have to flee and often cannot return to their homes.” Because when a neighbourhood is invaded by a new gang, the people there no longer feel safe. Many people have died trying to return home. Most of the time, people turn to a member of their own family who initially takes them in but this only lasts a few days before the situation becomes unsustainable.
Families already live in small houses, often with ten people in one room and when a new family arrives, it is really difficult. Furthermore, most of the time people arrive empty-handed because they have lost everything and depend on the family that welcomes them. “Today – says the Sister – we see people sleeping on the streets with their children, something that didn’t exist before in Port-au-Prince”. The actions of the armed groups, which had existed for years in the slums, have spread to other areas of the city. “The gangs have become more and more powerful and are not only found in the poor neighbourhoods but in practically all the neighbourhoods of the capital and also in several cities in the interior. The poorest people live day to day, depending on markets where they can find a little food and menial jobs but when the situation worsens, when there is violence in the streets with shootings and barricades, the markets cannot function. This significantly increases poverty and hunger”, the missionary says.

Sisters Fanette, Paësie and Bergeline are members of the Kizito Family, a small community of consecrated women. The Kizito Family

Despite living in this dramatic social context of growing violence, with disastrous consequences for Haitians, Sister Paësie does not lose hope. In these dramatic moments, she strongly believes in the presence of God. “He is there for them. He may be present through me or in some other way. But he never abandons his children,” she says.
On February 3, around 1 pm, Sr. Paësie answered the phone. On the other end of the line was Pope Francis. The nun admits that she was moved. She listened to the Holy Father, who wanted to know about the situation on the island, thank her and encourage her to continue her mission. She confesses that what surprised her most was the pope’s voice: “I felt great sweetness and goodness.”
She concluded: “The Pope’s message was not just for me, it was truly a gesture towards the children and the poorest of Haiti”. (Open Photo:The Kizito Family)

Bernardino Frutuoso

 

Opening up to the world.

The onset of industrialization brought about the brutal decomposition of rural Cambodian families since poverty and indebtedness led to the emigration of an unskilled workforce from the countryside especially to the capital, Phnom Penh.

The first clothing factories started up here and were followed by many others. They are run by Chinese, South Korean, Bangladeshi and Singaporean businessmen attracted by the country’s low labour costs, which compensate for the same unskilled workers. The establishment of these factories have had a significant impact on the country’s economy but the social impact is negative, due to lack of employee training. Another area which has experienced considerable growth of unskilled labour, is the construction sector.
The notable development of tourism at the Angkor site offers employment opportunities to a large number of hotel and restaurant staff. However, although most of these employees have gone to school they can barely read and write.

Many young people are unemployed and unskilled. CC BY-SA 2.0/ mark Sebastian

Most of them are young, some of them started working as minors to help their parents in the villages because families are, more often than not, heavily in debt. This situation is unprecedented in Cambodia because, culturally, parents take care of their children until marriage. However, in the last decade, children, especially girls, have gone to work outside the family circle thus becoming the primary breadwinners of their families and parents.They become independent and make choices which the family group cannot control, something unheard of in the Cambodian tradition. Another new and disturbing phenomenon is emigration.The government has not really taken stock of these situations and their consequences for the economic development of the country in the medium and long term.
The global Covid epidemic caused a brutal and forced contraction of the Cambodian economy. Vaccination campaigns and attempts to revive the global economy have not led to a return to the growth the government had hoped for. Unemployment rates are high as are the number of unskilled workers. Cambodians’ desire  to be part of the global community is stronger than ever, after the disaster created by the The Khmer Rouge’s Cultural Revolution, which almost annihilated the country, but  it did not take away the people’s will to live. Torn between tradition and modernity, between nationalism and openness to a world without economic and cultural borders, Cambodians still want to get an education, be consumers and enjoy life.

Hun Manet, Cambodian PM since 2023. Photo: Office of Prime Minister

Another big challenge for the government is the enormous interest people show for social media, yet more proof of the desire to be part of a modern world. Through political action and management of the economy, the government must allow everyone to live with dignity according to their needs and aspirations, accepting a plurality of opinions.
Elections last July were overwhelmingly won by Hun Manet who became new prime minister, taking over from his father Hun Sen who had governed since the end of the war, for forty years. In the Land of Smiles, however, Hun Sen’s shadow still hovers noticeably in the background, opposition (such as the Party of Glowing Candles) is systematically dissolved. China, for its part, is increasingly omnipresent in all respects, which will certainly pose problems in the future (debt, sovereignty, etc.), but this allows Cambodia to enjoy a degree of independence from European and American demands regarding human rights.
Everything is interconnected! The country is getting richer, and now has a real middle class, but there are many people left behind by economic growth. (Open Photo: Phnom Penh city.123rf)
 (F-X. D.)

 

 

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