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The Catholic Church. “A laboratory of evangelization in a Buddhist world”.

Under the Pol Pot regime, the Church lost everything: bishops, priests, men and women religious and catechists. Since the 90s it has emerged from the catacombs and is slowly growing in numbers as well as
in social commitment.

Monday, April 14, 1975, was an overcast afternoon. From his window, Father Joseph Chhmar Salas watched as people with their few belongings fled from the ferocity of the Khmer Rouge. He had recently returned from Paris where he was on sabbatical, after having received a letter from Bishop Yves Ramousse asking him to return. Leaving the seminary of the Missions Étrangers in Paris he had no illusions, “I’m going to Cambodia to die there,” he said to his brothers but he obeyed the bishop and immediately returned to the country. Foreign missionaries had left the country. It was necessary to have a bishop in the country who could continue the mission of the Church.
Since the capture of Phnom Penh by the Khmer Rouge was imminent, his episcopal ordination was brought forward. There was already a curfew in force in the city so he was consecrated that same evening and appointed coadjutor bishop of the Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh.

Bishop Joseph Chhmar Salas, coadjutor bishop of the Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh. He died in a forced work camp of the Khmer Rouge. He was the first Cambodian native bishop. File archive

Three days later, on April 17, the Khmer Rouge entered Phnom Penh and evacuated the entire population, including the sick, the elderly and the children. The genocide began which would cause one million seven hundred thousand deaths, including that of the new bishop. All the leaders of the Catholic Church and evangelical pastors were either killed or died of starvation under Pol Pot. All churches, convents and cemeteries were systematically razed to the ground.
Pol Pot’s regime fell in 1979 but the Church was forced to continue to exist underground. Only in 1990 did the first faint glimmers of religious freedom begin to appear and the first outdoor acts of worship were held despite enormous difficulties.
The Church, however, was still under strict surveillance. Each community had to draw up a monthly report and the local authorities sometimes asked for a list of the Christians. In 1993, the new Constitution also granted freedom to non-Buddhist religious denominations. In March 1994 diplomatic relations were established with the Holy See and the Council of Ministers approved the statutes of the Church in 1997.

The Cross of Mons. Salas
However, the Catholic community does not forget the horrors of persecution and the death of so many Christians and every year, on June 17, the small community of Catholics living in Cambodia remembers the Christians who testified to Christ by giving their lives in the years when the Pol Pot and Khmer Rouge oppression raged: Monsignor Joseph Chhmar Salas and 34 priests, lay people and catechists, Cambodian, Vietnamese and French missionaries, for whom the Cambodian Church opened the diocesan phase of the beatification process in 2015.

Monsignor Olivier Schmitthaeusler, MEP, Apostolic Vicar of the capital Phnom Penh. (Photo: Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh)

During the commemoration last year which was held in Taing Kok, in the centre of the country, where Monsignor Salas had celebrated the Eucharist until his death in 1976, Monsignor Olivier Schmitthaeusler, Apostolic Vicar of the capital Phnom Penh recalled: “Every year the Church is called to celebrate this anniversary. Earthly life is a time to give glory to God on Earth and the testimony of the martyrs guides us on the way.” Monsignor Schmitthaeusler noted that the cross given to Monsignor Salas during his pastoral ordination on September 14, 1975, three days before the start of the genocidal regime of the Khmer Rouge, has been preserved and handed down over time.
After his death, his mother kept it and later entrusted it to Monsignor Emile Destombes, Apostolic Vicar of the capital from 1997 to 2010, who in turn handed it to him.

A Church that touches the heart
Cambodia has just over 17 million inhabitants and around 95% of the population is Buddhist. Monsignor Olivier Michel Marie Schmitthaeusler explained: “The small Church of Cambodia is in some way a laboratory of evangelization in a Buddhist world that has fully adhered to the process of secularization brought about by globalization, a bit like the Asian dragons.” He indicated how the Church should be, to reach out with the new evangelization: “A Church that touches the heart, a simple Church, a hospitable Church, a praying Church, a joyful Church.”

The Catholic Church in Cambodia has 14 native priests and around 150 foreign missionaries. (Photo: Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh)

Monsignor Schmitthaeusler indicated how to “Build our Church, a sign of the Kingdom of God”, in ten points: “Spiritual life: we are born of God and sent into the world; communion among us; inclusion for all: everyone is welcome; forgiveness: a sine qua non condition for moving forward; a heart that listens and loves in action and in truth: charity in action; true and direct dialogue at all levels: religious, institutional, social; concrete presence in society; the integral formation of just and virtuous men and women; the heart of a father and mother: the Church is a family… a giant tree with a huge heart; be creative: the Gospel is new every morning”. “Yesterday, today, tomorrow: the Church is 2000 years old and it has roots that nourish ours today and prepare the future – recalled Mgr. Schmitthaeusler -. No one is indispensable, we are mere worthless servants who offer more love and life and who can withdraw discreetly knowing that others continue this service of announcement and peace; the Church was, the Church is, the Church will be”.

Sunday Mass. “To listen to the Word of God”. Photo: Photo: Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh)

Looking forward to the Jubilee Year of 2025, Mgr. Schmitthaeusler invited the Cambodian Catholic community to listen to the Word of God: “To prepare for the Year of Jubilee, 2025, which will be a year of mercy and grace from the Lord, let us take time to pray. Prayer is the foundation of all things, the foundation of conversion, the foundation of our vocation through listening to the Word of God, the foundation of every activity of the Christian community.”
Currently, the Catholic Church in Cambodia has 14 native priests and around 150 foreign missionaries who provide pastoral service in more than a hundred parishes throughout the country.
There are three ecclesiastical districts: the Vicariate of Phnom Penh and the Apostolic Prefectures of Battambang and Kompong Cham, and overall, there are around 20,000 Catholics. (Open Photo: Apostolic Vicariate of Phnom Penh)

François-Xavier Demont/MEP

 

 

 

 

 

 

Israel/Palestine. The Doors of the Desert.

“It is very important to be present and accompany them,
especially in this painful and difficult moment,”
says Comboni Sister Expedita Perez.

Our community of Al Azarieh is very close to Jerusalem, in a place called Bethany in the time of Jesus. From here we usually go out on Saturdays to visit some of the Bedouin communities in the West Bank, but we have not done so since 7 October because of the insecurity around us.
Early one Saturday, we decided it was time to resume our visits and set off. The women and children were overjoyed to see us. Some of them told us that the children waited for us every Saturday and that when they saw the evening coming, they said sadly: “The sisters won’t come today either”. During these visits we work with the women, embroidering typical Palestinian scarves and giving them English lessons. We also play with the children, although, to be honest, I think what they like best are the gifts they get if they manage to win in one of the activities we do with them. Anyway, we had a lot of fun with both the women and the children that day. The women told us that they had not left their village since the conflict started because they were afraid of the settlers.

A Comboni sister with a group of women. File swm

To get to one of the four villages we visited that first day, we had to take a detour through the desert because the settlers had closed two of the nearest gates. Some of the women also confessed that they had barely slept in the first few weeks for fear of being attacked. The children had been out of school for over a month. The first day the classrooms reopened, it took about three hours to get in and another three hours to get out of Jericho.
This is the UN school for the Bedouins living in the refugee camp and those living in the nearby desert. That day, of course, they didn’t make it to class on time. Thankfully, the school’s headmistress made a deal with the Israeli soldiers who control the entrance to Jericho and let the school bus through immediately.
A lady told me that one of the kindergarten children asks her mother the same question every day: “Is there war today or is there kindergarten?” If her mother tells her that she is going to kindergarten, she immediately wakes up very happy, but if the answer is no, she remains in bed sad and silent because she feels she is in danger. That is how children are. In the four villages we visited that Saturday, the women told us of the difficult time they are now going through. They live in fear and, on top of that, their husbands are at home without work because they cannot enter Israel or the settlements where they worked in the Judean desert.

Sister Expedita and two young ladies with some kids. File swm

The food, already very simple, has become even more sober. When we said goodbye, almost all the women asked us if we would be back next week. They told us that our presence is very important for them because we offer them the opportunity to experience a different, relaxed, and joyful day, beyond the fact that they can learn English and the technique of embroidery. Also, for us Comboni missionaries it is very important to be with them and walk with them, especially in this painful and difficult moment. We told them we would be back.
Furthermore, we accompany our response with words of encouragement, because we have lit up in our hearts, each of us from our own faith, be it Muslim, Jewish or Christian, the hope of being able to live as brothers and sisters, in peace and justice.

 

Mexico/Usa. “Yes, we can”: the school bus for migrant children.

On the border between Mexico and the United States, a bus converted into a classroom offers education to asylum-seeking children who are unable to go to school. This is an initiative of the ‘Yes, We Can World Foundation’.

On the Mexico-USA border, the non-profit organization Yes, We Can World Foundation – founded in 2019 starting from the profound belief that every child has the right to education, regardless of where they are, their legal status and/or their economic context – brings education to migrant children with a bus converted into a classroom.
The idea of the two founders, Estefanía Rebellón and Kyle Thomas Schmidt, emerged when in 2018 – with the increase in migrant caravans on the border – they decided to travel from Los Angeles towards Tijuana together with some friends to bring supplies, clothes and kits for hygiene to the thousands of people seeking refuge in the United States.
Once they saw what was happening and realized that there was no space dedicated to children, they decided they had to return.

The request for asylum is a long process that takes time: weeks, months, or even years. During that time, children do not have the opportunity to receive an education. 123rf

The request for asylum is a long process that takes time: weeks, months, or even years can pass before it is granted. During that time, children – who have to face the traumas of violence, kidnappings, rapes and threats – do not have the opportunity to receive an education. Many have been travelling for months or years, and find it difficult to attend school because they are often in transit. Security, economic instability, poverty, and lack of means of transport are other factors.
“People don’t realize that it’s a very long process for families.  It’s not as if you arrive at the border, ask for asylum and your life is a rainbow from then on. It takes decades, a lot of work and a lot of pain.” Estefanía said.
She dreamed of becoming a Hollywood actress and had moved to Los Angeles to continue her already established career, but she felt the weight of the migration crisis on her shoulders because she too had been a migrant child. Originally from Cali, Colombia, she was forced at the age of ten to flee with her family after her father received death threats from the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC). Estefanía’s parents were both lawyers and her father was also a university professor; once political asylum was granted in Miami, her mother took on various jobs, including as a carer and her father was employed by Walmart, the large American retail chain.
After five years they obtained permanent residency – the so-called green card – and after ten years, US citizenship.

Estefanía Rebellón is the co-founder and Executive Director of Yes, We Can World Foundation.

So, Estefanía and Kyle – after taking a thousand dollars from their savings and looking online for volunteer teachers – returned with tents and materials needed to set up a makeshift school on the border, effectively creating it overnight and managing to gather first a few children and then about fifty into the camps. “I thought: why don’t we transform a bus into a mobile classroom and take it to all the shelters? We searched on Google and YouTube on how to transform a bus into a mobile classroom” said Estefania. After three months of work including sharing on social media, the 54 seats have left room for two long desks and many small chairs. The bus has also been equipped with school supplies and technological tools.
Today three school buses can travel long distances to reach those who need them, helping to provide quality education at no cost, and eliminating the obstacles that children and families face when they cannot access schools, due to distance or transportation costs. ‘Yes, We Can’ also has four schools along the border and provides bilingual education in English and Spanish that includes subjects such as math, English and visual arts.
Furthermore, two ad hoc courses on the migration process and emotional intelligence support children and allow them to process and express what they are experiencing, helping to deal with the shock of the trauma they have suffered.
“Every time I have the opportunity, I share my immigrant story with the children. I want the kids who go through our programs to understand that being a migrant is not something they should be ashamed of,” says Estefanía.The ‘Yes, We Can’ program – which to date boasts 2 million hours of lessons given to more than a thousand children – has been accredited by the Secretariat for Education in Mexico and is aimed at children aged 3 to 15 from various countries with a high rate of migration, such as Mexico, Honduras, Guatemala, El Salvador, Haiti, Venezuela and others.

The programs available range from pre-school to middle school. Photo: Yes we can world foundation

The programs available range from pre-school to middle school; the school is open every day from 09:00 to 15:00, there are no summer or winter holidays and, even when the Covid-19 health emergency was added to the migration one, the doors always remained open. Children are immediately enrolled in one of the programs when they arrive at one of the partner shelters and are equipped with a new backpack full of school supplies, two uniforms and a new pair of shoes; all at no cost to the families and thanks to the support of donors.
“Things happen and now we just have to forget the past, be braver, smarter and never give up” says a young student. “I would like to be like Estefanía, I want to help children and build something beautiful like she did.” (Open Photo: 123rf)

Sara Toffano/MM

 

 

South Africa. The most crucial election since the end of apartheid.

Thirty years after Nelson Mandela’s election, South Africa will hold the most crucial ballot in a context where the ruling ANC might lose its absolute majority. Several scenarios of coalition.

Almost all opinion polls since last October predict that the forthcoming election scheduled for the next 29 May will mean the end of the ruling African National Congress’s absolute majority for the first time since 1994 and force it to form a coalition.
Support for the ANC is indeed expected to drop somewhere between 39% and 48%, from 57% in 2019. According to a Social Research Foundation poll, the support for the main opposition party, the White-led centre-right Democratic Alliance (DA) increased from 24% in March 2023 to 31% last October.

DA supporters march to the Union Buildings for the DA National Manifesto Launch. Photo:DA

The challenge posed by the DA led by John Steenhuisen, is strengthened by the coalition it has formed with 10 other parties: the Multi-Party Charter (MPC) which may get up to 38 percent of the vote, according to the most optimistic forecasts. This coalition includes the DA, the United Independent Movement, the Freedom Front Plus, the Inkatha Freedom Party (IFP), the African Christian Democratic Party, ActionSA, the Spectrum National Party and the Independent South African National Civil Organisation.

Julius Malema leader of Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party. He can get between 12% and 16% of the vote. Instagram

According to various polls, the radical leftist Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) party founded in 2013 by former ANC Youth League leader Julius Malema, would get between 12% and 16% of the vote and remain the third largest party by “stealing the ANC’s mantle”, as says political scientist Ongama Mtimka of Nelson Mandela University.
In Kwazulu-Natal, part of the ANC vote has gone to another dissident force: the newly formed uMkhonto WeSizwe (MK) party, named after the former armed wing of the ANC, the Spear of the Nation and supported by former President Jacob Zuma. The MK party which snatched votes from the ANC in this province at the 2021 by-elections, poses “a direct challenge to Ramaphosa’s leadership”. In endorsing the party, Zuma indeed not only challenges the ANC politically but also claims its heritage. The MK party also formed in January 2024 a coalition with the African Congress for Transformation, created by former ANC Secretary General Ace Magashule, following his expulsion from the party for misconduct. The Social Research Foundation survey also found that five of SA’s nine provinces (Gauteng, KwaZulu-Natal, Free State, Western Cape and the Northern Cape) could be run by coalition governments after the elections.

Declining popularity
The collapse of the confidence in the ANC is the combination of various factors. One is unemployment which the DA plans to fight with the creation of two million jobs. Daily power cuts which affect badly households and businesses, the cost of living, crime and poverty are the other issues in a climate of growing xenophobia exploited by one member of the Multi Party Charter coalition, Action SA which promotes strict immigration policies.
According to the Africa Centre for Strategic Studies, the ANC’s declining popularity is attributed to perceptions of growing corruption within the party. South Africa ranks 72nd out of 180 countries on Transparency International’s corruption perception index. TI also reminds a series of corruption scandals involving the former and incumbent presidents. Former President Zumla was jailed in 2021 for contempt of court after refusing to testify about corruption under his presidency

View of Soweto. South Africa is one of the most unequal countries in the world. File archive

A report completed by Chief Justice Raymond Zondo in 2022 revealed that one hundred ANC party members including the first deputy secretary-general, Nomvula Mokonyane were involved in corruption. The ANC has been increasingly vulnerable to state capture (control over government decision-making by the private sector or external actors), namely through the influence of the Gupta brothers’ network of private interests within the Zuma administration.
The ANC which has been ruling South Africa for 30 years is also held responsible for the growing inequality in a country where whites still own 72 percent of the land and is considered by the World Bank as the “most unequal” in the world.  The poverty and the magnitude of youth unemployment which hits over 60 percent of 15- to 24-year-olds and 32 % of the population has largely contributed to the growing popularity of the Economic Freedom Fighters who call for state-provided housing, nationalisation of mines and land redistribution.

High levels of crime
Sandy Africa, associate professor of politics at the University of Pretoria speaks of a “mood of despair” over high levels of crime and violence and “widespread frustration” over crumbling infrastructure and poor service delivery. The murder rate of 45 per 100,000 is the fifth highest in the world, after those of Venezuela, Papua New Guinea, Afghanistan and Haiti. Political violence is endemic. Twenty councillors were killed in KZN in 2023. The police say most of the dead are victims of political battles, often linked to factional infighting within the ANC.

Police HQ, Johannesburg. Istock/pilesasmiles

Assuming that the ANC will not achieve an absolute majority, there are several scenarios of coalition. Some predict that if the ANC does win slightly less than half the vote, potential partners may include the GOOD party, whose leader Patricia de Lille serves currently as tourism minister in the government, or other small parties like the Patriotic Alliance and Al Jama-ah.Should the gap be wider, then the ANC may have to choose between the centre-right Multi-Party Charter coalition or the EFF to obtain the majority it needs to rule the country.
The ANC is divided between those who prefer the MPC as a partner and those who prefer the EFF.
The EFF has a difficult relationship with President Cyril Ramaphosa but has co-ruled with the ANC in several municipalities. Dr Seelan Naidoo, principal associate at Public Ethos Consulting considers that in the scenario of the lowest performance by the ANC and the highest performance by a DA-led coalition and by the EFF, the only way to form a national government would be through an ANC-EFF coalition. In such event, however, there could be a continuous policy tussle between the ANC and EFF and over executive positions immediately after the election. But such scenario could be unstable politically.

The president of South Africa, Cyril Ramaphosa. Differences between the foreign policies of the three main parties. Photo: Foreign Office UK

Some analysts also suspect that to keep the MPC out of power after the elections, the ANC would go as far as forming a coalition with the MK Party as an alternative or jointly with the EFF. The scenario of an ANC-MPC coalition though more comfortable arithmetically looks less likely because of the gaps between both in terms of policy. 
At any rate, the South African election is likely to draw a lot of attention globally, owing to the differences between the foreign policies of the three main parties. In both scenarios of an ANC-MPC or an ANC-EFF coalition, the deployment of 2,900 South African National Defence Force (SANDF) troops in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo, will be at stake. This deployment is “reckless, irrational and must be reversed immediately” declared the DA Shadow Minister of Defence, Kobus Marais on the last 13 February. Accordingly, President Ramaphosa ignored warnings from military experts against this deployment and authorized it without timeously informing Parliament of his intentions as required by the Constitution.

Foreign Policy
Ukraine is another bone of contention between the ANC and the DA. The Democratic Alliance shadow minister of International Relations, Darren Bergman claims that the ANC has tarnished South Africa’s international image by failing to condemn the Russian invasion. South Africa’s involvement in the BRICS is also criticized by the DA, which favours the alliance with the West rather than with the non-aligned BRICS.
Last August, the DA noted the admission of Iran and Saudi Arabia into the BRICS with concern. It argued that it was unclear what common vision South Africa could share with nations that fundamentally oppose democratic values and do not respect human rights, press freedom and gender equality. The DA also deplored that Iran continues to provide military aid to Russia which raises questions about the motives behind its admission to BRICS, suggesting a strong influence of Russian interests. By acquiescing to Russia’s interests, the ANC government risks sullying South Africa’s reputation on the world’s stage, accordingly,

The Gaza Strip. Photo Who

A fourth bone of contention in the event of a ANC-MPC coalition is the Palestinian issue. The ANC but also the EFF and the MK-Party are staunch supporters of the Palestinian cause. The ANC has the support of the Muslim community but also of large portions of the rest of the population which consider that Israel’s policies remind of the apartheid regime, for its decision to file a case at the International Court of Justice accusing Israel of genocide and condemn its illegal occupation of Palestinian territories.
By contrast, the DA expressed steadfast support for Israel. Its shadow minister for international relations Emma Powell condemned “Hamas’ unprovoked attack on Israeli territory”. Although the DA voiced a more centrist rhetoric since then, expressing solidarity with both Palestinians and Israelis who seek a two-state solution, unlike the ANC it has refused so far to speak of a genocide in Gaza. But it is on the domestic front that the choice of the coalition partner will matter the most. The gap between the DA’s liberal policies and the EFF’s Marxist economic program of nationalization of mines, for instance, is simply enormous. (Open Photo: 123rf)

François Misser

 

Haiti. A Better Future Through Education.

Sister Paësie Phillipe had been a missionary in Haiti for twenty five years when she founded the Kizito Family in 2017, a community that cares for, protects and educates vulnerable children living on the streets of the violent and dangerous slums of the country’s capital, Port-au-Prince.

Sister Paësie Phillipe who is originally from Nancy, France felt called to consecrated life at the age of 15. At 18, she joined the Missionaries of Charity, the congregation founded by Mother Teresa. After her formative years, she was sent on missions to Grenada, the southeastern Caribbean Sea, the United States, and Iceland. She arrived in Haiti in 1999, where the nuns cared for the sick, especially children, affected by tuberculosis, AIDS, typhoid, malaria, cholera and pneumonia.
Many children were orphans or had been left at the care centre by their parents, who never returned to pick them up.
Sister Paësie, despite loving this apostolate, realized that the children living in slums did not have access to education and that this keeps them in the condition of poverty and marginality. Public schools are free, but to attend them you need to purchase uniforms, books and other school supplies. To study in private schools, you have to pay fees which, although low, are impossible for needy families to pay.

The Kizito Family serves 2,500 severely disadvantaged children in Cite Soleil, Haiti. iStock/ 1001nights

Adolescents and young people, living in the slums and who do not go to school quickly join gangs where they are exposed to violence, corruption and all kinds of degradation and many begin to beg or steal.
The Missionaries of Charity who are overwhelmed with caring for the sick, have no time to dedicate to the education of these children. “Every day, needy children come to us. We are overloaded with medical work, which takes precedence over education”, Sister Paësie recalls.
The young Sister felt a growing call to dedicate herself exclusively to the education of children and young people so, after having discussed the matter with her congregation and with the local bishop it was agreed that she leave her community while maintaining her four vows. Mother Teresa’s Sisters, in addition to the traditional vows of poverty, chastity and obedience, take a fourth vow of service to the poorest.

Sr. Paësie with some of the children in Cite Soleil, Haiti.  The Kizito Family

On April 25, 2017, Sister Paësie left the house of the Missionaries of Charity in Delmas to dedicate herself to the new mission. She moved to Cité Soleil, the largest slum in Port-au-Prince, an area where violence, poverty and indifference coexist.
In the slums, homes are a jumble of houses and people survive from day to day by selling a bar of soap, laundry detergent or a handful of rice.  Access to drinking water is difficult and expensive and families do not have sanitation facilities. When it rains, everything is flooded and when the sun shines, the heat is unbearable. Soon, some young women arrived who wanted to support Sister Paësie’s evangelizing work.
Sister Paësie’s founded the Kizito Family in 2017, a small community of consecrated women officially recognized in 2023 as an association of the faithful by the Archdiocese of Port-au-Prince. The name chosen for the community refers to Saint Kizito, the youngest of the group of 22 Ugandan martyrs canonized by Paul VI in 1964. The Sisters wear a grey-blue habit made of karabela, a traditional fabric used by the peasants and workers of the region.

Giving children a chance
The goal of the Kizito Family is to offer children living on the streets an opportunity to develop through education, care, nourishment and protection from all forms of violence.
In just a few years, the Kizito family created various types of structures in the heart of the slums of Cité Soleil, Petite-Goâve or Village de Dieu, which serve more than 2,500 disadvantaged children: they have seven family homes with 140 children of school age and whose family ties are traced; eight schools attended by 1100 pupils, with canteens to provide them with nutritious food; three centres for extracurricular activities (dance, football, sewing, embroidery, drawing, schooling support) and in which 700 minors are involved.

There are eight schools attended by 1100 pupils. The Kizito Family

There are also six catechetical centres with the participation of 700 children and young people because the spiritual poverty also needs to be overcome with adequate Christian formation. “Very poor children do not have access to the sacraments. They don’t go to church because they don’t have the necessary clothes and, on the other hand, the parishes usually ask them to make offerings, which is also an obstacle”, comments one of the leaders, Sister Helena Sánchez.

The challenge of violence
However, educators do face challenges and difficulties. “When they were on the streets, some of our young people were involved in gangs and many were victims of sexual abuse, some have continued with bad habits but they have chosen to leave the streets, the transition isn’t easy and it’s a process which takes place gradually”.
But the biggest challenge they face is the intense and indiscriminate violence that is spreading in the neighbourhoods of Port-au-Prince, both because a gang controls the territory and because of clashes between different armed groups. There are currently more than 300 armed groups that control 80% of the capital.

According to United Nations data, violence has displaced more than 300,000 inhabitants in Haiti’s capital. The Kizito Family

According to United Nations data, violence has displaced more than 300,000 inhabitants in Haiti’s capital. Thousands of people live in precarious conditions and are forced to flee from one neighbourhood to another, leaving behind what little they have. Sr. Paësie says that almost every week  “new neighbourhoods are invaded” and therefore on every occasion “thousands of people have to flee and often cannot return to their homes.” Because when a neighbourhood is invaded by a new gang, the people there no longer feel safe. Many people have died trying to return home. Most of the time, people turn to a member of their own family who initially takes them in but this only lasts a few days before the situation becomes unsustainable.
Families already live in small houses, often with ten people in one room and when a new family arrives, it is really difficult. Furthermore, most of the time people arrive empty-handed because they have lost everything and depend on the family that welcomes them. “Today – says the Sister – we see people sleeping on the streets with their children, something that didn’t exist before in Port-au-Prince”. The actions of the armed groups, which had existed for years in the slums, have spread to other areas of the city. “The gangs have become more and more powerful and are not only found in the poor neighbourhoods but in practically all the neighbourhoods of the capital and also in several cities in the interior. The poorest people live day to day, depending on markets where they can find a little food and menial jobs but when the situation worsens, when there is violence in the streets with shootings and barricades, the markets cannot function. This significantly increases poverty and hunger”, the missionary says.

Sisters Fanette, Paësie and Bergeline are members of the Kizito Family, a small community of consecrated women. The Kizito Family

Despite living in this dramatic social context of growing violence, with disastrous consequences for Haitians, Sister Paësie does not lose hope. In these dramatic moments, she strongly believes in the presence of God. “He is there for them. He may be present through me or in some other way. But he never abandons his children,” she says.
On February 3, around 1 pm, Sr. Paësie answered the phone. On the other end of the line was Pope Francis. The nun admits that she was moved. She listened to the Holy Father, who wanted to know about the situation on the island, thank her and encourage her to continue her mission. She confesses that what surprised her most was the pope’s voice: “I felt great sweetness and goodness.”
She concluded: “The Pope’s message was not just for me, it was truly a gesture towards the children and the poorest of Haiti”. (Open Photo:The Kizito Family)

Bernardino Frutuoso

 

Opening up to the world.

The onset of industrialization brought about the brutal decomposition of rural Cambodian families since poverty and indebtedness led to the emigration of an unskilled workforce from the countryside especially to the capital, Phnom Penh.

The first clothing factories started up here and were followed by many others. They are run by Chinese, South Korean, Bangladeshi and Singaporean businessmen attracted by the country’s low labour costs, which compensate for the same unskilled workers. The establishment of these factories have had a significant impact on the country’s economy but the social impact is negative, due to lack of employee training. Another area which has experienced considerable growth of unskilled labour, is the construction sector.
The notable development of tourism at the Angkor site offers employment opportunities to a large number of hotel and restaurant staff. However, although most of these employees have gone to school they can barely read and write.

Many young people are unemployed and unskilled. CC BY-SA 2.0/ mark Sebastian

Most of them are young, some of them started working as minors to help their parents in the villages because families are, more often than not, heavily in debt. This situation is unprecedented in Cambodia because, culturally, parents take care of their children until marriage. However, in the last decade, children, especially girls, have gone to work outside the family circle thus becoming the primary breadwinners of their families and parents.They become independent and make choices which the family group cannot control, something unheard of in the Cambodian tradition. Another new and disturbing phenomenon is emigration.The government has not really taken stock of these situations and their consequences for the economic development of the country in the medium and long term.
The global Covid epidemic caused a brutal and forced contraction of the Cambodian economy. Vaccination campaigns and attempts to revive the global economy have not led to a return to the growth the government had hoped for. Unemployment rates are high as are the number of unskilled workers. Cambodians’ desire  to be part of the global community is stronger than ever, after the disaster created by the The Khmer Rouge’s Cultural Revolution, which almost annihilated the country, but  it did not take away the people’s will to live. Torn between tradition and modernity, between nationalism and openness to a world without economic and cultural borders, Cambodians still want to get an education, be consumers and enjoy life.

Hun Manet, Cambodian PM since 2023. Photo: Office of Prime Minister

Another big challenge for the government is the enormous interest people show for social media, yet more proof of the desire to be part of a modern world. Through political action and management of the economy, the government must allow everyone to live with dignity according to their needs and aspirations, accepting a plurality of opinions.
Elections last July were overwhelmingly won by Hun Manet who became new prime minister, taking over from his father Hun Sen who had governed since the end of the war, for forty years. In the Land of Smiles, however, Hun Sen’s shadow still hovers noticeably in the background, opposition (such as the Party of Glowing Candles) is systematically dissolved. China, for its part, is increasingly omnipresent in all respects, which will certainly pose problems in the future (debt, sovereignty, etc.), but this allows Cambodia to enjoy a degree of independence from European and American demands regarding human rights.
Everything is interconnected! The country is getting richer, and now has a real middle class, but there are many people left behind by economic growth. (Open Photo: Phnom Penh city.123rf)
 (F-X. D.)

 

 

Cambodia. The will to live.

Still traumatised by the bloody Khmer Rouge regime, Cambodia is struggling to recover its economic strength, which is leading to a real social “cultural revolution” for the seventeen million inhabitants
of the Land of Smiles.

Cambodia is one of the oldest empires in the world. Throughout its history, it has been marked externally by wars with neighbouring empires and internally by clan struggles for power. However, the country has retained its national identity to this day. The succession of monarchs of the Khmer Empire was not strictly hereditary but governed by palace revolutions, hatched by members of clans more or less close to power.

Cambodia political map.123rf

The history of kingship is similar to that exercised in other kingdoms of the world. The sovereign by divine right must protect his subjects, like the father of a family. Belonging to the social group takes precedence over the individual. The use of appellatives in social relationships illustrates the predominance of the group over the individual, it shows the position of each person within the group and the respect that the younger one owes to the older person he meets. The use of personal pronouns marks a recent evolution in society and language. Appellations and qualifiers or honorifics mark the rank in society and social class of the person you are speaking to. Throughout its history, Cambodia has remained a rural country. Its economy was based on agriculture, and up until the late 1990’s there was a limited number of cities.

Families are attached to their land and cultivate it from generation to generation. Pixabay.

Families are attached to their land and cultivate it from generation to generation, it is a simple and dignified line of work.  The social body gives meaning and regulates the lives of family members. Each family is led by one of its members, whom everyone must respect. Each person contributes to the life of the family according to their age and working capacity. Children have no responsibilities; they learn by watching the elderly work, education in schools is not considered a priority. From puberty, they begin to do their share of work but are declared “unmarried”, which is the the word used in the Khmer language equivalent to “celibate” or “not yet married” and are still under the yoke of the family. From the day after their wedding, they will take a full part by right in family life: their mission will be to have children and participate in agricultural work. Respect and exemplary behaviour are the pillars of family life and those who do not respect these values disgrace themselves. Apsara dance. (Illustration: Pixabay)
(F-X. D.)

The Khmer Rouge’s reign of terror.

Pol Pot’s regime caused one million seven hundred thousand deaths, devastating families and the entire country.

Being a French protectorate brought no significant changes in Cambodian life or economy except for introduction of more formal rules for civil registration and education.
Thus, the pagoda monks retained responsibility for primary schools but were required to obtain state teaching diplomas to professionalise and improve the quality of the education provided.
The administration was developed by the protectorate: centralised from the capital Phnom Penh and transmitted to the respective cities of the provinces. It was not able to prevent a form of cronyism between users of administrative services and the officials responsible for them, thus corruption was allowed to take hold. The rise in poverty, after the end of the protectorate and the political challenges of corrupt power, led Cambodia to civil war with the coming to power of the leaders of the movements grouped under the name of Khmer Rouge.

A plaque at the stupa/monument to mark the formation of the Kampuchean United Front for National Salvation monument on 2nd December 1978 in Kratie Province. Shutterstock /AlanMorris

The Chinese-inspired Khmer Rouge regime from 1975 to 1979 had the same devastating effect as the cultural revolution in China. From a human, social and economic point of view, the death toll from the deadly violence associated with the Maoist ideology that animated the Khmer Rouge cadres devastated whole families and the entire country.
In 1979, Vietnam, then politically affiliated with the former USSR, ended the Khmer Rouge regime by sending its army into Cambodia with the help of dissident officers of the Khmer Rouge regime. The Vietnamese military officially left the country after the signing of the Paris Agreement in 1991. It was only from that year on that the country gradually regained its sovereignty and saw its economy slowly recover. As a first step, many non-governmental organizations, financed by the United Nations and donor countries, helped the country and the government in the work of reconstruction. The results of these actions are mixed.
While many development programs have had significant results, others have led to the diversion of funds into the country’s power circles and the spread of corruption.

Cambodian families who had been displaced lost everything. Pixabay

Cambodian families who had been displaced lost everything: their marital status, family members, land, homes, properties, property titles, etc. They were unable to reclaim anything of their pre-Civil War possessions. The watchword, which became law, was: “First come, first served”. This made it possible to generate, without faith or law, the movable and immovable heritage of a well-informed family, which had so far been a source of conflict. The economy, although growing at an impressive annual rate, started from a very low base. Everything had to be rebuilt: the country’s electricity grid and, first and foremost, access to and distribution of drinking water. The education and training of children and young people was a difficult topic. By taking responsibility for education as a whole, the government centralized its administration.

The quality of schools and the motivation of teachers in urban centres and in the areas surrounding the capital have created a gap with rural areas. Pixabay

The pagodas lost responsibility for primary schools: teachers became state officials. All intellectuals had been eliminated by the Khmer Rouge regime and professors had been arrested and killed in large numbers. The government has had to appeal to people of goodwill who are poorly educated and demotivated due to low wages and rather limited material conditions of education. The quality of schools and the motivation of teachers in urban centres and in the areas surrounding the capital have resulted in a gap with rural areas.
In recent years the government has paid more attention to the quality of teacher training and its distribution across the country.
However, the final dropout rate for pupils is still significant, as poor families take on large debts for their children’s education. Young people leave school too soon, to go to work. At the same time, we are seeing the emergence of an educated middle class in cities. (Open Photo: The former S-21 Security Prison, now Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. CC BY-SA 4.0/Bjørn Christian Tørrissen)
(F-X. D.)

Cameroon. Those ten seconds of humanity.

This is the time necessary, according to Mireille Yoga, director of the Edimar Centre in Yaoundé, to restore a look of dignity to a street child. Testimony of personal and social commitment.

“My name is Mireille Yoga, director of the Edimar Centre in Yaoundé and mother of four adopted children and five in foster care.” This is how this Cameroonian woman introduces herself with a broad smile. As for children, she has had many more. They are the ones who have passed through the Edimar Centre. It is located in front of the station of the Cameroonian capital to offer a point of reference to all those children and young people who are forced to live on the streets.

Mireille and some boys at the Edimar Centre. Photo: Avsi

Mireille is the soul of this centre and of all the activities that take place around it because what drives her is a deep faith and a profound sense of closeness which is also translated into very strong personal choices. “My husband and I couldn’t have children – she says. At one point I was truly obsessed with the desire to give my husband a child. Luckily, he is an open and understanding person. One day my husband told me that perhaps the Lord was calling me to spiritual motherhood. I felt that what he was offering me was not just a job. It was something much bigger that responded to my need and my pain.”
It was something that opened the doors to a welcome that became family and community, personal and social commitment, and which has translated into a myriad of meetings and friendships which,
in turn, continue to create new possibilities for building a new humanity from the bottom up.
The Edimar Centre itself today is truly something very big and special, not only because it has helped – and continues to do so – hundreds of street children and young people, but because it has inoculated Cameroonian society with many signs of hope. “The Edimar Centre is a large tree, that continues to grow and bear fruit which gives us incredible strength. Its first seed was planted in the country of Cameroon by an Italian priest, Father Maurizio Bezzi, to help create a new sort of humanity for all those who have been abandoned or who feel abandoned, who have taken refuge in the streets and places where no one dares to go. Edimar is the possibility of discovering the beauty of their hearts and the ability to see that there is hope.”

Street Children at the Edimar Centre. Photo: Avsi

It is not easy, nor is it for everyone. In Cameroon, many don’t even want to see these kids. They call them nanga boko, which means ‘Those who sleep outside’, but the term has taken on a very derogatory meaning. People and authorities consider them as the scum of society and treat them as criminals, thieves and liars.
Father Maurizio, who lived in Cameroon from 1987 to 2018, was inspired by Brother Yves Lascanne, a Little Brother, a pioneer in working with street children; he had first collaborated with the Foyer de l’Espérance, the House of Hope, and then he created the Edimar Centre in 2002 with a specific objective: to contrast violence with friendship, mistrust with confidence.
“In these twenty-two years – Mireille recalls -, we can say that a generation of children have left the streets and after them their children who have never known that way of life, who have never slept, eaten, stolen or been abused on the streets. A new generation is going to school. And this is an incredible and beautiful thing.”
At the same time, Mireille is worried about the increasing number of street girls whose situation is even more dramatic because they suffer a lot of abuse. They often become pregnant and their children are born and grow up on the street. Furthermore, there are more and more “families” on the street, often obviously dysfunctional.
Economic difficulties and the loss of values have aggravated the situation, creating a “Parallel” society.
Mireille and her staff, however, were not discouraged, on the contrary. Without the Centre, the boys and girls would have gone to the streets. “With our educators, we have tried to follow especially the little ones in the places where they meet. Whenever possible, we directed them to return to the village or join some relatives.”

Mireille with her husband Victorien and their children, Andrée and Jéremie. Photo: Avsi

So, they intensified their presence on the streets, trying to reach even the most ‘difficult’ kids, those who use alcohol and drugs: kids who, almost always, also reveal themselves to be the most vulnerable because they are exposed to everything. “With the Edimar operators – continues Mireille – we returned to the streets more frequently. We tried to raise awareness so that they could protect themselves from contagion and many other risks. And then we started a kind of school in the street, teaching reading and writing on the ground, in the sand and the dust.”
From the experience of street schools, we began to create some basic professional courses. “It’s a first step – says Mireille – but it’s very important that children realise the importance of education for their future and that they may one day be included in a real school. For this reason, we have also started the construction of some dormitories, a little outside the centre, so that they can have a simple but quiet place to concentrate on their studies.”
Street school, like many other activities, is not just a learning opportunity, but first and foremost a chance to meet and shake hands with kids, to look them in the eyes for ten seconds. «Ten seconds of dignity! – Mireille underlines forcefully -.
Some of the kids who met that gaze today have returned as volunteers to help those still on the streets. “It’s wonderful to see that those who have encountered an outstretched hand now have the desire to do the same with others. Friendship and education can bring out the desire and ability to give as well as receive. In this way the circle never closes,” concludes Mireille. And so those ten seconds full of humanity allow a beautiful story to continue to be written. (Open Photo: 123rf)

Anna Pozzi/MM

The Long Journey of Shea Butter.

From the savannahs of Africa to the global cosmetics industry, we reveal the secrets of a prodigious butter. Shea dominates advertisements and the labels of body care creams, but its uses in Africa are multiple, not only linked to cosmetics. We went to Ghana to see how this surprising butter is created, a product that generates jobs for women and helps protect the environment.

A group of colourfully dressed women are sitting on bright mats arranged around a tree. Each one has at her side a large aluminium container full of a thick dark brown mush that she mixes with gestures that seem to recall ancient rituals. The Slender arms of young girls in their early teens and the wrinkled wrists of elderly women move in unison, almost caressing the brown molasses with circular gestures and then giving it a sudden blow, very like a slap that makes the entire contents of the tub tremble. It’s hard to believe, but that fluid with the colour and consistency of mud will become, after a long refining process, a highly sought-after white opaline substance now widespread throughout the world: shea butter.
We are in Nyankpala, a village on the road that connects Tolon to Tamale, in northern Ghana, one of the regions where the production of karité or shea butter, is most widespread. As often happens, it is the name of the product that best explains its origins: it is believed that the English word shea derives from the Bambara term shìs, while in the Wolof language, the nuts and their butter are called kharitì, from which comes the French karité.

A woman processes Shea tree nuts into Shea butter. CC BY-SA 2.0/ Treeaid

The so-called Shea Belt, the territory of shea butter, occurs in fact in the savannah areas south of the Sahara, from the hinterland of Senegal to the north of Cameroon, with peaks in Central Africa and Chad, but the bulk of production is concentrated between Mali, Burkina Faso, Ghana, and Nigeria.For at least ten years, shea has dominated advertising and the labels of creams and body care products, but it has many uses in these areas that are not necessarily linked to the production of cosmetics: butter is used to make candles, medicines and soaps, but it is used primarily as food. It is an excellent fat for frying and is both economical and nutritious; the flavour that shea imparts to dishes is unmistakable, strong and at times earthy, halfway between that of hazelnuts and roots, so much so that it has become a distinctive feature of the traditional cuisine of many Sahelian regions.

From fruit to butter
This versatile and highly sought-after product originates as a small fruit, similar to a green plum, which grows on tall trees with thin, oblong leaves. However, the sweet and tasty pulp hides a much greater treasure: a smooth stone with the appearance of a chestnut, which through long processing and refining processes will transform into the well-known butter.In these areas of Ghana, domestic production is practised by almost all families in the rainy season, when the green fruits ripen, but, since butter is the cheapest and most appreciated element for frying, demand is high throughout the year.

Shea Butter seeds are used for preparing oil. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Amuzujoe

For this reason, artisanal wholesalers or professional producers accumulate large quantities of stones to be able to make and sell the product even in the dry season.
Initially, the process begins with boiling, followed by breaking the shell, the so-called crushing, which in the villages still happens manually, in wooden mortars struck rhythmically with long poles; the nuts are then roasted for the first time and again ground. This is but the beginning of a still long process that continues with the meticulous mixing phases, an ancient art that takes place in groups, in courtyards, or under a tree, and which enables the production of a preparation that is perfectly fluid and easily refined. The last step is the long boiling of the raw butter and its refinement, gradually removing the light parts that come to the surface to obtain a product with its characteristic amber-white colour.

The challenges of the economy and the climate
At Tamale market, shea butter is sold in small, coloured pots from which it flows out in tall white cones that resemble the spires of traditional mosques made of plastered mud. A customer lets out a cry of surprise when she hears the price. Inflation and the increase in the cost of living are hitting hard here too, but the challenges are many: the ever-increasing demand for butter for the cosmetics industry in the Western world has caused a significant increase in prices but also a distortion of traditional production and sales networks.
In such a delicate context, urbanization also becomes a challenge: Tamale and the other medium-small towns are growing at frightening rates, much higher than the regional average. Although shea trees are protected by law, they are increasingly being cut down to make way for houses and roads or even for firewood.

Women selling shea butter in Ghana. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Dominic A. Kyilleh

A significant environmental problem: these plants which require little water, survive drought, and do not require fertilisers, are fundamental for ensuring an ecosystem balance in savannah areas; not to mention that a shea tree can take up to twenty years to bear new fruit, a very long time that does not allow this heritage to be affected. A further demonstration of how traditional productions, social networks and environmental protection go hand in hand and are all parts of a single precious mosaic that must be preserved.
The sun, still high in the sky, filters through the leaves and enhances the bright colours of the mats; the laughter and voices of the women overlap the rhythmic sounds of hands as they stir the butter: the long journey of the shea butter is just beginning, but it is already rich in colours, sounds and timeless traditions. (Open Photo: Shea Butter. Shutterstock/Maramorosz)

Federico Monica/Africa

 

The Horn of Africa Unprotected.

A political earthquake in the Middle East with strong repercussions, also for the economy, on the part of Africa that overlooks the Red Sea. These are consequences of the Hamas attack on Israel followed by the war of annihilation in Gaza. The already fragile architecture of peace and security in the Horn of Africa is at risk.

The Red Sea has always been a strategic element for Israel and its instability arouses concern in Tel Aviv. A quarter of Israeli maritime trade, until now handled by the port of Eilat, in the Gulf of Aqaba, an inlet of the Red Sea, has already been seriously reduced. Hundreds of ships choose to circumnavigate Africa to avoid the risks of attacks by drones launched by the Houthis of Yemen.
Israel has long viewed the Red Sea littoral countries – Jordan, Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Yemen, Sudan, Eritrea, Djibouti and Somalia – as pieces of the puzzle of its long security frontier.
Historically, Egypt has shared the same concern of losing considerable resources related to the passage of ships through the Suez Canal. Last year, the Canal’s revenue was $9.4 billion: Egypt’s third largest producer of American foreign currency, preceded only by remittances from Egyptians working in the Gulf states and the tourism industry.
The collapse of maritime security from Suez and Eilat to the Gulf of Aden would cause immense damage to both Israel and Egypt.

Cargo ships stand in the port of Eilat on the Red Sea (Israel).123rf

The Red Sea has today become a strategic area, not only for the other powers present for years, but also for China which has established its first military base abroad in Djibouti. Every year over 10% of world maritime trade, with 25 thousand ships, enters the Red Sea coming from the Gulf of Aden through the Strait of Bab el-Mandeb.
Saudi Arabia, for its part, after having neglected those coasts for a long time, has rediscovered their importance in the last decade. Among other things, in the 1980s, out of fear that Iran could block oil tanker traffic through the Persian Gulf, Arabia built an oil pipeline and a large refinery in an east-west direction to exploit the Aqaig oil fields at the port of Yanbu’al-Bahr on the Red Sea. Now strategic, this structure has returned to the centre of Riyadh’s attention. At the same time, the United Arab Emirates (UAE) is on track to secure a monopoly on the ports of the Gulf of Aden, which constitutes the eastern access to the Red Sea.
In this way, they effectively annexed the Yemeni island of Socotra to make it a naval base. The UAE are therefore also looking for a foothold in the Red Sea and a series of strategic positions on the African shore. Even before the Israeli-Palestinian conflict broke out, therefore, all the Arab countries in the area had intensified the race to secure naval bases in the Red Sea and the Gulf of Aden.
The famous Camp Lemonnier of the USA is present in Djibouti together with similar French, Italian, Japanese, Saudi and Chinese structures (the United Kingdom, Germany and Spain rely on them). Meanwhile, Turkey and Russia have long been trying to obtain space for military bases in Port Sudan and on the coast of Eritrea.

The Ambitions of the Gulf States
In short, there is nothing unusual in the Horn of Africa being at the mercy of the great powers and those of the Middle East. But this process has now intensified. Furthermore, for decades there has been competition between Saudi Arabia and Iran to gain hegemony over Sudan and Eritrea in different ways.
Sudanese general Abdel Fattah al-Burhan, former political partner of Benjamin Netanyahu and signatory of the so-called Abraham Agreement, now in full conflict with his former ally Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo (Hemeti), signed an agreement with Iran, to obtain armaments. A move that has brought its proximity to Egypt and Saudi Arabia into question.

Large container vessel ship MSC Maya passing Suez Canal. 123rf

More recently, the regional ambitions of Turkey and Qatar have clashed with Riyadh and Abu Dhabi, largely due to the Muslim Brotherhood – supported by Ankara and opposed by Riyadh. Among Middle Eastern states, the UAE has been the most moderate in condemning Israel for the ongoing conflict in Gaza. The government in Doha has stated that it does not intend to confuse trade and politics, which means it will continue to implement the economic cooperation agreements signed with Israel following the Abraham Accords.
The UAE is also located at the centre of the India/Middle East/Europe corridor (Imec), a geo-strategic asset sponsored by the United States and presented at the G20 summit in September in India as a response to the Chinese Silk Road initiative (Belt and Road).

Sudan between Riyad and Abu Dhabi
After the outbreak of the war in Sudan in April 2023, the joint Saudi-American mediation had the aim, among other things, of mending relations between Washington and Riyadh on the US side. The talks in Jeddah, which resumed at the end of October with a program of a ceasefire and humanitarian access, and with the involvement of the African Union, have so far not had a positive outcome. Meanwhile, the Emirates continues to support General Hemeti, who is gaining ground and now controls Khartoum, Wad Madani and other locations.

The president of the UAE, Mohammed bin Zayed al Nahyan.

This after almost eleven months of fighting in which Hemeti’s Rapid Support Forces (RSF) have earned a reputation for military capability but also for total disregard for the dignity, life and rights of civilians. Although the Sudanese middle class opposes the RSF, the president of the UAE, Mohammed bin Zayed al Nahyan, known as MBZ, has remained a strong ally of Hemeti who could soon proclaim a new government, legitimising himself by involving civil society leaders.
His recent trips to Uganda and Ethiopia to win over their governments seem to go in this direction. At the same time, General al-Burhan is probably planning to form a government based in Port Sudan. A Libyan scenario is looming.

America and the Pax Africana
As with Trump, peace and security in the Horn of Africa is not a real priority for Biden. While an American security umbrella has long existed on the Arabian Peninsula, the countries of the Horn of Africa have had to develop their own peace and security system, based on a multi-level multilateral structure involving the Intergovernmental Authority on Development (IGAD), the African Union and the UN, with peacekeeping forces and missions financed mostly by the European Union.

The USA Camp Lemonnier in Djibouti. File swm

Donald Trump, being indifferent to Africa, had allowed his intermediaries – Egypt, Israel, Saudi Arabia and the UAE –  to freely pursue their interests through the Horn of Africa. On the whole, the Biden administration has not changed this approach. Rare visits to Africa by American officials are not enough… As long as Biden’s policy in the Horn of Africa is managed by the State Department’s Bureau for Africa – whose diplomats are unlikely to earn the attention needed from their counterparts in the regimes of the Gulf – Washington’s views will remain essentially irrelevant. This political shortsightedness has contributed to worsening the crisis of the entire region. On the other hand, the political tradition of the United States of allowing Israel to ignore international law has seen growing discredit for the United States by Israel’s allies in the Middle East (Saudi Arabia and the Emirates in particular), who are actively dismantling the already faltering pillars of Africa’s peace and security system. Those who pay the price, as always, are the African countries that most need an internal and external apparatus for the continent that acts in the line of multilateralism based on well-defined principles. (Open Photo: The cargo ship transporting containers across the Red Sea.123rf)

Alex De Waal

Peace in the Holy Land.

God of Comfort,
send your Spirit to encompass all those whose lives
are torn apart by violence and death in Israel and Palestine.
You are the Advocate of the oppressed
and the One whose eye is on the sparrow.
Let arms reach out in healing, rather than aggression.
Let hearts mourn rather than militarize.

God of Justice,

give strength to those whose long work for just peace
might seem fruitless now. Strengthen their resolve.
Do not let them feel alone. Show us how to support their work
and bolster their courage. Guide religious leaders to model
unity and reconciliation across lines of division.
Guide political leaders to listen with their hearts as they seek peace and pursue it. Help all people choose the rigorous path of just peace and disavow violence.

God of Love,

we lift up Palestine and Israel – its people, its land, its creatures.
War is a monster that consumes everything in its path.
Peace is a gift shared at meals of memory with Christians,
Muslims, and Jews.
Let us burn incense, not children. Let us break bread, not bodies.
Let us plant olive groves, not cemeteries.
We beg for love and compassion to prevail
on all your holy mountains.

God of Hope,

we lift up the cities of the region: Gaza City and Tel Aviv,
Ramallah and Ashkelon, Deir El Balah and Sderot,
so long divided, yet so filled with life and creativity.
Come again to breathe peace on your peoples
that all may recognize you.

God of Mercy,

even now work on the hearts of combatants
to choose life over death, reconciliation over retaliation,
restoration over destruction. Help us resist antisemitism in all its forms,
especially in our own churches. All people, Israelis and Palestinians,
deserve to live in peace and unafraid, with a right to determine their future together.

God of the Nations,

let not one more child or elder be sacrificed on altars
of political expediency.
Keep safe all people from unjust leaders who would exploit
vulnerability for their own distorted ends.
Give wise discernment to those making decisions to pursue peace.
Provide them insight into fostering well-being, freedom,
and thriving for all.

Teach all of us to resolve injustices with righteousness, not rockets.
Guard our hearts against retaliation, and give us hearts for love alone.Strengthen our faith in you, O God of All Flesh,
even when we don’t have clear answers,
so that we may still offer ourselves non-violently
for the cause of peace. Amen
Photo: 123rf

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