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DR. Congo. New Patriots.

Violence in the eastern Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) has intensified in recent months. With the M23 rebels occupying more and more space and the United Nations mission (MONUSCO) expected to end before 2025, self-defence groups are increasingly
taking centre stage.

They want arms. They don’t care what sort they are, who sells them to them or where they come from, as long as they end up in their hands. They want weapons to wipe out those hiding on the other side of the bush, but also to save their families and protect their land from the war that is spreading in North Kivu province in eastern DRC. They are the Wazalendo (“patriot” in Swahili), a new local defence militia that has been fighting against the M23 guerrillas since the summer of 2023 and is trying to replace the role of the Mai-Mai militias in the area.
There is no age range or “limit” to being a Wazalendo. In the battalions, retired soldiers mix with young farmers, shopkeepers, unemployed men, mechanics, patriots and girls who are approaching adulthood and who avoid the furtive glances of their companions. At road checkpoints, crowded into positions close to the front and playing cards in the rear, dozens of teenagers are integrated into the militia.

The city of Goma with Nyiragongo volcano in the background. CC BY-SA 2.0/MONUSCO Photos

These militiamen are not part of any government military force and collaborate with the regular army. Wazalendo is the nickname given to dozens of armed groups divided into neighbourhoods, villages and cities that come together with the sole purpose of protecting their land. They put aside their differences to face a common enemy. The neighbourhoods and villages threatened by the M23 have organized themselves, armed themselves as much as possible and are fighting.
This is the case of former general Mbokani Kimanuka, who currently commands 2,780 men and 70 women divided into five regiments. Kimanuka was a military man until he retired to take up farming. But when war knocked on his door, he buttoned up his old uniform and recruited the force that today protects Goma on the slopes of the Nyiragongo volcano. The government asked him to use half of his men to prevent the M23 from conquering the volcano since its summit would become the ideal point for the guerrillas to launch the final offensive against the city. The fighting occurs almost daily. It is Intense, with few victims, but equally mourned by everyone.

The Congolese National Armed Forces (FARDC) are reinforcing their positions around Goma. CC BY-SA 2.0/ © MONUSCO/Clara Padovan

Every loss means the death of a fighter, but also that of a neighbour, a childhood friend, or a brother. The former general states that the very essence of Wazalendo lies in this very human aspect: “We have a strong collaborative relationship with civilians. They are the ones who give us food, water, blankets and wood for the fire to keep us warm. We eat because our women come every day to bring food for us to the base.”
He adds that family and friendship ties between the militia and civilians explain part of their effectiveness. “We are in the front line of battle – he says – and we don’t back down. While the military can fall into the abyss of panic during the fighting, a Wazalendo cannot retreat because he has his home behind him and retreating would mean giving up his home.”

Two waterways
The Wazalendo was born from a double necessity: the inability of the Congolese army to face the M23 in the past two years and the inertia of the United Nations mission in the country (MONUSCO) after almost 25 years from its inception and a few months from its departure from the country. The Wazalendo base their actions on Article 41 of the Congolese Constitution, which states that “every citizen has the right to a healthy, satisfying and lasting environment and must defend it.” The country’s legal framework allows the creation of armed militias, provided that their purpose is in line with the interests of the state and that they do not increase national instability.

Population fleeing their villages due to fighting between FARDC and rebels groups. MONUSCO/Sylvain Liechti

As for MONUSCO, Kimanuka expresses his disappointment by saying that he would like “them to leave Congo” and criticizes them saying “The fact is that they did not fight on the front line with us”. He wants the UN out of his country and is happy that the mission will technically end before 2025. As for the M23, the former general cites Rwandans, Ugandans and ‘white mercenaries’ in the ranks of the M23. For him, this is a war that the Congolese must fight without help because the help that comes to them is often counterproductive due to the interests linked to third countries in the riches of the DRC.
Congolese President Félix Tshisekedi is aware of the risk of entrusting the security of North Kivu to the militias. One of his promises during the election campaign preceding the December 2023 elections was to ensure the integration of militias into the army and to this end he proposed creating a reserve force. Former general Kimanuka agrees, although he believes that it would be more appropriate for the Wazalendo to be integrated into the army at the end of the conflict, rather than
during the course of it.

Shortage of material
To avoid improper use of weapons, militiamen receive very little military equipment with which to engage in combat. When a Wazalendo prepares for battle, he holds his machete close and a sorcerer applies the gri-gri spell that makes him ‘invisible.’
Only one in four uses an AK-47 instead of a machete. They fight and die, win or lose. When the latter happens, enemies flee and it’s time to desecrate the dead. The militiamen can keep the rings and the few banknotes they find during the looting, but the weapons they seize from the fallen are sent to the military authorities who decide how many the Wazalendo are to keep and how many are to be allocated to the state arsenal. Kimanuka states that “there are very strict rules regarding the movement of weapons, especially to avoid abuse. A Wazalendo who misuses his weapons will be tried by a military court, not a civilian one.”

People on the road from Virunga National Park to the city of Goma. iStock/ guenterguni

The Tshisekedi government’s restriction on the movement of weapons would appear to be a welcome measure, but both the former soldier and other militia members interviewed suggest a sense of frustration on their part. The scarcity of weapons among the militias and the government’s control over them hinders any hint of initiative on the part of the Wazalendo. Their offensive actions are limited to those directed by regular army commanders.
“If it weren’t for us, the M23 would already be in Goma. We are the only possible defence; we are the front line.” This is how the former general responds when questioned about the usefulness of his militiamen. The army almost never participates in actions in rural areas and the bulk of the troops are stationed in the cities, awaiting the final attack, if it comes. The militiamen’s motivation is strong, based on land and family, but Kimanuka believes Kinshasa could offer them incentives to make their actions even more decisive. He asks for adequate pay and equipment. A salary, however symbolic, replacing, to some extent, the jobs that the militiamen left to offer their lives for their country. Starting with boots without holes, rain ponchos, food, machete-sharpening stones and above all weapons. Without them, they cannot win the war.

A dangerous game
The DRC government is playing a dangerous game with the militiamen. On the one hand, looking at previous experiences, it limits the actions of the Wazalendo and reduces the flow of weapons in their direction; on the other hand, precisely for this reason, it arouses frustrations among these militiamen eager to liberate their land, but who see their government containing them, imposing deprivations on them. The gri-gri is ‘very effective’ until it is pierced by a bullet. The machete is useful in close combat, but useless during a forest firefight. And the lack of means translates into victims. Losses turn into tears. And the tears of the militias can evaporate, leaving behind a corrosive salt that repeats the history of the Mai-Mai militias.

The United Nations mission (MONUSCO) is expected to end before 2025. UN Photo/Clara Padovan

It can be establihed that the direct culprit for each of the victims would be the M23 guerrilla who fired the shots, but the Wazalendo is starting to understand that there is also an indirect culprit or a culprit by omission: the government.
The promise to integrate the members of these armed groups did not materialize, but it allowed President Tshisekedi to receive the support of these in the presidential elections that led to his re-election.
Eyewitnesses speak of militiamen, led by commanders who have not had formal military training, who often become protagonists of violence against the very populations they say they want to defend. Furthermore, bloody clashes have been recorded between different factions of the Wazalendo. Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo Besungu, Metropolitan Archbishop of Kinshasa, recently declared that “Armed groups ultimately become a danger to the population, extorting money from citizens, committing thefts and murders and in the business of illegal trading of minerals extracted from artisanal mines in the area”.

Alfonso Masoliver

The European elections.

Upcoming European elections: challenges and prospects for the European Commission. Analysis of the political landscape and industrial strategies in view of the new parliamentary cycle.

Elections for the renewal of the European Parliament will be held on 8 and 9 June, followed by a new European Commission. Outgoing President Ursula Von der Leyen is the official candidate of the relative majority party, the European People’s Party (EPP).

Almost all the other groups have also already expressed preferences, but it is worth underlining that these candidacies are expressed in the context of the “head candidate system” (also known as Spitzenkandidaten, in German) introduced in 2014 to make the election of the President of the European Commission more transparent.

However, these indications are not binding, and an alternative name may emerge, as happened after the 2019 elections when Ursula von der Leyen was chosen by the governments of the 27 and then confirmed by the European Parliament despite her not being a leading candidate.

According to the most recent projections, the composition of the Parliament will be significantly renewed compared to the closing cycle. In fact, right-wing or centre-right parties are expected to gain support and seats, while centre-left and green parties that are accredited could also suffer significant losses.

In the event of a “turn to the right” of the EU, it could potentially pave the way for an exclusively centre-right coalition. However, this is a very remote hypothesis: in the past, coalitions have always hinged on the “grand coalition” agreement between the EPP and the European Socialist Party (PES), to which, in the last decade, the centrist group of ALDE / Renew Europe, aggregated itself.

Whatever the electoral outcome, the new Commission and the new Parliament will have to face increasingly global challenges. Over the last five years, in fact, the EU has witnessed a return to industrial policy to free itself as much as possible from dependence on politically sensitive individual suppliers (Russia and China first and foremost) for the import of critical goods (for the double green and digital transition).

Brussels has thus proposed several packages of measures in a short time: the European Chips Act on semiconductors, the Net Zero Industry Act on strategic green technologies, the Critical Raw Materials Act on critical raw materials and the European Economic Security Strategy.

The underlying principle is the desire to maintain commercial ties with Beijing, while reducing dependence on the import of technologies with strong military or strategic implications, such as advanced semiconductors, quantum computing and artificial intelligence.

However, these intentions clash with the financial capacity available for the different measures. For example, if we really want to achieve the objective of the Chips Act, i.e. to increase Europe’s share of global semiconductor production from 10% to 20% by 2030, it is estimated that the EU would need to invest over 260 billion dollars by the end of the decade: almost six times the amount currently announced by Brussels.

Added to the resources necessary to achieve diversification in critical sectors are the additional defence expenditure hypothesized as a consequence of the Russian invasion of Ukraine and Trump’s doubts about NATO (and, more generally, the role of the United States in Europe). However, these increased expenses will have to take into account the new Stability Pact approved in April 2024, which for many countries with a high debt will limit the space for new investments.

In light of this context, the President of the European Commission Ursula von der Leyen has commissioned the former Italian Prime Ministers Mario Draghi and Enrico Letta to draw up two reports, respectively on the Future of European Competitiveness and on the Future of the Single Market, which aim to indicate the political agenda
of the next Commission.

The focus of these two documents is on the exhortation to abandon a too-isolated European position and to think of competitiveness not as an internal issue (i.e. competition between member states), but as an economic challenge with global players such as the United States and China – despite the differences between a democracy and an autocracy – which are carrying out massive industrialisation campaigns that put the EU’s economic interests at risk.

Letta, for his part, mentioned the need for European rules on M&A operations, which allow for the creation of true European champions capable of competing in the highly competitive global context just described. (ISPI) – (Photo: Shutterstock/PP Photos)

Mali. Ten years of the Amazons of music.

The music of the Amazones d’Afrique, a collective of female musicians started in Mali in 2014, is powerful, blending wide-ranging melodies, pan-African styles, gritty pop and an exuberant stage presence.

It is impossible to stop listening to them, not to be overwhelmed by the pop rhythms, by the electro-futuristic sounds combined with the traditional. But above all, it is impossible to remain indifferent to the message that their music and their voices carry on their continent and throughout the world. They are Les Amazones d’Afrique who celebrate their tenth anniversary this year. A group – or rather a supergroup – that has become an icon of the feminist movement in African music. A fusion of established artists and young talents of the new generation who use this art form to help women gain awareness and fight real social evils: early marriage, female genital mutilation, inequality and gender violence.

The year of birth of this all-female collective is 2014, the place is Bamako, Mali. Here, three Malian music stars and social change activists, Mamani Keïta, Oumou Sangaré and Mariam Doumbia, gave life to the first nucleus of the Amazones.
Since then, the movement has continued to expand to include many other African and diaspora artists. A celebration of culture and identity that passes through mother tongues. The songs, in fact, are a melange of Fon, Ewe, Pidgin, Mande, Lingala, Bambara, Yoruba, and Bede words because this is precisely what expanding means for Les Amazones: speaking to an ever-wider world and at the same time giving freedom of expression to African voices and women.
Yes, for the sake of clarity: the name of the group refers to the Amazons of Dahomey, a female military regiment that operated from the 17th to the 19th century in what is now Benin.
Another interesting thing is that the composition of this supergroup is constantly evolving and so many others have been added to the names of the founders and participants in the project in the early years. All exceptional figures of the West African female musical scene.

In 2015, in Marseille, their first concert and in the first song published – I play the kora which will be included in the first album – their manifesto: I’m your mother/Love me/I’m your sister/Love me/I’m your wife/You do not have the right to beat me/We women, all women/We want to be respected. We remember, among other things, that playing the kora, an instrument native to West Africa, was traditionally denied to women. Then it was the turn of the 2016 concert in the United Kingdom, while their message was now spreading very quickly. A rallying cry
for women’s rights.
In a recent interview on TV5 Monde Fafa Ruffino said: “We are not a movement against men, but our aim is to denounce the violence perpetrated against women and motivate them so that they make mothers, grandmothers and fathers understand that young women are not commodities; let’s talk for example about forced marriages. But another important fight is the one against excisions. We are addressing the young generations, who will have to decide the future. Young people must become aware that it is up to them to take control of their lives.” And again: “Women are strong, they have power, and the power we have is scary. But this is not a revolution, it is an awareness.” Music as a means of empowerment, therefore, as a celebration of female strength. And as a vehicle for change and unity.

Their first album, “République Amazone” (2017), saw the contribution of highly renowned artists, such as the Beninese Angélique Kidjo and the Nigerian singer-songwriter Nneka. In 2020, “Amazones Power” was released, in which the voices of the founder, Mamani Keïta, and the rising star of Mali, Rokia Koné, appear alongside a younger generation of African singers. Musow Danse (2024) is their third album, with electrofuturistic sounds. All published by Real World – a label founded by Peter Gabriel to promote ethnic and world music. (Les Amazones d’Afrique during the recording of their album République Amazone in Bamako, Mali in 2017. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Valerie Marlot – Real World Records

Antonella Sinopoli

Cheetah and the Rock Dassie.

The world was a very pleasant place in which to live. All the animals were friends and, although they occasionally had disagreements, they would never think of fighting, or harming each other.

Indeed, there was only one thing to be feared – and that was fire. Not the safe, warm fire that Man kept in his cave and beside which the animals loved to lie, feeling its heat seeping into them during the cold winter nights – but the cruel, all-consuming fire that sometimes occurred when the bushveld was dry and brown.

The fire that sprang up from nowhere, roaring and crackling across the land, destroying everything in its path. When this happened, all the creatures could do was run, never stopping until they had put a wide river between themselves and the flames.

One late afternoon, when most of the animals were dozing, the rhinoceros, who had a very keen sense of smell, raised his head, wondering what had awakened him. Scrambling to his feet he stood with his head in the air, sniffing first this way and then that.

He lumbered across to the sleeping giraffe and nudged him with his horned nose. “Giraffe – he said -, I smell smoke. You are taller than anyone else. Have a look around to see where it is coming from.”

The giraffe spread his long legs wide and at the third attempt rose to his feet. She stretched to his full height and even stood on tip-toe but she could not see above the trees that were all about them.
“I am sorry, Rhino – she said -, I cannot see, but I am sure you are right, I can smell the smoke myself.”

The rhinoceros snorted and trotted over to where the baboons were sleeping, all lying in a big heap together. “Hey, wake up – he called -. Wake up.” The baboons, annoyed at having their rest disturbed, untangled themselves from each other and jumped up, chattering angrily. “Quiet – shouted the rhinoceros, and when there was silence – he said -, Giraffe and I can smell smoke. One of you shin up the tallest tree you can find and see if you can locate a fire.”

At the word ‘fire’ panic broke out among the noisy creatures but one of the young males, with more presence of mind than the others, shinned up a nearby tree and with one hand to his forehead, shielding his eyes from the sun, he looked out over the landscape. He looked to the South, to the West, to the North – and he remained looking to the North, staring for all he was worth.

“It is a fire – he shrieked -, the biggest I have ever seen. Quickly, he slid down the tree. “We must tell all the) other creatures.”

Bounding and hopping across the ground he ran to where he had seen the elephant sleeping. Pulling the huge animal’s trunk, a thing he would never have dared to do had it not been an emergency, he woke him up.

“Elephant – he cried as the big beast opened his eyes -, Elephant, there is a big fire coming from the North. The animals must be warned to run to the river as fast as they can go.”

The elephant was wide awake immediately, and as he always slept standing up he had only to raise his trunk and let out a call that could be heard far away in all directions. Again and again, he trumpeted, and as all the animals hurried to see what was happening the baboon
told them of the fire.

In no time at all the whole area was full of animals crashing and leaping on their way to the river. The larger, faster animals carry the smaller ones on their backs. Fortunately, the river was quite shallow and slow-running and was easy to cross. Secretary Bird stood on the far bank, ticking each animal off on his list as they crossed to safety.

By now, the thick, black smoke was rolling across the river in a dark, choking cloud and all the animals had been accounted for except the little rock dassie. Secretary Bird called the information back to the others. “Oh dear – coughed the lion, his eyes smarting from the smoke -, where can the dassie be? If he does not hurry, he will never escape. Look, the flames have reached the edge of the forest and will
soon be at the river.”

With a hop and a jump, the keen-eyed kite took off from the ground and was soon gliding over the oncoming fire. Suddenly, he swooped down and rose again, wheeling twice in the air before flying back to the others.

“I have seen the dassie – he cried -. He is sitting on the large rock by the forest’s edge and seems too terrified to move. Even now the flames are licking at the foot of the rock. Someone will have to rescue him.”

The animals looked at each other fearfully. They were all frightened of the fire and did not want to risk being caught in a bid to rescue the little rock animal. “Hurry – screamed the kite -, or it will be too late.”

Suddenly, there was a flash of tawny fur, and the cheetah, whose coat was all one colour in those days, ran from the group of frightened animals and, without a word, plunged into the river, bounding through the water until he reached the other bank. Straight towards the fire, he ran, sometimes disappearing from view in the swirling smoke, on and on until he reached the rock where the kite had seen the dassie.

The sparks, jumping ahead of the flames had already reached the area and small fires were burning everywhere. There, on top of the rock, with tears streaming from his eyes stood the poor, terrified, little animal. “Quickly – shouted the brave cheetah -. Jump onto my back. Hurry, there is no time to lose.”

Peering through the smoke, Dassie saw Cheetah and with a mighty leap landed on his back and clung tightly to him. Through the sparks and the flames and the smoke ran Cheetah, running as he had never run before. Just before he reached the river the fire surged forward with a hollow roar and to the watching animals it appeared that he would be caught. But putting on a fantastic burst of speed Cheetah reached the river a split-second before the fire did.

Depositing the little dassie at the feet of the others, the cheetah stood before them, his sides heaving as a result of his noble effort. “Well done, well done – the animals cried -. How fast you ran! No other animal could have run so fast. But look at your beautiful, tawny coat. The sparks have scorched it in hundreds of places. Oh dear, oh dear!”

It was quite true. There were so many scorch marks that his coat looked quite different. Cheetah was quite upset about it at first but in the days that followed, when he saw the animals pointing out the scorch-marks to each other he became proud to possess a coat with such
distinctive markings.

The scorch marks are still there today and anyone who has ever seen Cheetah run will agree that only he could have rescued Dassie on that fateful day.

What the other animals did not notice was that Dassie was also scorched by a large spark! Of course, they were far too busy praising the cheetah, but if ever you are fortunate enough to see the shy rock dassie, you will notice the black mark caused by the spark, right in the middle of his back, the black mark standing out from the brown fur. (Illustration: Pixabay)

Folktale from Lango People. Uganda

 

 

Angola. Cristo Rey Seminary. A formation centre of excellence.

Since its foundation by the Spiritan Missionaries in 1928, the Cristo Rey Major Seminary of Huambo has trained dozens of bishops, hundreds of priests and many young people who today serve Angolan society. We paid it a visit.

Not far from the Cathedral of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception in the centre of Huambo stands the Cristo Rey Major Seminary. We were welcomed by Father Agostinho Ekongo, a professor of Church History. As he shows us around, we are reminded of the importance of the Huambo Seminary for the Church and Angolan society. He tells us: “The history of this training centre is inextricably linked to the Spiritan Missionaries, who arrived for the first time in the territory of present-day Angola in 1866 and who soon discovered the need to train the native clergy for the success of their evangelising mission. In 1921 a minor seminary was opened in the Sambo mission. However, 1928 is the year commemorated as the foundation year of the Major Seminary of Christ the King. The first group of young Angolans began their philosophy studies in the Galangue mission. The centre would then move to Ganda and then to Quipeio, until its definitive transfer to Huambo in 1947.”

Over the years, the Cristo Rey Major Seminary has maintained its prestige as a training centre of excellence.

Seven years earlier, in 1940, a concordat had been signed between Portugal and the Holy See which allowed the creation of three large dioceses in the country, including that of New Lisbon, the name
given to Huambo at the time.
In January 1941, Msgr. Daniel Gomes Junquiera, a Portuguese Spiritan missionary, was consecrated as the first diocesan bishop. According to Fr. Ekongo, “Bishop Junqueira had in his heart the desire to form an Angolan Church and to equip it with indigenous clergy, so during his 30 years of episcopate he consolidated the seminary of Huambo, which trained many priests for the diocese of Huambo and other locations of Angola”.Between the country’s independence in 1975 and the start of the civil war led by the MPLA and UNITA, Cristo Rey Major Seminary continued to play a fundamental role in the training of the Angolan clergy. The Marxist MPLA government expropriated all the seminaries, but, as Professor Ekongo points out, “Inexplicably and fortunately because even today the motivation is not well known, the Huambo seminary was not affected and remained the only one in the country to function throughout the 1980s.”
Initially, philosophy and theology students studied in the same structure, but in 1992, given the increase in the number of students from every corner of the country, it was decided to separate philosophy from theology. With independent management, the two centres share the same name and form a single large structure.

About 256 diocesan seminarians are pursuing their studies.

This year, 256 diocesan seminarians and seminarians from religious congregations, 148 of whom are in philosophy and 107 in theology,
are pursuing their studies.
Over the years, the Cristo Rey Major Seminary has maintained its prestige as a training centre of excellence and continues to welcome seminarians from 12 other Angolan dioceses.
The Angolan church is growing strongly, but the number of priests and religious is still limited in proportion to its needs. Mgr. Zeferino Zeca Martins, a Divine Word missionary who has been Archbishop of Huambo since October 2018, says: “The priority is the training of the clergy because we have 58 parishes and 41 missions and pastoral centres, and we need priests to take care of them adequately. There are currently 130 diocesan priests, 23 of whom are outside Angola for studies. It’s obvious there aren’t enough of them.”The Archdiocese of Huambo, which coincides territorially with the province of the same name, has a population of over four million inhabitants, with 63% Catholics, according to the archbishop’s statistics. Mgr. Zeca adds: “The Christian communities are growing and we are planning to open another four or five parishes, but I have no priests to send them.”

Seminarians in their work after class. The Angolan church is growing strongly, but the number of priests and religious is still limited in proportion to its needs.

The prelate’s words are at the same time a sign of joy but also of regret. The archbishop is convinced that “the specialization studies of priests is important to better serve the faithful”. For this reason, after a few years of pastoral service in the diocese after their time in the seminary, he does not hesitate to send them to Europe, even if they spend a few years away from the diocese. It is a necessary evil because according to Msgr. Zeca, “They must be well prepared to accompany the training of seminarians, hold courses, coordinate the professionalisation of the Caritas service, the diocesan secretariat and the other diocesan offices that we are creating, such as those of Economy and Communication.”
In the Archdiocese of Huambo, there are various congregations. Besides the Spiritan Missionaries, there are Benedictines and Capuchins, Passionists, Dominicans, the Brothers of the Holy Family, and more recently the Salesians.
An important aspect for Msgr. Zeca is the formation of laypeople. The archbishop recognizes that “the formation of lay people is still very lacking and that it is necessary to work on this aspect so that they can take their place in the Church.”

Enrique Bayo
Photos: Jos
é Luis Silván Sen

 

 

Senegal. Stories of colours and pains.

In Saint Louis, in the north of Senegal, boat building is one of the most deeply rooted activities among the population at large.
The bright colours and texture say a lot about their owners, their profession and their goals. Fishermen and migrants share both space
and an uncertain future.

Mamadou is sitting on a wooden bench, looking at his artwork. He gets up, hands smeared with white and red paint and runs a paintbrush along the bottom of one of the boats covered with sketches of the rivers, beaches and sea of Senegal. Although there is still a lot of work of this kind Mamadou is one of the few to practice this craft, and he is fuelled by enthusiasm. “It’s an honour to be a painter. There are no more than ten of us left in this city,” he says proudly.
His family has lived in St Louis for over fifty years. His father was also a boat painter. When he was younger, Mamadou said he wanted to become like his father. “It’s a very common profession in my family; almost all of us did the same thing,” he adds. Despite efforts to continue the family tradition, Mamadou insists that wages are still low. “I would like to continue painting, but I wouldn’t be able to feed myself,” he explains. The young man says that it is usually necessary, first of all, to negotiate the price with the boat builder and, in this tug-of-war, the price does not exceed around 150 euros per boat. “Sometimes it takes up to three weeks to paint an entire boat. It depends on the weather, but also on the paint available,” he says.

To make a boat you need a special wood and it is found more than 400 kilometres away, near the border with Guinea Bissau. 123rf

To make a boat you need a special wood and it is found more than 400 kilometres away, near the border with Guinea Bissau. It is from there that the main material for the boats that Mamadou paints comes: teak wood from the Casamance region, one of the richest in vegetation and
forests in the whole country.
Teak wood, also known as a luxury wood, is so durable that it is in demand by builders in Saint Louis, one of the country’s busiest fishing spots. “Casamance wood can take days or weeks to get here, and when it arrives, not everyone can afford it,” says Sidi, one of the locals surrounding Mamadou’s canoe.

When boats are used to transport migrants, they are usually using old boats that have lost their colour and are restored for that last journey. File swm

After buying the lumber and paint, construction of the canoe begins. On the banks of the port, the noise of the hammers merges with that of the waves. A group of young men fix rusty bolts to one of the precious wooden planks. From bottom to top, stylizing the two ends, bow and stern, they are working on one of the many boats stranded on the beach in this corner of West Africa. The boats may all seem similar but in reality, they are not. The construction or reconditioning processes are different, depending on the intended use of each vessel.
In those used only for fishing, wooden planks are arranged horizontally so that the crew can sit on them. In this case, fishermen go out to sea with brand new boats, with new teak wood and shiny paint. When boats are used to transport migrants, they are usually using old boats that have lost their colour and are restored for that last journey. The owners are looking for boats with deeper hulls, so they can carry more people on one of the deadliest migratory routes in the Atlantic.

Display items and symbols
Ibra Niang has lived in Lepe (Huelva, Spain) since 2019. He is a 36-year-old Senegalese migrant who left the country because a physical disability in his leg and the shortage of fish prevented him from working. He was a fisherman and a painter, just like Mamadou. Ibra keeps his artistic talent alive and sells his artwork. On the canvas, on a white wooden easel, there is no shortage of colours. His palette, like Mamadou’s, is stained with red, yellow, green and white, the colours he says are the most popular among Senegalese boatmen. “Red symbolizes spilled blood; yellow is the symbol of gold and success; green is the colour of hope, while white is the light that accompanies us”, he explains. Among the dozens of moored boats one can see some white stars positioned at the highest points. Almost as if to preside over the exit into the sea.
“When there is no star, the owner of the boat wants to highlight the colours of Pan-Africanism. On the other hand, the star highlights the Senegalese flag,” says the artist.

Young people, waiting to go to Europe. File swm

Thousands of miles away, in Saint Louis, boats travel along the canal until they reach the open sea in what becomes a parade of art and colour. The United States flag is wrapped around the bow of a young man’s boat as he sets off alone. Then, amidst applause and laughter, a group of fishermen point to the logo of the Chicago Bulls, Chicago’s professional basketball team. There is not only praise for the United States. Every now and then there is an illustration with allusions to Europe, particularly Spain or France. “Boat owners paint these flags because that’s where they want to travel or where they dream of living in the future,” Niang says.

Fishermen go out to sea with brand new boats, with new teak wood and shiny paint. Photo: Michele Cattani

Niang remembers his crossing to reach Spain: “I didn’t travel on a boat like the ones you see in Senegal. I started my journey in Morocco. In a plastic boat, with no colours”, says Niang. The young man arrived in Spain in 2019, together with 32 other people. His brother welcomed him to the peninsula. Today he dedicates himself to art and exhibits paintings that he sells in Lepe, in the province of Huelva or in different parts of the country. He also does so online using his website. He is one of the lucky ones who managed to cross along one of the deadliest migratory routes and now his dream is coming true. In his village, a few meters from Mamadou, dozens of young people gather on the beach of Ndar Toute. Some of the canoes that sail the Atlantic towards the Canary Islands depart from there, all looking for a better life.
“It’s incredible that on the boats I paint there are so many young people, women and children who want to get to Europe. I will never understand it,” says Mamadou. Last year, according to the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), around 186,000 people arrived by sea in southern Europe – Italy, Greece, Spain, Cyprus and Malta. The data also indicate that more than 2,500 migrants have died or disappeared in the Mediterranean in the same period. (Open Photo: Traditional painted wooden fishing boat. 123rf)

Soraya Aibar

Mission. It’s worth it.

They come from three different continents: Asia, Africa and Latin America. They study theology in Granada Spain. The reason why they chose the mission. Here’s what they told us.

My name is Tran Minh Thong, although my baptismal name is Peter. I was born in Vietnam on All Saints’ Day 1993. I was the youngest of six siblings. Like all families, mine had its wounds, and in the Vietnamese cultural context, being the youngest, I had no say in the decisions
my family made.

When I started high school, my friends and I became addicted to gambling. I spent money, wasted time, neglected my health and got lost in the virtual world. In those years I didn’t care about my future, I only thought about having a good time and being on the Internet. My life had no meaning or motivation.

However, I felt a strange energy, like a voice whispering inside me. I began to participate in the Pro-Life Movement, which defends life from the womb, and also in the charismatic movement. For the first time, I experienced that God is alive and close to me.

One day, praying in a corner of my room, I told him: “I want to offer my life for the Mission in Africa”. It was no coincidence that I met a Comboni missionary, and as I read the missionary testimonies that he sent me, my love for the Mission increased.

Eventually, I entered the Comboni Missionary community in Saigon, Vietnam, where my second life began. It was like finding a life jacket in a rough sea. I was thirsty for an orderly, healthy and courageous life because I was aware that I had thrown a lot of time out the window and had to recover what had been lost.

After several years of formation in the Philippines, I made my first religious profession and consecrated my life to the Lord for the Mission. I arrived in Spain a few months ago, after being assigned to the community of Granada to continue my training. I am discovering this country, its history, its climate, its food and, above all, its people.
The first challenge I have to overcome is the language, which is
not easy for us Asians.

Another challenge is living in an international community with so much to offer but in which I sometimes find myself lost because I am the only Asian. I know it’s part of missionary life and that I will make it eventually. We live in a world that rejects God’s presence, but in which there are still people who seek Him. I believe that the Holy Spirit is constantly at work in the world and in the Church.

Emmanuel Alejandro, “If you want to, talk to him”
I’m Emmanuel Alejandro Majia Sanchez, I’m 31 years old and originally from Magdalena, in the Mexican state of Jalisco. I have always known the Comboni Missionaries because every month they carry out missionary animation activities in my parish, especially accompanying the so-called Comboni Ladies. Despite their advanced age, most of them continue to support and give their best for the Comboni Missionaries.

My mother did not belong to this group, but she always collaborated with the annual campaigns of the Comboni Missionaries. After her passing 21 years ago, my family kept that commitment. The coordinator of the Comboni Ladies, Maria de Jesus Altamiro, was a key person in my decision to enter the Comboni Institute.

In 2014 I entered the diocesan seminary of Guadalajara, but I left the following year. On the way home, my parish priest asked me to help him as a sacristan for a few weeks while I found work, but what was supposed to be a few days turned into four years.

Every time she saw me in the parish, María de Jesús asked me a question that made me uncomfortable: “Are you going to spend your life cleansing the temple?” One day she said to me: “The Comboni Missionary is coming next Friday. If you want, talk to him.”

Even though I replied that I didn’t want to know anything about seminaries or anything like that, I spoke to the missionary, who gave me the biography of Saint Daniele Comboni. I read it and I was impressed by his tenacity; on 18 August 2018, I began my Comboni formation.
On May 13, 2023, I took my first vows and was sent to Granada
to study Theology.

I arrived in Spain on October 5th, when the course had already started at the Faculty of Theology in Granada, so all I could do was unpack my bags and start the lessons. The first week I learned about my apostolic position in the Calor y Café Association, where migrants in irregular situations are helped. After all the road travelled, a mixture of pain and joy, sleepless nights and early mornings, tears and smiles, I can say that missionary life is worth it.

Justin, seeking the will of God
My name is Justin Assey Yao. I was born in 1997 in Grand-Popo (Benin). I am the fourth of a family of five children who grew up in a simple, believing and peaceful family environment. As a child, I left my village to go with my aunt to Gonzagueville, Ivory Coast. I completed my
primary studies there.

In 2009 I received baptism and first communion. That same year I returned to my country, to Benin and precisely to Cotonou, to continue secondary school.

My missionary vocation was born in the ordinary context of my life. At the end of the fifth year of confirmation catechesis, our catechist asked us how we would serve the Church after receiving the sacrament. The question awakened the flame of the Lord in me.

I later joined the group of altar boys in my parish, which strengthened my life of faith and my vocation, and when I had the opportunity to learn about Comboni’s missionary life I was overwhelmed by his missionary zeal, by his love for Christ and his charism of evangelizing Africa despite the difficulties and unreliability of resources.

I decided to become a Comboni missionary the day Comboni Father Leopoldo Adanle was ordained in my parish. I got in touch with the vocation promoter and entered the postulancy in 2016.

In this first stage of formation there was no shortage of difficulties, which I resolved through prayer, the advice of the formators and the support of my brothers in the community. On May 8, 2021, I made my first religious profession and I have been in Granada, Spain for three years to complete my theology studies.

As missionaries we are called to study, observe, dialogue and understand the culture and modus vivendi of the place in which we find ourselves to better integrate and proclaim Christ. In a world where the message of the cross and the spirit of sacrifice proposed by Jesus seem to conflict with the search for individual and material well-being, we must bear witness to Christ, which is why it is worthwhile being missionaries today. Throughout our lives, we must continue to seek the will of God, whose love for us is permanent, even in the midst of our wilderness and vulnerable humanity.
(Photo: From Left: Emmanuel Alejandro, Tran Minh and Justin)

 

 

Peru. The Feast of the Sun.

June 24th marks one of Peru’s main holidays: Inti Raymi, in the Quechua language, which means “Festival of the Sun”. It is the most important cultural event in Cusco, which was the capital of the empire.

The Inca Pacha Kutiq (1418-71) founded the Inca Empire. In the Quechua language, Inca means ‘lord’, ‘king’, ‘monarch’, ‘emperor’ or ‘chief’. However, spiritually, it meant that he was the ‘Son of the Sun God’, ‘Apu Inti ‘in Quechua, the creator god in whom he and the people believed.
The Inca Pacha Kutiq made the city of Cusco in southern Peru the capital of the Inca Empire, which extended north to southern Colombia and south to central Chile. Then, a hundred kilometres from Cusco, he ordered the construction of Machu Picchu, the imperial and holy city, at 2430 meters above sea level in the Andes.
The city of Machu Picchu, 530 meters long and 200 meters wide, included houses, plazas, shrines, temples, cemeteries and aqueduct systems. It also had stepped terraces for agriculture and animal husbandry, especially llamas.

The Inca Pacha Kutiq made the city of Cusco in southern Peru the capital of the Inca Empire. Pixabay

One of the most emblematic elements of the sacred city was the sun clock (Intihuatana), built of stone and located at the highest point of the city. In the 1430s, Pacha Kutiq established the Inti Raymi (Festival of the Sun) in the city of Cusco, to be celebrated annually on the day of the winter solstice in the southern hemisphere – the day on which the sun is furthest away from the Earth.
The ancient Incas followed the setting of the sun – Apu Inti (Sun God) – also called Apu P’unchau (God Day) – when the days grew shorter in the weeks preceding the winter solstice. To ask him to start his cycle again, to bring warmth and life back to Earth, a majestic ceremony was held, which was initially called Wawa Inti Raymi, or Festival of the Sun Child.
The population prepared for the feast by fasting for three days.
During this period, no bonfires were lit in the cities. But during the festival, the Inca Pacha Kutiq ordered a new fire to be lit and distributed to all the houses. At dawn on the day of the festival, which was attended by representatives of the entire empire, the Inca Pacha Kutiq went to the main square and waited for the sun to rise. When the sun rose, people knelt with their arms outstretched. The Inca Pacha Kutiq stood up and blessed the population with two golden vessels.

The esplanade of Sacsayhuaman a few minutes before the Inti Raymi celebration. CC BY-SA 3.0/ Martin St-Amant

The high priest then made animal sacrifices and, studying their hearts, made predictions. The ritual also involved offerings of corn, coca leaves, chicha (a handmade alcoholic drink made from coca) or fruit and potatoes to the earth, to ask the solar deity for a good harvest.
On the same occasion, the Inca Pacha Kutiq was reaffirmed as the supreme leader of the empire and the Sun was confirmed as the supreme entity that helps the harvests and keeps the population alive.
In 1572, forty years after the arrival of the Spanish in Peru, the Inti Raymi festival was banned by the Spanish viceroy Francisco de Toledo, who considered it a pagan ceremony and contrary to the Catholic faith. The last Inca participation in the celebration was in 1535. However, the Inca continued to celebrate the festival in secret away from the Spanish authorities, and a mestizo named Garcilaso de la Vega recorded the details in his famous work Comentarios Reales.
About 372 years passed and, in 1944, Faustino Espinoza Navarro, a Peruvian writer and actor from Cusco, decided to promote the recovery of the Festival of the Sun by carrying out a historical reconstruction.
Since then, the festival has established itself as a public cultural event and attracts over one hundred thousand tourists every year.

The Great Celebration
The sun always shines on June 24 in Cusco. On this day, more than 700 actors dressed in multimotored Inca costumes, condor feathers, quipos (a textile artifact composed of multicoloured ropes and knots), yellow broom flowers and corn chicha in their hands, welcome the other actors who play the Inca and his wife. The character playing the Inca Pacha Kutiq comes dressed in red with a crown of gold and feathers. The other actors play the high priest, the Incan nobility and the delegates of the empire. The staging takes place in three specific places of Cusco of great historical importance: Coricancha, Plaza Mayor and Sacsayhuaman.

Cusco. Inti Raymi at Sacsayhuaman. CC BY-SA 3.0/Cyntia Motta

The first act of the staging, in the Coricancha, the golden temple built by the Inca Pacha Kutiq, begins with the entry of the sinchi (the general of the Inca army), followed by the imperial army, by the acla, women chosen as wives and priestesses of the Sun, invested with sacred qualities. Then the t’ika t’aqaqkunas – women who spread flowers on the ground for the passage of the Inca king – and the pichaqkun (men responsible for chasing away evil spirits with straw vases).
Finally, the Inca Pacha Kutiq appears, with his wife (coya) and his kumillo, the one who carries the achiwa, a parasol made of coloured feathers, and the high priest Willaq Umu.
The Inca Pacha Kutiq and the high priest make the offering to the Sun, whose image is, as in the past, a golden circular figure. All this takes place to the rhythm of traditional music, dance and song.
The second act of Inti Raymi takes place in the Plaza Mayor, in the historic centre of Cusco, where the main altar is located.
The Inca general orders the entry of the army, musicians and delegates from the four regions of the empire. Then the Inca Pacha Kutiq arrives, carried on a litter by eight servants, and goes up to the main altar with the high priest, where the so-called Coca Ceremony takes place.
This consists of the sacrifice of a lama and the offering
of coca leaves to the Sun god.

Cusco. In March 2001, the Inti Raymi was declared a Cultural Heritage of Peru and a Ritual Ceremony of National Identity. CC BY-SA 3.0/Cyntia Motta

Finally, the Chuquipampa esplanade in the Sacsayhuaman fortress is the third and main act of the event. There, surrounded by an evocative musical atmosphere, the Inca Pacha Kutiq and his entourage arrive to pay respect and admiration to the Sun.
The Inca Pacha Kutiq recites a prayer in the Quechua language and simulates the sacrifice of a camelid, so that the high priest can predict prosperity and well-being for the following year.
The Inca Pacha Kutiq is then confirmed as the supreme leader of the empire and the Sun as the supreme entity who helps the crops and keeps the people alive. All the actors leave and the celebration ends.
The message of the Festival of the Sun is that its triumphal return on the shortest day and after the longest night reactivates nature and this is a reason for joy and celebration. Inti Raymi is not a celebration exclusive to Cusco, but to most of the Andean populations of the countries of the former Inca Empire, southern Colombia, Ecuador, Bolivia, Chile and northern Argentina. In March 2001, the Inti Raymi was declared a Cultural Heritage of Peru and a Ritual Ceremony of National Identity. (Open Photo: The golden statue of The Inca Pacha Kutiq in Cusco. 123rf

Fernando Félix

 

 

 

 

 

Guinea Bissau. The environment and the local culture, keys to development at Bijagós.

How to improve the relationship between local communities and the environment. The great wealth of biodiversity of the Bijagós archipelago. The inhabitants are the custodians of their ecosystem.

The rainy season begins and with it the turtle counting activities in the João Vieria Poilão Marine National Park (PNMJVP). This area belongs to the Bijagós archipelago, located off the coast of Guinea-Bissau, West Africa. It is the third largest colony of giant sea turtles on the continent and every year both the body that manages the protected areas and the population welcome this responsibility with the same enthusiasm.Bijagós is a group of islands and islets declared a biosphere reserve by UNESCO in 1996. Of the 88 islands, 22 are inhabited, with a population of 33,000, although the population is mainly concentrated on five of them.

Antonio Pérez, director of the João Vieria Poilão Marine National Park (PNMJVP) since 2018. (Photo: Sara Martín López)

Biosphere reserves are developed under the “Men and Biosphere” Program (MaB). Selected for their scientific interest, they are mainly based on three criteria: conservation and protection of biodiversity, sustainable economic and human development and logistical support for research and education activities.
The MaB is an intergovernmental program that seeks to establish a scientific basis for improving the global relationship between people and their environment. Launched by UNESCO in 1972, it proposes an interdisciplinary research and capacity development agenda focusing on ecological, social and educational dimensions to improve the livelihoods of human beings. This proposal should include innovative approaches to economic development that are socially and culturally appropriate and environmentally sustainable.

The work of protection
The Institute for Biodiversity of Protected Areas (IBAP), created in 2014, manages the protection of natural spaces with very clear objectives: to promote the conservation of ecosystems and biodiversity, as well as support the creation and management of protected areas.
The challenges of the PNMJVP are more specific: the protection of biodiversity and island ecosystems, the conservation of sea turtles and colonial aquatic birds, the protection and valorisation of the cultural heritage of Bijagós, the contribution to the regeneration of fish resources and the development of eco-tourism.
In addition to the dense palm trees, jungle, mangroves, paradisiacal white sand beaches and crystal-clear waters, the Bijagós archipelago is not only a perfect destination for ecotourism lovers’ dream holidays, thanks to its diversity, but for biologists and scientists it is also a natural laboratory that offers a scenario for studying possible cures for the world’s deadliest diseases.

A group of elderly people at a meeting. Their entire culture revolves around nature, from which they draw everything from food to medicine. The elderly population is fundamental for the transmission of this wisdom. (Photo: Sara Martín López)

Antonio Pérez, originally from Bissau, has been the director of this park since 2018. Here he leads and coordinates activities related to conservation and awareness. “The turtle counting season lasts four months, from August to November. The number of turtles welcomed into the park varies greatly depending on the stage of maturity of the individuals ready to lay their eggs and taking into account various factors such as environmental threats and physical conditions. Green turtles and hawksbill turtles are the most common in this archipelago”, explains Pérez, and adds that “even if we have not reached 100,000 units, the number is high, almost close to that of Costa Rica. In 2020 we reached 60,000 nests on the island of Poilão, which makes us the third most important place on the Atlantic coast.”
To cover this reception period, the Institute for Biodiversity of Protected Areas (IBAP) and the population of the island are responsible for the process. This is one of the reasons why awareness meetings are held in the various villages in which the entire population is invited to participate.These meetings are two-way. On the one hand, the different problems that the population faces in daily life are presented and the islanders are informed and made aware of the protected fishing areas within the PNMJVP and how they can actively contribute to its conservation work. On the other hand, they are encouraged to form associations and present initiatives to participate in projects led by international organizations.

Daily life
The people who inhabit these islands maintain a subsistence economy in which they extract and consume what they need from nature, which results in a high degree of conservation and respect for the environment. The inhabitants are the custodians of their ecosystem.
One of the tasks undertaken and promoted by the local population is collective work. Through associations, they meet periodically to discuss various issues. The awareness work they carry out is extremely important, since maintaining environmental balance directly affects the livelihood of the population.

Fishermen collecting the nets in an old traditional fishing canoe near the island of Orango at sunset. Shutterstock/TLF Images

As in any formal meeting, an agenda is followed, the names of the participants are noted and minutes are drawn up as a summary of the work. In these meetings, questions are raised, and discussed and future activities are established according to a timetable. The whole population is invited: young people, elderly people, women and children.
People’s awareness about biodiversity conservation is very high. They know that their survival depends on maintaining natural resources. Their entire culture revolves around nature, from which they draw everything from food to medicine. The elderly population is fundamental for the transmission of this wisdom, which is different on each island since each has its ecosystem and its species to protect.
On some of these islands and villages, there is no western impact. There are no roads, no cars, no hotels, no electricity, no running water. In these corners of Bijagós, it is understood that economic development will be based on projects linked to the conservation of the environment, species, renewable energy, ecotourism and cultural values. (Open Photo: An island of Bijagós, UNESCO Biosphere Reserve. Shutterstock/Anton_Ivanov)

Sara Martín López

Burkina Faso. A climate of fear and violence.

The country has long been going through a phase of instability and violence that threatens its survival. The rise to power of the military has not improved the situation. On the contrary, it has actually worsened it by aggravating a series of pre-existing problems. At this moment, there is no way out of this state of affairs, which risks having serious negative repercussions on the region.

On 20 September 2022, Captain Ibrahim Traoré, leading several branches of the armed forces, seized power in Burkina Faso, becoming the youngest head of state in the world. In doing so, he overthrew another military junta, the one led by Lieutenant Colonel Paul Henri Damiba, who had ousted President Roch Marc Christian Kabore
in January of that year.

Burkina Faso Political Map with capital Ouagadougou. 123rf

Kabore was elected in 2015, after a popular uprising had put an end to the regime of Blaise Compaoré, also a military man who came to power by force in 1987.Since its independence in 1960, Burkina Faso has thus experienced several coups d’état. The weakness of its institutions has been aggravated in recent years by the aggression of jihadist groups (linked to Al Qaeda or the Islamic State) that have infiltrated the territory from neighbouring countries (especially Mali), exploiting the shortcomings of the public administration and latent ethnic and religious tensions. During the lengthy period of Compaoré’s rule, it seemed that Burkina Faso was spared regional instability and increasing attacks by jihadist groups. Compaoré had even carved out a role for himself as a regional player in mediating conflicts. But this was only an optical illusion. In reality, the progressive weakening of institutions under Compaoré due to phenomena such as corruption created the conditions for jihadists to infiltrate.

Captain Ibrahim Traoré, Transition President of Burkina Faso. Lamine Traoré / VOA

According to some sources, Traoré decided to carry out the coup because he did not agree with the way the fight against the rebels was being handled by the military high command. The problem is that at the moment he seems mainly concerned about remaining in power. His fears are fuelled by the knowledge that there is a strong resentment towards him by armed forces officers like himself, perhaps with a higher rank than his, who have been ousted. An attempt to overthrow him organised by the military and civilians was reportedly foiled in September 2023. He has profoundly changed the security forces by, among other things, creating 25 Rapid Intervention Battalions (BIR), military units loyal to him to which he gives orders directly. In addition, he increased the recruitment of the Volunteers for the Defence of the Homeland (VDP), a paramilitary corps that supports the army in the fight against extremists.Besides domestically, Traoré sought to strengthen himself internationally. First, he has forged ties with regional partners in the same situation, starting with Assimi Goita, who seized power in Mali in a coup. Then he forged ties with Moscow, especially about internal security.

A new alliance
The military junta in power in Burkina Faso has formed a strong alliance with those of Mali and Niger, and the three, which are at loggerheads with the other countries in the region, have formed the Alliance of Sahel States. On 16 September 2023, they signed the so-called Liptako-Gourma Charter, which gave birth to such an organisation. It takes its name from the region, also known as the ‘area of the three borders’, that lies on the border of the three states. This area, however, has in recent years become one of the epicentres of insecurity in the Sahel region, due to the extremist groups operating there.

Ingall, Niger. Armed soldiers. Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger have formed the Alliance of Sahel States. Shutterstock/ Katja Tsvetkova

The Charter lays the foundation for an alliance for collective security and defence, which could be extended in the future to states in the region that share its values. In fact, among other aspects, the charter also provides for the fight against rebellions that may break out within its members. Indeed, while it contains statements of principle against external interference in the life of a state, it indicates the conditions under which members may intervene on the territory of another to suppress an insurrection. Since the three regimes have established themselves by force, it is safe to assume that the Alliance is not only an instrument to counter jihadist terrorist movements, but also a tool to ensure the three juntas remain in power in the face of a possible popular uprising (due to discontent) or a coup attempt carried out by a faction of the armed forces dissatisfied with its own condition.
Truth be told, there are doubts as to whether one of the three armies would then concretely intervene to come to the aid of another, if only because each of the three faces a considerably problematic situation in terms of security and has deficiencies in terms of equipment and training. In Burkina Faso, for example, large parts of the territory escape the control of the institutions due to the attacks of extremist groups.
But, if only in principle, the way has been cleared for armed
intervention by the allies.

West African money CFA. iStock/ peeterv

On 28 January 2024, the three allies announced their decision to leave the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS), the regional political body of which they had been members until now and which had condemned the three coups in several ways. Among other things, the juntas accused ECOWAS of being influenced by foreign powers, of not supporting their fight against instability and of having implemented ‘unjust’ and ‘inhuman’ sanctions against them after the three coups.
There is also a plan for the three countries to abandon the currency common to many countries in the region, the CFA Franc (another remnant of French colonisation), and create a new currency, which should be called the ‘Sahel’. The problem is that at present there does not seem to be the economic basis to implement such a project. The idea of a new currency seems more of a propaganda initiative than a serious project. It is undoubtedly part of a broader debate, which concerns all the countries using the CFA Franc and which has led regionally to the idea of a new single currency for all members. This project has been slowed down first by the Covid-19 pandemic and then by resistance from some parties.  (Open Photo: Burkina Faso Flag. 123rf)
A.C.

Where to go…

Distrust seems to be growing not only among ethnic groups but also among religious communities. And this translates into attacks against the faithful gathered to pray in churches or mosques. And the junta bears its share of responsibility in all this.

To stay in power, Traoré, in addition to the measures seen above, frequently resorts to calls for the mobilisation of the population against Burkina Faso’s alleged internal and external enemies. A group of supporters of the president (called ‘Wayiyan‘) has been created in the population, who frequently demonstrate in the streets to support him.
Moreover, he seems to lean towards certain sectors of the Burkinabé Muslim community, and in particular towards Wahabi currents. He is the son of practising Muslims but is not practising on a personal level.

Mosque in the rural area. The Muslim community, the majority in Burkina Faso, had long felt excluded from the positions of power. File swm

On the contrary, according to some, he was initiated into traditional religion. Apart from these aspects, the Muslim community, the majority in Burkina Faso, had long felt excluded from the positions of power occupied by the Christian minority. Traoré’s rise to power and experienced by some as a redemption for this community. The problem is that this rebalancing would take place not in a democratic framework, but based on prevarication and force.
So, there is a risk of aggravating religious tensions, which have already been exacerbated by the actions of the jihadists.
The dynamics described above seem to be leading to a progressive disintegration of Burkina Faso, with a loss of territory to extremist groups and with a tearing apart of the social fabric and the breaking of the rules of coexistence between ethnic communities and between religions. To this must be added the abuses against critics of the regime, with the possibility of the loss of legitimacy of the institutions in the eyes of a large part of the citizenry.

Ouagadougou. A quiet moment, with nobody in the vast Place de la Revolution / Revolution square. iStock/ mtcurado

The measures put in place by the junta do not currently seem sufficient to guarantee its long-term survival. Despite cooperation with the Russians and other allies, the Burkinabé security forces are currently unable to defeat the subversive groups due to manpower and equipment shortages. The divisions within the armed forces between officers who benefited from the coup led by Traoré and their comrades sidelined could further slowdown the fight against subversive movements. The VDP also suffer from workforce and equipment shortages and complain of a lack of trust in them by the military.
Russia declared in 2023 that engagement in Africa is a strategic factor for it and therefore it is difficult to imagine that Moscow will withdraw from the region, at least in the short term. However, due to the conflict in Ukraine and the resulting international isolation (even if only partial), it is unable to deploy resources at least economically comparable to those that France and Western countries as a whole could deploy. These, however, are reluctant to intervene in support of Traoré and his clique because they are held back by aspects such as human rights violations against opponents and minorities (such as the Fulanis) and, in general, by distrust for a regime that is critical of the West because it is inspired by Pan-African rhetoric.
Some leaders of the countries in the region seem to be observing the evolving situation in Burkina Faso with concern. First of all because, as seen before, some of their armed forces officers might be tempted to take up arms like Traoré and then go to other military juntas and Russia for help. Secondly, because a possible final collapse of Burkinabé institutions would in any case have negative consequences for the security of the region. Jihadist groups, which the armed forces in Ouagadougou are currently trying to counter as best they can, would have even more freedom to manoeuvre. On the other hand, the crisis in Burkina Faso is also the child of the crisis in Mali, which in turn is also the child of the collapse of Gaddafi’s Libya.

Militant Jihadists in a village. CC BY-SA 4.0/ aharan_kotogo

The experience of Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger shows that military coups are not an effective solution to the problem of countering insecurity, particularly about the fight against jihadism. This problem requires a multidimensional effort on the economic, social and security levels that only articulated political management can provide. In other words, the military is only one tool among others in the fight against this phenomenon. Moreover, the remedy cannot be worse than the evil. Indeed, the damage done to the social structure of Burkina Faso in terms of increasing ethnic and religious tensions and the abuses against critics and opponents of the regime are likely to far outweigh any positive effects of the military dictatorship.
The very real risk is that the final bill will be paid by Burkinabe citizens, including those who support Traoré and his junta at the moment. (Open Photo: Ouagadougou. Woman riding her bicycle in the rush traffic of the Capital city. iStock/ U.Ozel.Images)

Andrea Carbonari

 

 

 

 

Descent into chaos.

In Burkina Faso, the terrorist threat emerged after 2015, the year in which the first president after the lengthy period of the Compaoré regime was democratically elected.

In 2016 jihadists started to penetrate the country from Mali. Since then, the situation has steadily worsened. According to Armed Conflict Location and Event Data Project (ACLED, that collects and analyses information concerning conflicts worldwide) data, 7,600 civilians were killed in 2023, compared to 1,414 civilians in 2022, and 757 in 2021. As the data show, despite the military coming to power in 2022, the situation has not improved, quite the contrary. What made it worse were certain measures implemented by the men in uniform, such as the indiscriminate use of the VDPs.
A report by the International Crisis Group (ICG), clearly describes the spiralling out of control of the violence (Burkina Faso: Arming Civilians at the Cost of Social Cohesion? 15 December 2023).

Attack of jihadist militants on a military base in Burkina Faso. CC BY-SA 4.0/ aharan_kotogo

Acts of violence committed by security forces or jihadists lead to reprisals that help attract new recruits to the army or the VDPs but also to jihadist groups. Burkina Faso is going through a circle of violence and vengeance where any massacre (committed by jihadists or pro-government forces) leads to another massacre. These conflicts risk to put an end to cohabitation and bring to the falling apart of the country.
Burkinabé authorities failed to get back the control of their territory without endangering the population. In their effort, pro-government forces seem to drag communities into the war at the risk of making them more vulnerable, both from a security and an economic point of view. In reality, the government forces seem to overlook the risks that the populations run from the rebel attacks, which are firmly entrenched in some territories, and demand total cooperation from them. Those who do not openly and decisively stand against the government run the risk of being abused by the armed forces or the VDP. But those same people may suffer reprisals from jihadists since the government is able to control an area in a stable manner and therefore the return of extremists in force is always possible.

Mistrust
Given the difficulties encountered by the armed forces in the course of the repression of the insurgency, the authorities (particularly under Traoré) began to make extensive use of the VDPs, which also constitute one of the pillars of power in the society of the new junta. This has been partly useful in terms of military success and control of the territory. On the other, it is creating considerable problems in terms of social cohesion and co-existence between ethnic groups.

Rural village in Burkina Faso. Serious concerns between the Mossi and the Fulani.123rf

The most obvious and dangerous aspect of this dynamic concerns relations between the Mossi and the Fulani (also called Peul). The Mossi – an ethnic group making up 50 percent of the population of Burkina Faso –  are the majority within the ranks of the VDPs at a national level. On the opposite side, the Fulani –  Burkina’s second-largest group (they are around 10 percent of the population)  – are generally not recruited. This phenomenon is particularly evident in areas where the Fulani are the majority of the local population or are deeply implanted. It causes the Fulani to accuse the Mossi of defending their interests to the detriment of those of the community and of committing abuses against them, on the strength of the fact that they have weapons and the cover of central intelligence. Similar dynamics have been observed, on a smaller scale, in territories where the Songhai (another ethnic group) make up the majority of the VDP in a territory where the Tuareg and Fulani make up the majority of the inhabitants.
The Fulani, a nomadic population traditionally devoted to pastoralism and of predominantly Islamic religion living between Senegal and the Central African Republic, are finding it increasingly difficult in many contexts to be accepted by the settled populations (mainly devoted to agriculture). In addition to the classic problems of relations between farmers and herders, such as herd transit and competition for access to water sources, religious radicalism and jihadist propaganda have been added in recent years.

The Fulani, a nomadic population traditionally devoted to pastoralism and of predominantly Islamic religion. File swm

Not only in Burkina Faso, in fact, several extremists have launched appeals to the Fulani communities to join the rebel groups (the only ones who would defend their interests). These appeals, which have had a certain success given the malaise of part of the Fulani, have naturally had the main effect of casting suspicion of treason on a community that was already seen as alienated by sectors of the population due to its traditional nomadism (which has been declining in recent decades). Because of the hostility towards them, particularly by the VDP, the Fulanis are reluctant to join the security forces and cooperate with them, even when they do not intend to cooperate with the jihadists. But their attitude of equidistance between the two fronts is not actually accepted by the armed forces, and this fuels suspicion of the Fulanis. At the moment, the Traoré junta does not appear to be particularly preventive towards the Fulanis, but it does not seem to have so far put sufficient measures in place to reduce the respective mistrust between the parties. (Open Photo: Soldier with assault rifle and flag of Burkina Faso on military uniform. Shutterstock/Bumble Dee)

A.C.

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