TwitterFacebookInstagram

Cambodia. Giving Dignity.

The Catholic Church is addressing the social challenges of Sihanoukville. In the face of the human trafficking crisis and social injustice, the response is both spiritual and humanitarian.

Over the years, the port city of Sihanoukville, located on the southern coast of eastern Cambodia, has become a crossroads of various social and political issues. At the heart of these challenges is the human trafficking crisis, which includes prostitution, online scams and violence against Cambodian sailors.
Founded in 1960 by Prince Sihanouk to give Cambodia back a deep-water port and a seaside resort, the city, a symbol of freedom, is now faced with the scourges of modern slavery that threaten its sovereignty. Faced with this alarming situation, which affects not only the trapped foreigners but also the local Cambodian population, the Catholic Church, through various committed actors, is providing a response based on solidarity, justice and human dignity.

The Good Shepherd Sisters are at the forefront of providing support to victims of Human trafficking. MEP

Sister Michelle and the Good Shepherd Sisters play a vital role in the fight against prostitution and the exploitation of women, while Caritas Cambodia is involved in the issue of online scams and other Church initiatives within the Stella Maris network, aiming to warn the public about violence against Cambodian sailors.The city of Sihanoukville, with its growing attraction to tourists, has unfortunately seen an increase in prostitution and human trafficking. This crisis particularly affects young girls and vulnerable women, who are often manipulated or forced into prostitution by criminal organizations.
Sister Michelle and the Good Shepherd Sisters are at the forefront of providing support to victims of this trafficking. Their work mainly consists of providing shelter to women victims of violence and exploitation in the red-light district of Phnom Khiev, also known as Blue Mountain. Through their shelter, they offer them a safe space in which to rebuild their lives and provide education for their children, as well as vocational training opportunities for themselves. The nuns also provide legal support to victims, helping them regain their dignity and free themselves from trafficking networks.
But beyond the material aspect, Sister Michelle and her fellow nuns, with their many years of experience in a similar context in Pattaya, Thailand, are committed to giving spiritual hope to the women they accompany, transmitting to them the love of Christ and the strength of a faith that helps them overcome suffering and look forward to a different future.

Sihanoukville. The city, with its growing attraction to tourists, has unfortunately seen an increase in prostitution and human trafficking. Shutterstock/Assa2215

Online scams are another serious scourge that affects Cambodia. These scams, often perpetrated by international criminal groups, exploit the naivety of victims by luring them into financial traps, promising fictitious jobs or earning opportunities. Driven by poverty or hyperinflation, as in the case of Sri Lanka, India and Indonesia, victims find themselves in situations of extreme vulnerability.
Caritas Cambodia, in collaboration with local authorities and other non-governmental organizations, offers support to people who have fallen victim to these scams. In addition to providing information and promoting awareness campaigns to prevent scams, Caritas offers support to victims, helping them to recover their funds and rebuild their lives after suffering financial abuse. The Ta Khmau shelter offers an alternative to detention centres, where abuse is common, allowing many victims to avoid it.
Caritas’ approach also focuses on promoting justice and integrity, in a spirit of Christian solidarity that goes beyond material aid. For example, the local Church has joined forces with Caritas to bring together staff from the Ministry of Social Affairs and local NGOs to train them to address the new online trafficking crisis that is rocking the Cambodia-Thailand border in Koh Kong.
A final group of people often forgotten in this new form of modern-day slavery is the Cambodian sailors, often from rural areas: they are among the most vulnerable workers in the Sihanoukville region.
Promises of work on fishing boats attract many, but then find themselves subjected to inhumane conditions and exploitation. The violence suffered by Cambodian migrant workers on Thai fishing boats is effectively depicted in Buoyancy, a Khmer feature film that was a great success when it was screened in 2022.

Fishing boats in the port of Sihanoukville. Within the Stella Maris network, to warn the public about violence against Cambodian seafarers. Shutterstock/Gaston Piccinetti

Often, their working conditions are similar to a modern form of slavery, with many sailors being kidnapped and forced to work on fishing boats off the coast of Thailand, in conditions of extreme violence and deprivation that can even lead to their death.
The Catholic Church, through the Stella Maris network, is working to denounce this exploitation and find solutions.
This year, the local Church has launched a campaign to raise awareness and warn young Cambodians about the dangers of working at sea and to create support groups to assist sailors who manage to return from these dramatic situations.The situation in Sihanoukville is emblematic of the many global challenges to which the Catholic Church responds with humanity, solidarity and faith.
Through the initiatives of the Sisters of the Good Shepherd, Caritas Cambodia and the Stella Maris network, the Church is trying to find concrete solutions to the many forms of exploitation to which vulnerable people are subjected in the region.
In this complex context, the mission of the Church is not limited to the distribution of material aid, but is also a testimony of hope and human dignity, faithful to its mission to protect the weakest and defend the rights of the oppressed. (Open Photo: Sihanoukville Downtown. 123rf)

Will Conquer/MEP

 

 

Cultural and religious diversity.

The country is a characterised by extraordinary cultural and social diversity. The Argentine population is predominantly of European origin, with approximately 85-90% of the inhabitants descending from immigrants, mainly Italians and Spaniards, who arrived between the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century.

This makes Argentina one of the countries in Latin America with the largest European presence. Mestizo populations, of mixed European and indigenous origin, are less numerous than in other countries in the region, but are mainly present in the north of the country.
Indigenous communities represent approximately 2-3% of the population and include groups such as the Mapuche, Qom and Guaraní. There are also Afro-Argentine minorities, which, though now very small, are historically significant. Finally, Argentina is home to small but important communities of Arab, Jewish and Asian origin, who arrived during the 20th century. The ethnic composition of the country reflects a complex history of migration, assimilation and the rediscovery
of original identities.

The Metropolitan Catholic Cathedral of Buenos Aires. 75.5% of Argentinians profess to be Catholic. 123rf

From a religious perspective, according to the most recent estimates, the Argentine population is made up of approximately 75.5% Catholics, 8% are people who do not identify with any religion, 15.3% are Protestants (of which 7.9% are Pentecostals), 1.2% are Jehovah’s Witnesses, 0.9% Mormons and 1.2% are people who follow other religions.
In recent years, there has been a significant increase in the percentage of Protestants in Argentina. According to a statistical survey carried out by CONICET in 2019, Protestants represent 15.3% of the population, with a prevalence among young people and people with a low level of education. This phenomenon is partly attributable to the spread of Pentecostal evangelical churches, which have found fertile ground among the most disadvantaged social classes, offering a message of hope and prosperity in a context of economic and social difficulties.
In recent decades, the growth of evangelical and Pentecostal churches in Argentina has also taken on a significant geopolitical dimension. This phenomenon is not only the result of internal social dynamics, but also reflects the cultural and political influence of the United States in Latin America. Evangelical communities often receive organisational and financial support from important US religious institutions, such as the Southern Baptist Convention and the International Mission Board, as well as from international Pentecostal networks such as the Assemblies of God. These entities promote missionary, social and political activities, conveying conservative values and strengthening strategic ties in the region. In addition, philanthropic organisations linked to conservative Christian movements in the US, such as the Family Research Council, provide funding support to many local evangelical communities.

People in an urban street in Buenos Aires. Argentine society comprises a wide spectrum of social classes, including a significant urban middle class. 123rf

This expansion has also influenced the internal political debate in Argentina, favouring the emergence of social and political groups with positions more aligned with certain US orientations, especially on ethical issues such as the role of the family, abortion and civil rights. This evolution reflects a change in the beliefs and values of Argentine society, influenced by factors such as globalization, access to diverse information, and public debate on ethical and moral issues. Despite this, Catholicism maintains a significant presence in daily life, traditions, and national holidays. In addition, growing religious plurality has led to an enrichment of the country’s spiritual landscape, with the emergence of new forms of religious and spiritual expression.
Argentine society is composed of a wide spectrum of social classes, with a significant presence of urban middle classes, but also of popular sectors that face conditions of vulnerability and marginalisation. Socio-economic disparities are accentuated by factors such as the recurrent economic crisis, high inflation and unemployment, which impact especially on the weakest segments of the population. These elements create a climate of social instability that is also reflected in political tensions and organized crime phenomena. It should also be noted that Argentine civil society is very active and involved in political debate, with social movements that emerge on issues such as human rights, indigenous populations’ claims, environmental issues and civil rights. These actors contribute to shaping the political agenda, but at the same time, they find themselves faced with challenges related to the management of power and the resistance of traditional institutions.

The city of Rosario, is considered epicentre of drug trafficking activities. 123rf

The issue of the fight against drug trafficking represents one of the most critical and complex fronts for the Argentine political system. The Santa Fe region, and in particular the city of Rosario, are considered epicentres of drug trafficking activities, with serious consequences in terms of security, justice and local governance. Its strategic location, combined with the presence of logistical infrastructures such as the river port, has made Rosario a crucial hub for drug cartels, both national and international. This phenomenon has had serious repercussions on security, with an increase in homicide rates and clashes between rival gangs. Argentine institutions have implemented various plans and strategies to combat this phenomenon, but the presence of deeply rooted criminal organisations and the link with international drug trafficking networks make the work extremely difficult.
Furthermore, corruption and the lack of adequate resources contribute to creating a situation of vulnerability that undermines citizens’ trust in the authorities. The challenge of crime is intertwined with internal political issues, thus generating a context of serious instability that affects the country’s prospects for growth and democratic strengthening.  (Open Photo: Mate is a traditional Argentine caffeine-rich infused herbal drink. PIxabay)
(F.R.)

Jubilee of the Youth: An Unforgettable Journey of Hope.

Coming from five continents, 270 young people belonging to the Comboni Youth Movement gathered in Rome (24th July – 4th August 2025) to celebrate the Jubilee. Nine young people joined two Comboni Missionary priests, from the London province embarked on a pilgrimage to the Jubilee of the Youth in Italy. Some participants
share their experiences.

Before arriving in Italy, we had the expectation of meeting Pope Leo XIV, deepening our faith, and marvelling at the grandeur of the Vatican. Yet, as the journey unfolded, we were quickly humbled and transformed by the life and mission of Saint Daniel Comboni. Our initial hopes of a ‘grand adventure’ gave way to a deeper, quieter spiritual experience as we embraced a life of stillness with our new family at the Comboni Missionaries’ house.
We arrived in Verona on the 24th of July. Each morning that followed, we gathered for Mass, joined by young people from across the globe (particularly a large group from Egypt), and we met with elderly community members who, despite health struggles, remained firm in their faith, which was beautiful to witness.

In Verona, we were joined by young people from across the globe. Photo: Rhea Nadeem

One of the most profound experiences we had during our time there was visiting the childhood home of Saint Daniel Comboni in Limone on Lake Garda. Standing in the place where he received his calling was profoundly moving, stirring something within us and inviting us to reflect on how God might be calling us in our own lives.
In a chapel at Limone, where Saint Daniel Comboni’s parents’ remains rest, it became a profound experience for some of us. Despite the breathtaking beauty of Lake Garda outside, it was the humble chapel’s sacred atmosphere that moved us deeply. Overcome with joy, gratitude, and peace, realising in that moment the depth of God’s love in our lives. Moreover, it was humbling to reflect upon the sacrifice of Comboni’s parents – entrusting their son’s vocation into God’s hands, which proceeded to bear fruit that has touched countless lives in Africa and beyond. After five enriching days, we left Verona. Saying goodbye to the friends and elders that we had met was bittersweet, but we continued onward as a tight-knit group, united more than ever. We arrived in bustling Rome just as the Youth Jubilee was beginning to gather momentum for the weekend ahead.
At the Comboni House in Rome, we celebrated Mass together, sang songs of praise, and travelled to various Basilicas throughout Rome. We were joined by a million young people from every corner of the world, united by our shared faith.

At the Comboni House in Rome, we celebrated Mass together and sang hymns of praise. Photo: Arlindo Pinto

In Rome, sharing our personal stories became a profound expression of hope.  These testimonies rekindled hope within the group, strengthening the conviction that every trial holds deep meaning when united with Christ’s Passion. Moreover, at the serene Tre Fontane Abbey, the site of St. Paul’s martyrdom, we were met with a quiet yet powerful invitation to embrace a life of courage and sacrifice.
On July 29th, we had the privilege of being welcomed to the Youth of Jubilee by the Pro-Prefect of Dicastery for Evangelisation, Monsignor Rino Fisichella, who presided over the Welcome Mass in St Peter’s Square, to which all the Jubilee participants were invited. It was a truly unforgettable moment, as we celebrated our first open-air Mass alongside over a million young people – an experience that felt almost surreal. To our amazement, Pope Leo XIV made a surprise appearance at the end of the Mass, which deeply moved and inspired everyone present. We were further blessed to see the Pope two more times – during adoration on August 2nd and at the concluding Mass on August 3rd.
One of the most poignant moments for us was the day before the Jubilee. Many of us carried personal burdens and memories that were difficult to confront amid the excitement of the Jubilee.
At Tor Vergata, we immersed ourselves in the vibrant tapestry of global Catholic culture, enjoying the diverse languages, dancing with joy, and forging deep connections with fellow pilgrims.
When asked to share about our faith, we reflected on our journeys and encounters with Christ, coming to understand that faith is a living, dynamic relationship with Christ nourished through the gift of the Blessed Sacraments, community, and prayer.
Pope Leo XIV’s reflections on the challenges that young people face with social media left a lasting impression. He encouraged us to hold onto hope   – a hope for a future where communication unites rather than divides us. This emerging hope around social media struck a chord with over a million others, highlighting a modern challenge of the 21st century. It was comforting to see the Church address these concerns, especially as many young people grapple with navigating communication and discerning truth from falsehood in the digital world.

Pope Leo arrives at Tor Vergata. “We immersed ourselves in the vibrant tapestry of global Catholic culture”. Photo: Arlindo Pinto

Furthermore, experiencing profound silence during adoration with Pope Leo XIV at Tor Vergata, surrounded by over a million souls united in faith, was extraordinary. In that sacred stillness, the world’s noise faded away, reminding us that only Christ can fill the heart with true peace and calm. The quiet was so complete, you could hear a pin drop, which was a powerful testament to the collective reverence of a million young people, and the divine presence of the Holy Spirit that was moving among us.
Together, we discovered that the Jubilee was not just about grand sights or historic landmarks, but about encountering Christ in the simple, shared moments — the people we met, the quiet prayers, the songs sung in diverse tongues, and the hope we carried in our hearts.
We are grateful for this journey, the friendships forged, and the renewed faith that now guides us forward. We are very much excited for what the future holds for us. At the end of the closing mass on the 3rd of August, Pope Leo XIV invited us to reunite at Seoul, South Korea, in 2027 for the next World Youth Day.

Sean De Asis, Allen Salada and Rhea Nadeem

The Crocodile and the Cockerel.

Once upon a time, the crocodile was king of the animals. He was holding court one day. He sat majestically on his throne as he received petitions from his subjects and issued orders. A large crowd had gathered at the court on that day.

His large size alone elicited awe. His large teeth elicited fear. His huge, powerful tail commanded respect. He was not one to get entangled with. The cockerel was late. He swaggered in right amid the court proceedings. As he walked between the animals in the crowd
to look for a vantage place to sit down, he naturally disrupted
the court proceedings.

Some animals took strong exception to the behaviour of the cockerel. He was showing utter contempt for the dignity of the court. He was also showing a healthy disrespect for the majesty of the crocodile.

“Where are your good manners, cockerel?” They asked him indignantly. “Can you not see that King Crocodile is holding court and we must give him proper respect and courtesy?” “Oh, him?” The cockerel said dismissively as he looked at King Crocodile, “Do not worry about him. He is my brother. The crocodile is my brother. If he is king, then I am a prince,” he boasted loudly enough for everyone to hear him.

The court was hushed into immediate silence. The cockerel had committed intolerable insolence and discourtesy. His act bordered on treason. Not only had the cockerel disrupted the court proceedings, but it had also claimed kinship with the king crocodile.

The security people jumped on the cockerel on the spot. He was put on summary trial on two charges. He was charged with contempt of court for his disruptive behaviour. He was also charged with causing injury to the dignity of King Crocodile by claiming royal blood. They started with the more serious charge of kinship.

“Cockerel, you are a bird by any definition, – the prosecutor started -, you have feathers; you walk on two legs; you have two wings; you have a beak and you have no teeth. “The King crocodile, on the other hand, is an animal by any definition. He has a thick skin with tough scales and has no feathers; he walks on four legs instead of two legs; and he has no wings, while you have two wings. He has a proper mouth, which is full of big teeth, while you have a beak without any teeth. On what basis can you dare to claim any kinship with King Crocodile? A bird cannot be a brother to an animal. You have insulted the king crocodile. You have gravely injured the dignity of his majesty king crocodile. You must be punished,” the prosecutor concluded.

All the other animals concurred with the prosecutor. Birds are birds and animals are animals, they said. They resented the arrogance of the cockerel in claiming any kinship with the King crocodile, who was their fellow animal. However, in the interests of justice, the court allowed the cockerel to defend himself.

“I do not know about the rest of you, – the cockerel started, – but I know about my brother, the King crocodile. I indeed look completely different from the King crocodile, but brotherhood transcends appearances. The King crocodile may be an animal, by any definition. He is, indeed, an animal. I may be a bird, by any definition. I am, indeed, a bird. However, what you should all know and take into consideration is that his mother laid an egg for him to be hatched. What you should also know and take into consideration is that my mother, the hen, laid an egg for me to be hatched. While all of you were born alive, both the king crocodile and I were hatched from eggs.”

“You may be animals, just like the King crocodile is an animal. But you were not hatched from eggs. He is not your brother. He was hatched from an egg, just as I was hatched from an egg. He is my brother. I am indeed a bird. It is also true that I do not look like the King crocodile. But he is still my brother. Both of us were hatched from eggs. We are brothers. He is my brother,” the cockerel concluded, amid wild applause.

King crocodile himself stepped forward from his throne. He was beaming a big smile. He shook hands with the cockerel. He then embraced the cockerel publicly for all to see.  That was the happy ending of the summary trial of the cockerel. Instead of receiving punishment for insulting and injuring the dignity of the King crocodile, the cockerel received a seat of honour. He was seated next to the throne. He had proved that he was the brother to King crocodile. He was therefore a prince. (Ed.by Sam Mpasu)

Folktale from Malawi

Diversified Economy.

Argentina presents itself as a country with much potential, but held back by structural weaknesses that have limited its development
for decades.

The economy is formally diversified, and agriculture, industry and services contribute significantly to the GDP. However, the agri-food sector is the main driver of exports, with soy, corn and wheat constituting the backbone of Argentina’s foreign trade, guaranteeing crucial revenues in hard currency. Yet, behind these numbers lies a more complex reality. Fluctuating economic policies, rampant inflation and currency instability discourage investments and fuel a climate of uncertainty. Entrepreneurs struggle to plan, while foreign capital remains cautious. In this context, ambitious projects such as the Antarctic Logistics Hub are taking shape, an infrastructure that looks to the future and aims to strengthen Argentina’s geopolitical role on the white continent. The Pole, in addition to supporting scientific research, could become a strategic hub for logistics and access to the natural resources of the Antarctic, in an area that is increasingly contested at
an international level.

Ushuaiais is the capital of Tierra del Fuego. To strengthen Argentina’s geopolitical role on the white continent. 123rf

Another economic frontier is the maritime one. Fishing, in particular that of squid (the famous illex argentinus), is a growing item. But the massive presence of foreign fleets, especially Chinese, in the waters of the South Atlantic has turned the spotlight on sensitive issues such as territorial sovereignty, environmental sustainability and the control of resources. The Argentine government finds itself having to defend its economic interests while at the same time guaranteeing the protection of marine ecosystems and food security for coastal communities.
Meanwhile, the industrial sector, once the pride of the country, is experiencing a phase of stagnation. Car production, chemicals and agro-industry are still operating, but they have to deal with high costs, heavy bureaucracy and difficulty accessing credit. Inflation, which has exceeded 100% annually in recent years, continues to undermine purchasing power and fuels social discontent.
The new government, which took office with the promise of liberalising the economy and reducing the burden of the State, has launched an agenda of shock reforms: cuts in public spending, reductions in subsidies and opening up to international capital. The goal is to restore confidence in the markets and boost competitiveness, but the measures have already caused social tensions and street protests with the risk of a new wave of polarisation, in a country where inequalities are growing and poverty affects over 40% of the population.

Vaca Muerta is one of the world’s largest reserves of unconventional gas and oil. 123rf

However, Argentina is not without cards to play. One of the most important is called Vaca Muerta, one of the world’s largest reserves of unconventional gas and oil. The exploitation of this area could represent a turning point for the economy, with positive effects on employment, exports and the trade balance. But the potential remains partly untapped, blocked, as it is, by infrastructural obstacles, regulatory instability and difficulties in accessing capital.
Then there is the issue of energy transition. Argentina signed the Paris Agreement and committed to reducing emissions, but it remains heavily dependent on fossil fuels. Balancing economic growth and environmental sustainability will be one of the most delicate challenges of the coming years.On the international level, Buenos Aires continues to look with interest at Mercosur, especially Brazil, the country’s first trading partner. But relations with China are growing most rapidly since Beijing is now a key player, both for the purchase of Argentine raw materials and for investments in infrastructure and strategic sectors. In particular, Chinese investments in infrastructure in Argentina represent a crucial component of bilateral cooperation, especially in the context of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI). These investments range from transportation to energy, with significant projects such as the upgrade of the Belgrano Cargas and San Martín railway lines, financed by Chinese loans totalling approximately $4.7 billion. The Belgrano Cargas and San Martín Cargas railway lines are strategic for Argentina because they connect the agricultural and mining regions of the interior with the ports, reducing logistics costs and encouraging exports. They are also essential for the economic development of the less industrialised provinces. China has invested in these projects to ensure stable access to raw materials such as soy and lithium. Furthermore, Chinese financing involves the use of Chinese companies and technologies, ensuring a direct economic return. It is a cooperation of mutual interest, but with geopolitical implications.

Solar panels installed in Cauchari. The largest solar park in Latin America. CC BY-SA 4.0/Manuel arequipa

In the energy sector, the construction of the Cauchari solar park, the largest in Latin America, and the Jorge Cepernic and Néstor Kirchner dams stand out, with an investment of almost 4.8 billion dollars by a consortium led by the Chinese group Gezhouba
Ultimately, Argentina is at a crossroads. On the one hand, cyclical crises and distrust towards institutions continue to weigh down the economy. On the other hand, natural resources, its strategic position and human potential could mark a new phase of recovery, if accompanied by coherent policies, targeted investments and a more stable political climate.The real challenge today is that of transforming potential into reality. And to do so in a global context in which opportunities are not lacking, but require vision, credibility and the ability to mediate. Three elements that, in the recent history of the country, have often been lacking. (Open Photo: Buildings in the financial district in Puerto Madero, Buenos Aires. 123rf)

Filippo Romeo

 

 

Africa. The runner of the savannahs.

The ostrich is not only a symbol of African fauna, but also a bird with extraordinary adaptability, playing a key role in ecosystems and contributing significantly to the human economy. However, its future in some regions is at risk.

The African ostrich (Struthio camelus) is not only the largest and fastest bird in the world, but also one of the most iconic creatures of the continent’s fauna. With its imposing stature, long legs adapted for running, and surprising resistance to extreme conditions, the ostrich has always fascinated humans, becoming the protagonist of myths, trade, and conservation programs.
Today, as its ecological importance is being rediscovered, the challenges related to the survival of the species are becoming increasingly pressing. The ostrich can reach 2.7 meters in height and weigh 150 kilograms. Although its wings do not allow it to fly, they are essential for balance while running and visual communication between individuals.

The ostrich’s vision and long neck help it spot predators from far away. Pixabay

Capable of reaching speeds of 70 kilometres per hour, the ostrich is a true sprinter, able to cover up to five metres in a single step. Its extraordinary speed makes it almost unbeatable in the open terrain of the African savannahs and deserts. No other biped can compete with this giant, whose sprint is comparable to that of a racehorse. Another unique feature is its eyes, the largest of land animals, with a diameter of about five centimetres. Thanks to its exceptional vision and its long neck that acts as a natural periscope, the ostrich can spot predators from a great distance, anticipating any attacks.

They lay the largest eggs in the animal kingdom. Pixabay

The legend that the ostrich hides its head in the sand is unfounded: in reality, if threatened, it can crouch to the ground to camouflage itself or, when necessary, deliver powerful kicks capable of killing even a lion. Although it feeds mainly on plants, seeds and fruits, the ostrich can also eat insects, small vertebrates and even sand and stones, which help it digest its food. Ostriches often live in social groups led by a dominant female. During the breeding season, males engage in spectacular duels, displaying elaborate dances and wing flaps to win over mates. The winning male builds a communal nest, a simple hole dug in the sand, where several females lay their eggs, the largest in the animal kingdom, which can weigh more than a kilo and a half, the equivalent of about 24 chicken eggs. Incubation is a shared task: the females incubate during the day, taking advantage of their camouflage plumage, while the males take the night shift, providing greater protection from predators.

Difficult relations with humans
The ostrich has always fascinated human civilisations. In Ancient Egypt, its feathers symbolised justice and purity and were used in religious rites. The Romans appreciated its meat, while in the Middle Ages, its eggs were kept in churches as symbols of resurrection. With the colonial era and industrialisation, the ostrich became an economic resource.
The 19th-century fashion boom, with the growing use of feathers for hats and clothes, gave impetus to breeding, especially in South Africa, which is now the world’s leading producer of ostrich meat, skin and eggs. Its skin is considered a luxury material for bags and shoes,
while its lean, protein-rich meat has found its way
into the health food markets.

During the breeding season, males engage in spectacular duels to win over mates. Pixabay

Despite its ability to adapt to the driest environments, the African ostrich is facing increasingly serious threats. Hunting, habitat loss and poaching have led to the decline of wild populations.
The North African subspecies (Struthio camelus camelus), once found from Morocco to Sudan, is now critically endangered, with very few individuals left in the wild. Several conservation initiatives are trying
to reverse the trend. In Namibia and South Africa, private reserves and national parks protect wild ostriches, while reintroduction programmes are underway in Tunisia and Morocco. Ecotourism is playing an increasingly important role in their conservation: observing ostriches in their natural habitat not only raises awareness among visitors but also creates economic opportunities for local communities, who are therefore less inclined to support poaching.
In addition to conserving wild populations, ostrich farming is gaining popularity as a sustainable alternative in the food and fashion industries. Ostrich meat, which is low in fat and cholesterol, is increasingly in demand in Europe and North America.

South Africa versus Nigeria challenge
South Africa is home to the highest concentration of ostrich farms in the world, producing about 70% of the products related to this animal. At the heart of this industry is Oudtshoorn, a city in the Western Cape Province, considered the ostrich capital of the world. Here, technologically advanced farms manage a constantly growing sector, although not without risks. “Ostrich farming,” those responsible for the South African Ostrich Business Chamber, an association that brings together operators in the sector, explain, “is an industry that requires large amounts of capital. A week-old chick costs on average between 50 and 80 euros, while a larger specimen can reach 100-200. A particularly valuable female can be worth up to 500 euros”.

South Africa remains the world leader in ostrich farming. Pixabay

Numerous products are obtained from ostriches. The main one is meat, visually similar to beef fillet but with a delicate flavour and a slightly sweet aftertaste reminiscent of horse meat. It is sold both fresh and in the form of fillets, dried meat or sausages.
The eggs, which weigh between 1.2 and 1.7 kilos, are also widely used: in the kitchen, for the preparation of fresh pasta and desserts, and in the decorative field, thanks to their white and shiny surface. Equally popular are the skins and feathers, which are widely used in the production of luxury bags, shoes and wallets. In recent years, South Africa has begun to feel the competition from Nigeria, where the government is encouraging investment in the sector to gain a slice of this expanding market. “South Africa,” economic analysts state, “will remain the world leader in ostrich farming, but its share of global production is set to decline in the next decade.” (Open Photo: Ostrich running across the savannah. 123rf)

Britney Ackerman/Africa

Polarised Politics.

Argentina is a federal republic with a presidential system where the President of the Nation exercises executive power and is simultaneously head of state and government.

The legislative power is bicameral, with a Senate and a Chamber of Deputies, while the judiciary is formally independent, although in recent decades it has often shown signs of structural weakness and permeability to political pressure.
At the territorial level, the country is divided into 23 autonomous provinces plus the Autonomous City of Buenos Aires, which serves as the federal capital. This organisation gives the provinces a certain political and administrative autonomy, but also contributes to the fragmentation of power, which sometimes makes national coordination difficult, especially in times of crisis.

Political campaign in the city centre of Salta. The Argentine political landscape is historically polarised, with alternating cycles between reformist and populist projects. 123rf

The Argentine political landscape is historically polarised, with alternating cycles between reformist and populist projects, often embodied by the Peronist movement, and governments more oriented towards economic liberalism. This internal opposition has never been completely autonomous from the global geopolitical context. In particular, during the Cold War and in the following decades, the United States exerted a direct and indirect influence on the Argentine political system, traditionally supporting the forces closest to economic models open to the free market and pro-Western policies. The opposition between more sovereigntist or anti-imperialist governments – often wary of Washington – and pro-American administrations was reflected in economic policy choices, international alignments and even in the management of internal security.

Néstor Kirchner and his wife, Cristina Kirchner, just after her presidency began, 10 December 2007. Photo: Presidencia de la Nación Argentina

Even in recent years, ideological preferences with respect to the United States have continued to represent a factor of division. Even if the Kirchnerist governments – the Peronist current headed by Cristina Fernández de Kirchner, wife of the Néstor Kirchner  – have often maintained a critical position towards the International Monetary Fund and the role of the United States in Latin America, the Macri administration, first of all, and then that of Javier Milei, marked a return to an openly Atlanticist and pro-Washington vision.
In recent decades, Kirchnerism has dominated the national political scene, with a model characterised by strong state intervention. After the parenthesis of the government of Mauricio Macri (2015-2019), marked by a more liberal and pro-Western orientation, Argentina returned to a Peronist leadership with the presidency of Alberto Fernández, although characterised by an unstable balance between the president and the powerful Vice-President Cristina Fernández.
The 2023 elections represented a radical turning point with the rise of Javier Milei, a libertarian outsider who catalysed popular discontent towards the traditional system, leveraging an anti-statist, anti-system and strongly liberal message. Milei inherited a country deeply marked by an economic crisis, distrust in institutions and strong political fragmentation. His first moves in domestic politics focused on the drastic reduction of public spending, the deregulation of the market and the promotion of institutional reforms aimed at streamlining the State.

President of Argentina, Javier Milei. He inherited a country deeply marked by an economic crisis, distrust in institutions and strong political fragmentation. CC BY-SA 3.0/Gage Skidmore

However, his proposals have encountered numerous obstacles both in Parliament, where he does not have a solid majority, and on the streets, where unions, social movements and parts of civil society have expressed strong opposition. Even in foreign policy, the change of direction has been clear. Argentina has, in fact, adopted an orientation closer to the United States and Israel, reducing the enthusiasm of previous administrations for relations with China and Russia, while maintaining a pragmatic line in practice.
In this scenario, one of the most controversial issues is that of illegal fishing in Argentine waters, particularly in the exclusive economic zone of the South Atlantic. Squid fishing – a species of high commercial value and a key resource for the food industry – is the subject of massive exploitation by foreign fleets, with China at the forefront. Every year, hundreds of fishing boats, many of which fly the Chinese flag, operate near Argentine territorial waters, often illegally penetrating the exclusive economic zone, taking advantage of the country’s poor naval surveillance capacity. The ships use sophisticated technology, operate mostly at night and in remote areas, making any intervention by the Naval Prefecture or the Argentine Navy difficult.
The phenomenon has reached such proportions that it is not only an environmental and economic issue, but also a problem of national security and territorial sovereignty.
China, the main protagonist of this activity, has progressively expanded its presence in the South Atlantic, while strengthening diplomatic and economic ties with Argentina through infrastructure investments, financing and energy partnerships. This double dimension – economic cooperation and indiscriminate exploitation of marine resources – puts Buenos Aires in an ambiguous position: on the one hand, it needs Chinese financial support in a context of strong economic vulnerability; on the other, it suffers the environmental and employment consequences of illegal fishing, which severely affects local coastal communities and damages the national fish stock.

Typical orange fishing boats in the port of Mar del Plata, Buenos Aires province. To protect maritime territory and natural resources. 123rf

Over the past few years, several governments have announced plans to strengthen control of the waters and punish violations. However, the tools available to Argentina remain limited. The Navy has few resources, often obsolete, and international regulations make it difficult to intervene decisively without triggering diplomatic friction. Some seizures and pursuits of Chinese ships, even culminating in episodes of sinking, have caused a media outcry, but have not been enough to discourage the phenomenon. Furthermore, the lack of coordination between the bodies responsible for control and the chronic scarcity of public resources undermine the effectiveness of maritime policies.
At the political level, Chinese illegal fishing represents an emblematic node of the broader tension between the defence of sovereignty and economic dependence on global actors. The internal debate reflects this ambivalence. Thus, while some forces, especially nationalist or environmentalist ones, call for the strengthening of maritime control and the revision of bilateral agreements, others, more pragmatically, push for a diplomatic management of the issue, avoiding direct confrontation with a strategic commercial partner such as Beijing. In any case, the issue remains open and delicate, and is one of the most complex challenges that the Argentine government will have to face in the near future, especially if it wants to preserve the integrity of its maritime territory and its natural resources. (Open Photo:The National Congress. 123rf)
(F.R.)

West Africa. The war between Ukraine and Russia is spilling over into the region.

The war between Russia and Ukraine is having an increasing impact on Africa. A recent proposal by Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelensky to supply Ghana with drone technology has caused tensions in West Africa, where Ukrainian military aid to Tuareg rebels prompted three Sahel countries to sever diplomatic ties with Kyiv.

The war between Ukraine and Russia has no geographical limits. In August 2023, Ukrainian Foreign Minister Dmytro Kuleba vowed to ‘liberate Africa from Russia’. A year later, Maria Zakharova, spokeswoman for the Russian Foreign Ministry, accused Kyiv of opening ‘a second front in Africa’.

President of Ukraine Volodymyr Zelenskyy. Photo: President.gov.ua

The latest development in Kyiv’s continental offensive came in the form of a statement by President Volodymyr Zelensky on 11 July, following a telephone conversation with Ghana’s President, John Dramani Mahama. In a post on X following the call, the Ukrainian president said that Ghana was interested in producing various types of drones and in Ukraine’s experience gained during the war with Russia. Ghana is therefore ready to finance the production of Ukrainian-made drones to defend its 2,000 km border with Togo, Côte d’Ivoire, and Burkina Faso.
Particularly serious concerns have been raised regarding the border with Burkina Faso, which has experienced an escalation in jihadist attacks since 2020. These attacks have been carried out by groups linked to Al-Qaeda and the Islamic State in the Greater Sahara. Spillover jihadist attacks have also been experienced by neighbouring Togo.
Ukraine undoubtedly has something to offer. Since the Russian invasion in February 2022, the country has developed a wide range of unmanned aerial vehicles, including first-person view drones for reconnaissance and precision strikes, as well as larger, long-range systems. Such technology could enhance Ghana’s border surveillance capabilities by enabling real-time monitoring of remote areas and a rapid response to incursions. Zelensky’s offer comes at a time when Ghana is planning to increase its defence budget by 11% during the 2025–2029 period to address the potential threat of jihadism in the north and piracy
in the Gulf of Guinea.

President of Ghana, John Dramani Mahama. Photo US Dep. of State

If implemented, the deal between Ukraine and Ghana is likely to upset the leaders of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger. All three countries have been at odds with Kyiv since 27 July 2024, when an army convoy composed of Russian Wagner mercenaries and Malian soldiers was attacked near Tinzaouaten, close to the Algerian border in northern Mali, by Tuareg pro-independence rebels from the Permanent Strategic Framework for the Defence of the People of Azawad and jihadists from the Support Group for Islam and Muslims. According to the rebels, over 80 Russian fighters and 47 Malian soldiers were killed in the battle. The three countries’ anger against Kyiv was stirred by a statement from Andriy Yusov, spokesman for the Ukrainian Defence Ministry’s Intelligence Services, who claimed victory for this massacre. During a television interview, he boasted that the Tuaregs had received the necessary information to carry out a successful military operation against Russian war criminals.

FPV . Ukraine Drones.

Sources close to the rebels confirmed that Ukraine had provided intelligence on the movements of the Wagner column, as well as training the Tuaregs to operate explosive-laden drones.Additionally, Ukrainian inscriptions were found on the remains of the drones, and experts alleged that they may have been operated by Ukrainian soldiers. The publication of a social media video celebrating Wagner’s defeat by Yurii Pyvoravov, the Ukrainian ambassador in Dakar, added to Mali’s fury. Bamako and Niger soon broke off diplomatic relations with Ukraine. The Senegalese government expressed its irritation and reminded Kyiv of its diplomats’ duty of discretion and non-interference. It also condemned the ambassador’s “apology for terrorism”. In August 2024, Burkina Faso, Mali and Niger jointly appealed to the UN Security Council, urging it to condemn Ukraine’s “overt support for terrorism”.

A convoy of the Malian Armed Forces (FAMA). UN Photo/Harandane Dicko

In this context, Zelensky’s offer to Ghana seems to be as much about countering the Russian presence in West Africa as it is about fighting jihadists. This is especially apparent when considered alongside another offer made to Mauritania the previous month, amid tensions between Nouakchott and Bamako following the expulsion of Malian migrants in March. On 25 June 2025, Maksym Subkh, the Special Envoy for Ukraine in the Middle East and Africa, told Reuters that Kyiv had proposed sharing technologies and battlefield achievements with Nouakchott, including training programmes for Mauritanian soldiers.
However, this strategy carries risks. For example, Ukraine’s involvement in Sudan backfired for Kyiv, as demonstrated by the angry communiqué issued by the Khartoum government on 7 June 2025. ‘Ukraine’s involvement in supporting other groups in Libya, Somalia and Niger has been established. It supports organisations such as Boko Haram and al-Shabab in Somalia, and in Sudan it provides support to the Rapid Support Forces by supplying them with drones,” a Sudanese Foreign Ministry official complained, as quoted by the Russian propaganda
outlet Russia Today.

A Mauritanian soldier. Kyiv has proposed training programmes for the Mauritanian Army. US Dep. Of Defence.

Some of these allegations are contradicted by the facts. For example, when the Ukrainian ambassador in Abuja presented his letter of credence to President Muhammadu Buhari of Nigeria in 2019, he publicly declared that Kyiv had signed contracts to supply Nigeria with military equipment and munitions, and would continue to support the fight against Boko Haram. In June 2024, the Horn Observer reported that Ukrainian Special Forces were training and advising the Somali Army’s Danab special operations force under the supervision of the US private security firm Bancroft Global Development, citing Somali military sources. This raises doubts about Ukrainian support for al-Shabab militias. Nevertheless, such a presence has the potential to heighten local tensions.
According to the Horn Observer, two Somali officers reported that Ukrainian Special Forces had arrived to counter potential Russian activities in an ambiguous context. During that year, President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud had expressed an interest in a security partnership with Russia, yet he also attended the Ukraine peace conference in Switzerland. The conference concluded with a communiqué that condemned Russia’s aggression.

Displaced people in Darfur. The civil war in Sudan, which has been ongoing for more than two years, has killed tens of thousands of people and displaced over 11 million. File swm

In the case of Sudan, the anger of the Khartoum authorities can be explained by the shifting alliances of both Ukraine and Russia. At the beginning of the conflict in 2023, Ukrainian special forces fought alongside the Sudanese Armed Forces against the rebel Rapid Support Forces, who were supported by the Wagner Group. However, the situation changed in February 2025 when the Russians secured an agreement from the Sudanese Armed Forces to establish a naval
base on the Red Sea.
Ukraine is increasingly finding itself on the opposite side to Russia’s allies across the continent. Kyiv has hosted training programmes for the Libyan government’s land, air and naval forces and has provided assistance with sea and air border security. The main aim was to hinder the operations of the commander of the Benghazi-based Libyan National Army, Field Marshal Khalifa Haftar, who is backed by Russia’s Africa Corps. Ukraine has undoubtedly been successful in opening a front in Africa against Russia. But only to a certain extent. It has not managed to reduce the Kremlin’s influence or ‘liberate Africa from Russia’. For Africans, the main outcome is that this rivalry has fuelled further divisions among them, reminiscent of the Cold War era. (Open Photo: Ingall, Niger. Shutterstock/Katja Tsvetkova)

François Misser

Saudi Arabia’s New Strategy in Africa.

In the context of Saudi Arabia’s global repositioning promoted by Vision 2030, the African continent now occupies a priority position for Riyadh’s geopolitical and economic ambitions.

Through a systemic approach combining diplomacy, infrastructure investments, logistics outreach, and penetration of the key sectors of energy transition, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia is developing a multi-pronged strategy of expansion on the continent, both competitive and cooperative. The strategy aims to extend its international reach and diversify an economic development model still dependent on fossil fuel revenues but already transitioning toward other paradigms.

In July 2025, Saudi Deputy Foreign Minister Walid Al-Khereiji announced a $25 billion plan in new investments by 2030, accompanied by an expansion of the Saudi diplomatic network to over 40 embassies
on the African continent.

The goal is to consolidate long-term economic and political partnerships, to trade integration, multilateral cooperation, and strengthen development diplomacy. The plan includes $10 billion in export financing and $5 billion in development credit, with a focus on the energy, mining, logistics, and infrastructure sectors.

Saudi expansion in Africa is supported by aggressive economic diplomacy, geared toward building structural soft power. According to reports from Africa Day 2025 in Riyadh, the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has already contributed over $45 billion to development and humanitarian assistance projects in 54 African countries. Of this, more than $450 million has been channelled through the King Salman Humanitarian Aid and Relief Centre (KSrelief), the operational arm of Saudi Arabia’s development cooperation and humanitarian action, active in 46
countries on the continent.

This trajectory reflects Saudi Arabia’s growing awareness of Africa’s centrality to future global balances: a continent rich in natural resources, with a significant population, and increasingly relevant to the dynamics of the current international system. In this scenario, Riyadh intends to build bilateral relations based not only on assistance, but rather on equal partnerships capable of generating mutual economic returns
and political stability.

A key aspect of Saudi Arabia’s strategy is the energy dimension. ACWA Power is the leading private investor in Africa’s renewable energy sector, with over $7 billion in ongoing projects. Among the most significant are the Redstone Solar Plant in South Africa (100 MW), the Kom Ombo PV Plant in Egypt (200 MW), and above all the “DAO” hybrid project, the largest renewable energy plant in South Africa, with a planned investment of $800 million and commissioning by 2026.

At the same time, the Saudi Ministry of Energy has launched the “Empowering Africa” initiative, in collaboration with the ministries of telecommunications and health, to promote clean energy, connectivity, e-health, and e-learning solutions, to improve access to essential services. Of particular note is the Clean Fuel Solutions for Cooking program, aimed at reducing the use of traditional biomass and improving public health through access to sustainable
fuels for home cooking.

Among other segments, expanding the logistics sector plays a key role in Saudi Arabia’s ambition to serve as a global trade hub, potentially also instrumental in expanding into Africa. Saudi Global Ports (SGP), a joint venture between the Public Investment Fund (PIF) and PSA International, has invested over $186 million in expanding the capacity of Dammam’s King Abdulaziz Port and in new concessions for four strategic terminals (Dammam, Jubail, King Fahad Industrial Port, and Ras Al-Khair).
The strategy aims to integrate ports, railways, and inland logistics centres (such as Riyadh Dry Port) to create a highly efficient
intermodal value chain.

Another key aspect of Saudi Arabia’s strategy in Africa is access to critical minerals, essential resources for energy transition technologies (especially copper, cobalt, lithium, and nickel).

In the first half of 2025, Saudi Arabian and Emirati investments in critical mineral extraction projects reached $2.2 billion, making the Gulf the third-largest source of financing in the sector, after the People’s Republic of China and the West.

Among the key players is Ma’aden, the Saudi national mining company, through its subsidiary Manara Minerals, which signed a Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) with Zambia for new investments and began negotiations with First Quantum Minerals for the acquisition of copper and nickel assets, with an estimated deal value of between $1.5 and $2 billion. This initiative is consistent with Saudi Arabia’s strategy to secure critical supplies for future battery gigafactories and to strengthen its industrial sector in a feared post-oil era.

Another strategic initiative concerns the Limpopo region of South Africa, where the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia has pledged $41 billion in investments, partly earmarked for the construction of platinum group metals (PGM) and base metal refining plants, as part of a partnership between the Saudi Ministry of Investment and the company Ajlan & Bros. The goal is to strengthen the Saudi mining sector and make it a cornerstone of the country’s economic diversification.

In addition to major infrastructure projects, Riyadh has announced a diversified financial strategy to strengthen Africa’s entrepreneurial ecosystem. The plan includes $5 billion to support African startups, $10 billion in export credits from the Saudi Export-Import Bank, and $25 billion in private investments to be made by 2035. Sector priorities include health, technology, education, and environmental sustainability.

At the same time, Saudi authorities are aware that sovereign debt is a structural obstacle for many African countries, so much so that Finance Minister Mohammed bin Abdullah Al-Jadaan has emphasised the urgency of a multilateral commitment to sustainably manage debt, ensuring inclusive growth and the effectiveness of Saudi initiatives
on the continent.

The Saudi strategy in Africa represents one of the most dynamic components of Vision 2030, combining soft power (development cooperation and humanitarian assistance), energy diplomacy, logistics projection, and industrial investment strategies. Unlike in the past, when relations with the continent were primarily geared towards promoting aid and using Islam as a vector of influence, today Riyadh adopts a pragmatic and multi-sectoral approach, projecting its political weight through economic, energy, logistical, and technological instruments.

For Saudi Arabia, Africa represents a source of resources and an emerging market, a space for diplomatic influence, and a laboratory for testing new models of South-South cooperation. In a context marked by competition between global powers for access to critical minerals and the quest for consensus by African countries in multilateral forums, Saudi penetration appears destined to further consolidate, especially if it succeeds in reconciling its own economic interests with sustainable development (both its own and that of the recipient countries). (Photo: Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. Prince Mohammed Bin Salman Bin Abdulaziz Al Saud. Courtesy Saudipedia)

Alessio Stilo/CeSI

African Development Bank. New Leadership, Old Problems.

International crises, failed trade integration and governance problems: these are the main challenges that await the new leadership of the AfDB. With the planned 2063 agenda, courageous choices are needed not to betray the expectations of the continent.

The African Development Bank (AfDB) has a new president, once again from West Africa: Sidi Ould Tah, former Mauritanian minister of economic affairs and finance.The AfDB website stresses that the institution must accelerate to achieve Africa’s Agenda 2063 and the Sustainable Development Goals. The AfDB’s five strategic priorities are: to light and power Africa, to feed it, to industrialise it, to integrate it and to improve the quality of life of Africans.

Sidi Ould Tah, the new president of the African Development Bank (AfDB). Photo Badea

The bank has been operating since 1964. We often forget that the institution is part of a group that also includes the African Development Fund and the Nigeria Trust Fund. All African countries and 27 non-African countries participate in the capital of the bank. African members hold 60% of the shares. The main African shareholders are Nigeria, Egypt, Algeria, South Africa and Morocco. In Europe, the largest shareholders are Germany, France and Italy. Kuwait, Turkey and Saudi Arabia are the main Middle Eastern investors. The United States and Canada lead American participation, while Japan leads
Asian participation.

What to expect from the new leadership
Firstly, the new leader must take into account the changes in global political and economic balances. Events in the Democratic Republic of Congo, the Sahel, Israel, Ukraine and Iran will have repercussions on Africa, causing oil and food prices to rise due to disruptions in global supply chains. The bank finances infrastructure projects, and oil is a major cost. This will require larger loans or longer repayment periods. Which countries will be given priority to mitigate these global crises? Closely linked is the issue of tariffs. One of the AfDB’s five priorities is African integration. Trade is among the main drivers of integration, as the example of the European Union shows.

African countries should reduce tariffs to boost mutual trade. 123rf

Solidarity must start at home. African countries should reduce tariffs to boost mutual trade and abandon nationalism and deep ties with former colonial powers. The recent elimination of Chinese tariffs on African products is a positive example to follow. The new leadership cannot ignore Beijing’s growing influence on the continent.
Reducing tariffs is an easily achievable goal, even before building roads, ports, power plants and other infrastructure. African countries are more dependent on customs revenues than other regions. There are better alternatives to tariffs as sources of government revenue.

Improve the quality of life
The last of the AfDB’s five priorities is to improve the quality of life in Africa. Most Africans live in rural areas: urbanisation is estimated at 45% in 2024 and is expected to reach 80% by 2050. In the European Union, urbanisation is currently at 75% and in the United States at 83%. Can the African Development Bank reach this rural majority? Most policies, not only by banks but also by governments, focus on urban centres, which are a minority in Africa. Will the new leadership change this approach? In addition to addressing global crises, what else should the Bank’s new leadership focus on? One priority is debt sustainability. Few African countries have surplus balance sheets and must resort to internal or external borrowing to cover deficits. The most common measure of debt is the percentage of Gross Domestic Product (GDP).

Malagasy family travelling on a zebu cart on the sandy road. Most Africans live in rural areas. 123rf

This criterion, in addition to facilitating comparisons between countries and regions, encourages governments to grow the economy to sustain higher levels of debt. If rigorously applied, this approach could lead to more countries reaping debt “dividends” in the form of accelerated economic growth and resource transfers from current expenditure. A country’s income level is a key indicator of its creditworthiness, but it does not take into account the inequalities that plague Africa. Does the AfDB take into account the Gini index, a statistical measure used to quantify inequality in the distribution of income or wealth within a population, when granting loans? Combined with the urban-rural divide, a new creditworthiness index would be needed. The AfDB uses the World Bank’s debt sustainability framework (DSF) to assess the manageability of debt in low-income countries, most of which are in Africa. Should it be revised to take global crises into account? Should we have a national or African DSF? Is the AfDB too influenced by external actors?

Climate the priority
The priority areas are changing, with climate change at the top of the list: it received $5.5 billion of the bank’s $11 billion in new operations in 2024. Could this focus on new projects divert resources from established programs? Think of food security, sanitation, education, health and infrastructure. Africa’s Achilles’ heel is governance. Who finances this sector? Who supports democracy and the rule of law? How can we tackle corruption and waste, especially in the public sector?

Young Girl collecting fresh water. The priority areas are changing, with climate change must be at the top of the list. 123rf

Governance is not one of the AfDB’s five priorities, yet nothing can improve the quality of life in Africa more than good governance. Africa must integrate into global supply chains. We must not forget that the rest of the world is bigger than Africa. China, the US, Japan and the European Union see the entire world as their field of action. The AfDB should expand its presence beyond Africa. After all, space exploration is the next frontier. Finally, how many synergies has the Bank created with local institutions in each country? These could be local banks, research institutes or even community savings groups. Some of these institutions have a better understanding of the local context and could offer valuable insights into the AfDB’s programs. The new AfDB leader inherits a radically different context and will have to implement changes to address the new reality: 2063 is not far away and every African deserves a high standard of living during their lifetime. (Open Photo: The African Development Bank (AfDB) headquarters, in Abidjan. Ivory Coast CC BY 3.0/Citizen59)

 XN Iraki

 

 

Antarctica, the new Eldorado.

Antarctica, although formally neutral and without a stable population, is today at the centre of growing geopolitical tensions related to the management of its natural resources. The historic territorial claims of countries such as Argentina and Chile, combined with the global race for fishing, hydrocarbons and minerals, make the continent a critical point for future equilibrium.

In contemporary geopolitical debates, the Arctic and its trade routes, gas fields and tensions between Russia and NATO are often discussed. Yet, Antarctica, a continent at the antipodes, remains a silent enigma for many. Its strategic importance is less visible but far from marginal.
A continent that, despite not belonging to any state, is at the
centre of global ambitions. The fundamental legal reference for understanding this dynamic is the Antarctic Treaty of 1959, signed in Washington by 12 countries during the International Geophysical Year. Coming into force in 1961, the treaty established the principle of peaceful use of the continent, expressly prohibiting military activities and the economic exploitation of its resources.

Antarctic region Map. Shutterstock/PorcupenWorks

In reality, the treaty represents a fragile compromise: temporarily freezing territorial claims without eliminating them. Countries such as Argentina, Australia, Chile and the United Kingdom have suspended, but never renounced, their claims.
Today, the balance seems to be holding, but it is creaking under the weight of new geopolitical, climatic and technological challenges. Antarctica has remained a unique scientific and diplomatic laboratory, but its neutrality, guaranteed by an agreement signed over sixty years ago, risks being put to the test. Despite the ban on economic exploitation imposed by the Antarctic Treaty, the continent is a sort of natural treasure chest full of potential.
At sea, intensive fishing – particularly that of krill, the base of the food chain – has already had devastating ecological impacts. On land, the Antarctic soil hides enormous mineral deposits and potential offshore hydrocarbon reserves. Gold, iron, uranium, nickel, oil: resources that are protected today, but at the centre of growing ambitions.
The management of this heritage is based on a complicated multilateral system. Since 1994, the Consultative Parties to the Treaty – only 29 out of 56 signatories – have met every year to discuss the future of the continent during the ATCMs (Antarctic Treaty Consultative Meetings).

Icebreaker clears its pass in Antarctica. Shutterstock/Mozgova

This is where the strategic interests of the powers, disguised as scientific initiatives, collide. Russia, for example, has the largest fleet of icebreakers in the world, useful for both research and future mining logistics. China, with an expanding network of scientific bases, has installed radar, telescopes and dual-use technologies, which can also be used for military purposes. And Australia, which claims over 40% of the continent, is investing millions to explore and map resources. The risk? That, in 2048, the year in which the formal ban on mining will expire, the fragile balance could be upset. At that point, Antarctica could transform from a scientific sanctuary into a new theatre of global competition. Antarctica is the only continent never colonised, without indigenous populations and inhabited only by researchers.
Yet, since the 1940s, it was clear that it would not remain outside the power games. After the Second World War, it was thought that the United Nations could administer it as a common good. But the rivalries that emerged during the Cold War – especially between the USA and the USSR – caused the idea to fail.

Science exploration at the South Pole. Shutterstock/Mozgova

The 1959 Treaty was a compromise between states with direct interests, but already in the 1980s, it was criticised for its elitist nature. Countries of the Global South, in particular, were calling for more inclusive governance. Today, Russia and Australia are emerging among the protagonists of the Antarctic scene, but China and the USA also maintain a strong and growing presence. In January 2025, Chilean President Boric visited the South Pole, underlining Chile’s territorial claims and its environmental and strategic concerns. A symbolic gesture, which hides the anxiety of a minor country caught between geopolitical giants. China maintains the largest fishing fleet in the Antarctic, operating year-round. Russia continues its geological surveys, given a possible post-2048 change of rules. The United States is watching, ready to counterbalance. It is a silent race, made up of scientific bases, investments, satellites and diplomatic flows. Antarctica, frozen and distant, is already the testing ground for 21st-century geopolitics: a continent that belongs to no one, but that many would like to control. (Open Photo: Huge Arch-Shaped Iceberg in Antarctica. 123rf)

Riccardo Renzi/CgP

Jubilee Year. Bringing Hope to Politics.

How in the jubilee year can give hope in the world of politics. “To overcome resignation and despair, refusing to accept that corruption and self-advancement are inevitable in politics, and demanding honesty and accountability from people in public life.”

In many parts of the world, especially in some of the longest-established democracies, people seem to have given up on established patterns of political life; they feel that the traditional institutions and old ways of conducting politics no longer deliver what they want. Often, they hanker after some supposed ‘golden era’, when things were better, politicians were more honest, and policies were more effective.
As has been observed many times, such nostalgia plays into the hands of populist leaders who cast themselves as political outsiders on a mission to rid their countries of stultified and self-serving ruling elites, and instead promise to bring back the good days. But populism never delivers what it promises – since it proposes superficial solutions to complex problems – and thus leaves voters even more disillusioned.

To be ‘Pilgrims of Hope’ in the political world implies making hope materialise. 123rf

In some places we see politics and political systems perverted and manipulated to serve narrow interests; those in power refuse to let go of it.  Both these political phenomena can be seen as ‘structures of sin’ – the false hope offered by populists, and the resulting frustration of people’s shattered dreams for a better future caused by oppressive and unaccountable regimes.
Against this background, it is interesting to see how the late Pope Francis describes the original Jubilee Year as observed in the time of Moses. Writing in the Italian newspaper Il Messaggero, Pope Francis said it was “a moment of grace, offering freedom to those imprisoned by sin, resignation, and despair.” And even now, he continues, so many centuries later, “in the face of life’s uncertainties, people long to overcome mistrust, scepticism, and despair.”
There is no doubt that, all over the world, people are imprisoned by the political sins of populism and dictatorship; hence, they are often inclined to give in to resignation and despair. Meanwhile, as the Pope said, there is a still a longing to overcome these evils and to prevent mistrust and scepticism to triumph.

In some places we see politics and political systems perverted and manipulated to serve narrow interests. 123rf

How can the 2025 Jubilee Year inspire us in this regard? Two thoughts come to mind. Firstly, to be ‘Pilgrims of Hope’ in the political world implies making hope materialise. Hope is not handed to us on a silver platter; as Pope Francis put it in the Bull announcing the Jubilee, we must “encourage and sustain” hope as part of our Christian journey. This means finding ways to overcome resignation and despair, refusing to accept that corruption and self-advancement are inevitable in politics, and demanding honesty and accountability from people in public life.

A group of people with placards in the city at night. “ We must demand honesty and accountability from people in public life.123rf

Secondly, Christians, as ‘people of hope’, must avoid succumbing to cynicism and negativity. This does not imply being naïve or starry-eyed about politics – there are many problematic people and policies out there, causing great harm and unhappiness, making it difficult to avoid disillusionment. But politicians and political parties are not ‘all the same’. Some individual politicians are more honest and more diligent than others; some policies are more likely to bring about prosperity and safeguard dignity than others; some political strategies are more constructive and well-considered than others.
To fold our arms and dismiss the world of politics as beyond salvation is to give up hope. Let us use our intelligence, our critical thinking, and the social values our faith gives us, to find the good in our politics and politicians, and then do what we can to support them. In that way, we will become ‘pilgrims of hope’ in our societies during this Jubilee Year and beyond. (Open Photo: Shutterstock/irfan6354ali

Mike Pothier
Programme Manager, South Africa Bishops Conference,
Parliamentary Liason Office

Advocacy

Adenike Oladosu. Climate Change: Time to Act.

Nigerian ecofeminist Adenike Titilope Oladosu is the founder of   I Lead Climate Action, an initiative aimed at empowering women and youth to combat climate change.…

Read more

Baobab

The Crocodile and the Cockerel.

Once upon a time, the crocodile was king of the animals. He was holding court one day. He sat majestically on his throne as he received…

Read more

Youth & Mission

Jubilee of the Youth: An Unforgettable Journey of Hope.

Coming from five continents, 270 young people belonging to the Comboni Youth Movement gathered in Rome (24th July – 4th August 2025) to celebrate the Jubilee.…

Read more