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Musica. Indonesia. Ngartini and her guzheng.

A dreamy and very sweet sound which immediately evokes Asian panoramas and tranquillity. Music that fascinates and excites. All this emerges from the performances and recordings of a great artist, Ngartini Huang.

Indonesia is a land about which very little is known here in the West, despite having more than 275 million inhabitants spread across an archipelago of over 17 thousand islands. A presidential democratic republic of Islamic culture and religion, but made up of an infinite number of ethnic groups.A very rich and complex musical culture also because it is influenced by a variety of sources, including Western, Arab, Indian and Chinese music. From orchestral and percussive gamelan to the krongong of Portuguese origin, from Arab-style dangut pop to Jamaican reggae, the panorama is quite varied.

IMEX World music Expo, Bali 2024. Photo Ngartini website

Among the few Indonesian artists who have made themselves noticed outside their homeland (and also on Western scenes) is Ngartini Huang. Born in Medan, she quickly became one of the most prominent virtuosos of an instrument typical of the Asian area: the guzheng which originated in China and from there spread to many Asian countries.
It is an instrument that belongs to the zither family, with a rectangular wooden body and strings that are plucked with the right hand using four plectrums applied to the fingers.
The left hand is instead used to press on the strings to change the pitch of the sound of this instrument which, with its 3000 years of history, is among the oldest in the world.
Ngartini’s passion for the guzheng blossomed during her childhood, inspired by the fascinating sounds she encountered in Chinese films and television series. Even if the instrument was only introduced to Indonesia in the last century, especially by Chinese immigrants, it has become increasingly popular in recent years, thanks to the efforts of musicians and teachers like Ngartini Huang.

Ngartini Huang in concert. Photo Ngartini website

Its dreamy and very sweet sound immediately evokes Asian panoramas and tranquillity, and a passage of time infinitely distant from the frenzy of the West. All this emerges from Huang’s performances and recordings, marked by extraordinary virtuosity and yet always exciting and never academic. It is important to note that Ngartini is not only an appreciated instrumentalist, but also a teacher at the University of Sumatra, and in 2022 she brought her art and her passion for dissemination to Indonesia’s Got Talent.
Just type her name on her website to enter her musical world, discovering the harmony, grace and delicacy with which she passes from the ears to the hearts of those who listen to her. (Photo:The guzheng has its origins in China.123rf)

Franz Coriasco

 

Ivory Coast. The Port of Abidjan faces stiff competition from other regional hubs.

The first port in West Africa, faces a number of challenges: logistical and political, as well as fierce competition from rival ports
in the region.

In a continent where, during the colonial period, the main economic activities were concentrated on the coasts in order to evacuate Africa’s raw materials to Europe, the ports have acquired a strategic importance. This is the case of Abidjan, the first port in West Africa, ahead of Apapa and Tin Can Island in Nigeria, and the second on the continent after Durban in South Africa, with a total bulk cargo traffic of 28 million tonnes and 804,000 twenty-foot equivalent units (TEU) in 2022.
The Autonomous Port of Abidjan is a state-owned company that provides public services and operates the port infrastructure, which is also the country’s main economic hub. Over 90% of its traffic is domestic. More than 85% of Ivory Coast’s total trade passes through the Port of Abidjan, generating 75% of total customs revenues, while the industries in and around the port represent 50% of the national total and provide 55,000 direct and indirect jobs.

Chemical tanker in Abidjan port. Shutterstock/ Leonardo Viti

The port hosts refineries, shipyards, a fruit terminal with a capacity of 250,000 tonnes/year and a seafood terminal with a capacity of 600,000 tonnes/year, including 250,000 tonnes/year of tuna. The port also has an oil terminal, a grain terminal with a capacity of 300,000 tonnes per year and a mineral terminal with a capacity of 15,000 tonnes per day.
The port of Abidjan is also an important regional hub. In the first half of 2023, 8.5 percent of the total traffic concerned the three hinterland countries of Mali, Burkina Faso and Niger, which represents an annual volume of more than 2 million tons.
Its capacity has been raised considerably recently with the inauguration since 2021 of a roll on – roll off terminal and of a new containers terminal raising its capacity from 1 million to 2.5 m. TEU.
The port can now accommodate container ships of the third generation with a minimum capacity of 14,000 TEU. In 2019, the 2.7 km long and 370 meters wide Vridi canal which connects the port of Abidjan to the Atlantic Ocean was broadened to allow the passage of vessels with a draught of 16 meters.

The port can now accommodate container ships of the third generation with a minimum capacity of 14,000 TEU. CCBY-SA 4.0/ Port autonome d’Abidjan Autorité, PAA

In 2020, the China Harbour Engineering Company (CHEC), completed the expansion project of the port which began in 2015 and represented a total investment of $933.4 m. It includes three new container berths, a ro-ro berth, general cargo berth and shipping channels, to improve the cargo handling volume of Abidjan Port.This project is part of the list of Chinese investments in 46 African ports, mainly in East African and in the Gulf of Guina. Concerning Abidjan, such Chinese investment is not surprising since Asia is the first trade partner of the port, accounting 36% of the total in 2021 according to the Autonomous Port of Abidjan (PAA), ahead of Europe (27,8%) namely Turkey, Spain, Belgium and France in that order while Africa accounts for 20% of the total, with the Nigerian port of Forcados as the main partner of Abidjan.
Burkina-Faso represents the largest part of the transit traffic with hinterland countries, while Mali represents the remaining third although it increasingly prefers to use the Guinean corridor to Conakry.
Dry bulk goods account for about two-thirds of traffic and consist mainly of imports for the construction sector (including clinker cement) and rice. Imports and exports of petroleum products account for about 20% of the total, with the remainder being cocoa, cashew nuts and manganese exports.

Abidjan port. Abidjan faces also the challenge of long waiting times for the vessels which need to dock there.123rf

The traffic is growing fast. According to the PAA, the volume still increased by 13.5% during the first half of 2023. Further expansion projects are scheduled. In June 2023, a delegation of the Geneva-based Mediterranean Shipping Company (MSC) founded in 1970 by the Italian businessman Gianluigi Aponte met Hien Yacouba Sie the Managing Director of the port, after its recent acquisition in December 2022 of the French Group Bolloré Africa Logistics. Bolloré which had been operating so far the port and is present in 47 countries sold all his African assets to MSC for 5.7 billion euros, explaining that it had been forced to do so because of the increasing competition from Chinese operators.
In the future, MSC plans to finance a barging project which aims at reducing road traffic, congestion in the port and heavy trucks traffic in urban areas. A second project focusses on the improvement of the railway link and to reinforce the service in order to increase the port’s performance. Beside these projects, the management of the Port of Abidjan is planning to build craft dock in the port, with the support  of MSC which is also considering to develop cruise tourism in the port of Abidjan. However, a number of challenges need to be overcome to ensure the success of these expansion plans. One of these is insecurity, which can deter consumers from using the infrastructure. Indeed, according to a deputy director of maritime security at the port, theft on ships, at berths and in warehouses is an undeniable reality.

The port of Abidjan is also an important regional hub. CC BY-SA 2.0/ RomainSeaf

The activity of the port may also be affected negatively by other aspects. One of them, a legacy of the civil war of 2011, is that armed robberies are still perpetrated by ex-rebels in the northern part of the country. It is facing an increased threat from terrorism owed to the spillover of jihadist activity from Mali and Burkina Faso. Besides, outside of Abidjan, armed banditry is also a concern along roadways and in rural areas. This situation has justified the establishment of more than 40 police between Abidjan and Ouagadougou. The downside of this deployment has been delays and briberies perpetrated by the policemen at the roadblocks. The activity of the port is impacted by the unrest and the economic slowdown in the three hinterland countries, which is partly caused by the effects ongoing jihadist activities there. As a result, reports the PAA, the traffic with Mali, Burkina-Faso and Niger decreased by 15.7% during the first half of 2023 in comparison with 2022.
The other challenges are logistical. One of the reasons why Malians increasing prefer to truck their imported or exported goods via Conakry in Guinea instead of Abidjan is that the distance is shorter (931 km from Bamako as against 1,116 km between the Malian capital and Abidjan). The alternative of trucking goods to Bouake and load them on the Sitarail train to Abidjan is more time costly.

A wharf and warehouses at the Port of Abidjan. CC BY-SA 2.0/ Romain Seaf

The proximity of the city of Abidjan represents a physical limit to the development of the harbour itself. When the trucks arrive to the port main entrance gate truck drivers usually park on both sides of the road, creating terrible traffic jams.
The port of Abidjan is also involved in a war between with other regional hubs such as the Togolese port of Lome and the Ghanaian port of Tema which compete to attract transshipment traffic. A comparative advantage of Lome is that the activity is less congested there. The competition is particularly fierce for the container traffic. In 2021, its volume was 1.2 million TEU for Nigeria and Togo, 1 million for Ghana and almost 900,000 for Côte d’Ivoire. In order to capture the leadership, huge investments have been made with the construction of the 1.5 million TEU TC2 terminal in Abidjan, the Lekki terminal in Nigeria (2.7 m.) and the Tema terminal (3.5 m.) in Ghana, reports the Paris-based consultant OKAN ACF. But the risk of this war of hubs is that it could lead to an overcapacity of all these regional containers terminals.

View of the harbor of the port city of Abidjan at dusk. iStock/ Leamus

In the competition with the other hubs, Abidjan faces also the challenge of long waiting times for the vessels which need to dock there. The vessels wait in average two or four days against less than one day in Lomé, Apapa and Dakar, according to a 2022 report from the AP Moller Maersk shipping company. Abidjan is also reported as lagging behind Conakry, Tema, Dakar, Monrovia, Onne, Tin Can Island and Cotonou in a performance ranking released in 2022 by the World Bank and S&P Global Market Intelligence. (Open Photo: Container ships and several transport infrastructures at Abidjan Port. Shutterstock/Boulenger Xavier)

François Misser

 

Senegal. Goldmines for the Jihadists.

In the regions bordering between Senegal and Mali, the gold rush has created hundreds of artisanal or semi-artisanal mines. A real danger is that the extraction of the precious metal may be used as a source of financing for terrorist groups.

In the Senegalese region of Kédougou, the gold rush begins at first light, when it is not so hot. Near the village of Faranding, the artisanal mine looks like this: a large space of land riddled with holes tens of meters deep, where the miners disappear into the darkness armed with torches and tools. A permanent rumbling of jackhammers and electric generators forms a background noise. There are Senegalese, but also Malians, Burkinabes and Guineans. This region in the southeast of Senegal, one of the poorest in the country, is a great melting pot where men of over 20 nationalities from all over West Africa and the Sahel live and work. They come to try their luck.

The Falémé River with bushes on its banks at the Mali-Senegal border. CC BY-SA 4.0/ Fred P. M. van der Kraaij

In the region bordering Mali and Guinea, there are hundreds of artisanal or semi-artisanal mines. Gold fever has exploded recently. Kédougou, the regional capital has doubled its population, going from 100 thousand inhabitants before 2010 to over 200 thousand today. The gold rush has also attracted foreign businesses. Today there are dozens of companies, both European and Chinese, with industrial and semi-mechanized mines, very often at the expense of the environment and the local population, whose land is illegally stolen.
Faranding is located on the banks of the Falémé River which traces the border between Senegal and Mali. The young miner Aliou Cissé tells us that “It is mainly Malians and Guineans who buy gold from the miners”. The Malian shore is just a few hundred meters away. A wooden boat transports goods from one shore to another without any control. Along the way, you notice a wooden barge with a metal structure on top. From there men operate dredging machines to sift sand from the riverbed. This way of searching for gold is considered completely illegal and it also threatens the environment.
According to complaints from various activists and some NGOs, those who cause the most damage are the mining companies who discharge thousands of litres of water full of chemical substances, such as mercury, into the river. For some time now, the inhabitants of the area have no longer been able to use the water for their livestock or personal consumption. Agriculture has also been compromised.

A view of a village in the Kedougou region. In Kédougou, gold has not brought better living conditions. The poverty rate is 61.9%. iStock/ Alba Perez Enriquez

The context of Faranding represents well the chaotic and precarious equilibrium in which people live in these border territories so important for the stability of Senegal. Analysts say they are worried about the ongoing phenomena. Above all, the expansion of Jihadist extremism which is starting to threaten West African countries from the Sahel.
Kédougou and neighbouring Tambacounda are among the poorest regions despite their economic potential. In Kédougou, gold has not brought better living conditions. The poverty rate is 61.9%. The lack of opportunities generates frustration and a sense of abandonment. Environmental damage “could generate tensions that can be exploited by violent extremists”, explains Paulin Toupane of the Institute for Security Studies (ISS). In his opinion, gold mining in Senegal “is probably used as a source of financing for groups active in Mali.”
In fact, according to some estimates, 90% of the artisanal mined gold ends up in Mali, with which Senegal shares over 250 km of extremely porous borders and where it is impossible to control the flow of buyers and sellers. Senegal has so far been spared terrorist attacks and is considered among the few stable countries in West Africa. However, the gold rush and the development of other illegal trafficking networks have increased Kédougou’s vulnerability. And the jihadist danger could become a reality. The unstable situation in Mali is also worrying, with the military junta in power which, after having broken with Western partners and the United Nations, has adopted military strategies with the help of Wagner’s Russian mercenaries.

Meetings were organized with religious leaders and local authorities to raise awareness against the spread of extremist thought. iStock/ Cultures Studio

For Bakary Sambe, regional director of the Timbuktu Institute in Dakar, the permeability of the borders is the reason why the jihadist groups have not yet orchestrated attacks on Senegalese territory, as «they have spaces for tactical withdrawal and Senegal is strategic. There is the flow of capital, the movement of weapons and access to the sea.”
Despite the strong rooting of moderate Sufi Islam with its brotherhoods that are considered a ‘shiel’” against extremist thought and violence, governments led by Macky Sall have progressively adopted prevention measures. Meetings were organized with religious leaders and local authorities to raise awareness against the spread of extremist thought. Intelligence activity and the presence of security forces have been increased. Infrastructure projects have been launched, including the Emergency Program for the modernization of border axes and territories, launched in 2016 with a budget of over 32 billion CFA francs (approximately 49 million euros). Despite the recriminations of many local representatives, the strategy has so far worked.(Open Photo: 123rf – swm)

Marco Simoncelli

Haiti in the abyss.

It is the poorest and most unfortunate country in Latin America. Countless robberies and political and natural disasters have characterized its existence. Today the country is dominated by extreme violence, corruption and a political crisis. We retrace the painful journey of a people who in history were the precursors of anti-slavery and anti-colonialist struggles throughout the region.

In the precious Caribbean Basin, within the Antilles archipelago, lies the small Republic of Haiti, a country made up of two peninsulas whose total extension is just 27,750 km2 and which occupies the western part of the island of Hispaniola, bordering to the east with the Dominican Republic.
Its predominantly mountainous territory – made up of two mountain ranges between which a smaller chain is interspersed – is home to a population of 10,033,000 inhabitants, of which 95% are of African origin while the remainder are white or mixed-race.

Map: 123rf

Known as one of the poorest and most unfortunate countries on the entire continent due to the countless robberies and disasters it has had to endure throughout its existence, Haiti is also renowned for the creativity of its artists and for having been the precursor country of antislavery and anticolonialism throughout the region, the latter an aspect which made the colonial states of the 19th century perceive it as a dangerous threat. In fact, the country, from being a flourishing Spanish and French colony to which thousands of slaves were deported to be used in the cultivation of sugar cane to replace the natives who had become extinct due to the oppression practised by Spanish slavers, was the second American Republic after the United States to declare its independence in 1804, as well as the world’s first black republic.

General Toussaint Louverture. He is known as one of the “Fathers of Haiti”. The New York Public Library.

This independence, which can also be attributed to the high organizational capacity of its people, led it in the following years to side with the liberator Simon Bolivar, using men, money and armaments, in the campaign for the emancipation of South America from the North. For this reason, Bolivar spoke out by saying “Americans from the South owe a lot to Haitians for supporting the emancipatory process”. These were, in the opinion of many historians, the reasons that caused France, England, Spain and the United States to condemn and rein in the country which now represented a real threat within the sub-continent whose main economic driving force was represented precisely by slavery. In this regard, the phrase uttered by the then American president Thomas Jefferson according to which “Haiti is a bad example” was lapidary. This concern did not appear far-fetched in light of the geographical position which makes Haiti, like other Central American and Caribbean countries, a sort of “hinge state” between South and North America. There is no doubt, in fact, that its very geographical position has conditioned the country, condemning it to continuous economic instability, a prelude to unspeakable and unstoppable social dramas.
As proof of this, we only have to remember that in the so-called “hinge states”, between the end of the nineteenth century and the beginning of the twentieth century, the major and decisive battles for the conquest of strategic, economic and financial spaces were fought between the European powers and the United States.
The United States, in particular, intervening heavily and militarily in local political life, worked to oust the European powers by virtue of the presence of substantial investments, concentrated in the production and export of agricultural tropical products, especially bananas. The consistency and importance of this capital were such as to severely limit national sovereignty. Hence the epithet “Banana Republic”.

The façade of the old United Fruit Building. New Orleans, Louisiana. Photo: Infrogmation

These were the years of the UFCO (United Fruit Company) better known as the “Green Octopus” which, due to its way of acting and its excessive business behaviour, had created a very powerful economic empire throughout the Central American and Caribbean region. Practically a sort of State within the States with police power in the territories it owns, controlling strategic sectors such as the local railway networks existing in the host country, the ports, the merchant navy, the most important banks, telephony and radio broadcasters, as well as the public procurement sector. Regarding the latter, particular attention was paid to the railway sector and the construction of railways which often served as a trailblazer for the penetration into Central American and Caribbean territories for the acquisition of new plantations.
Finally, if we consider that the budgets of this company, or of its counterparts, were higher than the state budgets of the countries where they operated, we can understand the capacity for pressure and conditioning that the governments of that area were forced to undergo. The action implemented by these companies was the result of a well-defined strategy designed by the Washington government, today known as “dollar diplomacy”, aimed at developing an intense policy of promoting and expanding financial influence in the Caribbean Basin and Central America through considerable government support for US entrepreneurs. Dollar diplomacy, however, was absolutely no alternative to the use of more brutal pressure or even of force itself.
In fact, it can easily be argued that economic strategy and repressive strategy went side by side and overlapped. It must be said, however, that in both cases these operations were masked by the American civilizing and charitable purpose aimed, at least officially, at adjusting the imbalances in local finances.

The American Soldiers arrived in Haiti in 1915. File Archive.

This vision grew immeasurably under the presidency of Wilson who, demonstrating a blind and boundless faith in the democratic and constitutional mechanisms of the US system, nourished an ethical and paternalistic vision towards Latin American governments which led him to use force and the sending of marines in the face of the rise of unconstitutional governments according to Washington’s parameters.
The logic just described is the one that pushed Washington to intervene in Haiti in 1915, to quell the popular uprisings that led to the overthrow of the government in office. Under the pretext of defending the interests of US citizens present on the island, American troops continued to station themselves in the country for a further eighteen years after the restoration of stability. Thus, under the pressure of the military occupation, Haiti was forced to sign an agreement whose duration was set at ten years, by which the appointments of the financial consultant, the person in charge of health control, as well as than that of public works were reserved to the United States. The Caribbean country also undertook in consideration of the occupier, not to cede portions of territory to other foreign powers and not to sign treaties that could “compromise independence”. Also in that period, a constitution strongly inspired by the US government was launched. In other words, despite the absence of official status, the country was effectively transformed into a protectorate of the United States. (Open Photo : Daniel Morel)
F. R.

Universal Fraternity Can Change the World.

At last year’s World Youth Day in Lisbon, more than a million young people shared among themselves social friendship. Pope Francis calls this universal fraternity, proving a new fraternal order and world social experience possible.

Universal fraternity refers to the unity and solidarity amongst all human beings, regardless of their differences. It is a vision aiming at the search for peace, harmony, and cooperation between everyone, valuing equality, compassion, and mutual respect.

This universal fraternity lies upon the premise that all human beings are part of the same global family, which shares a fundamental unity. Ubuntu is an African concept rooted in the philosophy and traditions
of the Bantu cultures and peoples exemplifying well what
social fraternity is all about.

Ubuntu can be translated as “I am because we are.” This philosophy emphasizes the link between people and underscores the importance of social relationships, empathy, and solidarity.

This vision of social fraternity transcends geographic and political barriers, trying to promote a conscience of our interdependence and our responsibility toward each other.

In practice, universal fraternity manifests itself in initiatives of humanitarian aid, social projects, and intercultural and interreligious dialogue, besides the efforts to promote education, rights equality, and social justice in all its forms.

Universal fraternity is a call to recognize our unity and interdependence as human beings and, as such, advocates for joint work for the wellbeing of everyone based on the values of love, compassion, and respect, values that are rooted in the Gospels of Jesus Christ.

There are attitudes and behaviours in each one of us that can hamper the promotion of social fraternity. We highlight a few of them. Prejudice and discrimination: prejudice based on race, religion, genre, sexual orientation, or any other personal characteristic is detrimental to social and universal fraternity.

Discrimination marginalizes certain groups and impedes the construction of equal relationships. Intolerance and hatred: absence of tolerance towards opinions, beliefs, and identities of others, as well as hatred and hostility, are barriers against social fraternity.

Social inequality: the existence of economic inequality of opportunities and access to essential resources, such as education and health, undermines social fraternity.

Extreme individualism: excessive individualism that puts personal interests above collective interests can hinder social fraternity. Absence of dialogue and listening: the lack of constructive communication, and the refusal to listen to different perspectives may hinder social fraternity.

Violence: physical violence, verbal or emotional, creates divisions and hampers social fraternity. Particularly, nowadays we witness persecution through social media or cyberbullying. Doubtless, it is important to be aware of these obstacles and work to overcome them, promoting equality, respect, and mutual understanding.

To promote social friendship, there exist various actions we can implement. Cultivate empathy: try to understand the experience and perspectives of others, placing ourselves ‘in their shoes.’ This helps to create an emotional relationship as well as to promote mutual understanding. Being inclusive: involve people of different origins and cultures in your activities and conversations.

Promote the culture of encounter, without excluding anyone. Promote diversity and give room to all voices. Be open to dialogue: let us encourage respectful and constructive conversations, even when there are differences of opinion. Let us approach each other, let us listen and know others, try hard to achieve mutual understanding, and search for moments of encounter and dialogue.

Participate in community activities: involve ourselves in projects and events that gather people of the community. As such, we shall have the opportunity to get to know new people and establish friendships. Promote equality and social justice: pay attention to the questions of inequality and injustice in society.

Participate in campaigns in favour of the most vulnerable people. Open our eyes to see the wounds of many brothers and sisters deprived of dignity. Contribute to creating a more just society, where all enjoy equal opportunities and are treated with dignity. Be gentle and generous: practice acts of goodness in our everyday life. Recognize human dignity always and in any circumstance.

Small gestures, like smiling, offering aid, or being polite with others, can make a big difference in the building of friendly relationships. Positively use the social media platforms: use the online platforms to share messages of encouragement, gratitude and support. Do not disseminate hatred, prejudice, or discord. Use social media as a tool to build bridges between people. The youth are the best prepared to restart anew.

At last year’s World Youth Day in Lisbon, thousands of young people from different cultures, languages, and social and religious traditions showed to the whole world that the way to the construction of a more sustainable society, more welcoming, and fraternal is possible: to live and cultivate the social friendship based on the actions of the day-to-day life. (Photo: 123rf)

Filipe Resende

In the hands of the gangs.

Haiti today finds itself in an extremely precarious situation. The country is dominated by extreme violence, corruption and political crises.  Added to this are the crises generated by natural phenomena, such as drought and earthquakes which have catastrophically struck the island in the last 15 years.

The high level of violence that takes place at the hands of over 200 armed gangs and armed groups fighting each other accentuates the critical issues exponentially, making the country ungovernable. Suffice it to consider that since the beginning of 2024, more than 360,000 people have been displaced in the country due to the violence, and now struggle to access sufficient food, while the loss of jobs and income has affected two thirds of families. UNICEF data shows that 2.7 million people, including 1.6 million women and children, live in areas under the effective control of armed gangs and children are involved in episodes of violence every day, being killed or injured. This involvement is also dictated by the child recruitment activity that the gangs carry out to swell their ranks; in fact, according to UNICEF, half of the armed groups in Haiti currently have children in their ranks.

Jimmy “Barbecue” Cherizier, an influential Haitian gang leader. Photo VOA

Since the beginning of the year, more than 2,500 people have been killed, injured or kidnapped in a new wave of violence that has swept through much of the country, generating a context determined by the desire for affirmation of the “G9 An Fanmi” an alliance between the nine most powerful gangs led by former police officer Jimmy Chérizier, also known as “Barbecue”, a nickname which he apparently earned by charring his victims and who today constitutes an important player in the balance of power in the country.  Jimmy Chérizier is also believed to be responsible for the massacre of 2018, a year after the departure of the UN Blue Helmets from Haiti, which occurred in the slums of La Saline and which cost the lives of more than 70 people, including women and children. At the time, Chérizier was an officer of an elite force tasked with fighting gangs but from which he was subsequently expelled only to be recruited by President Moïse who armed and equipped him to control the poor neighbourhoods in order to avoid anti-government riots.

Jimmy Chérizier. He was armed and equipped by the government to control the poor neighbourhoods in order to avoid anti-government riots. Photo VOA

The alliance that Chérizier had the ability to forge between local gangs, better known as the gangsterization of Haiti, was useful for local politicians to control their areas of competence. A balance that, however, was called into question with the killing of President Moïse in July 2021, creating a power vacuum which threw the country into a new phase of instability. The gangs began to operate autonomously, gaining control, which they still maintain, of new areas of the capital, of strategic infrastructures, including roads, ports and airports and of food, electricity and fuel distribution services, extremely worsening the living conditions of the population and the security of the country. Since fuel is the basis of the power supply of many structures, including hospitals, the interruption of supply generates the constant interruption of these services with the respective consequences that also derive from it for the survival of patients. The fuel disruption caused by the gangs also led to the closure of banks, and shops and the switching off of mobile phone antennas, causing the isolation of the country. Today, many gangs have their headquarters in the capital’s slums where they compete for territory and even decide which non-governmental organizations can enter to provide basic services to the population.

President Jovenel Moïse was killed in July 2021 creating a power vacuum. (Pres.Office)

Although sanctioned by the United Nations in September 2022, “Barbecue” is continuing to threaten the country, unleashing, as evidenced by the episodes of last March, attacks on police stations, courts and prisons, causing 2000 prisoners to escape. These actions were aimed at forcing the resignation of Prime Minister Ariel Henry, appointed by President Jovenel Moïse shortly before his assassination in 2021 and who was supposed to leave office at the beginning of February 2024, but also at thwarting the agreement signed in the first ten days of February that Henry signed in Kenya to define the methods of sending a new Kenyan-led security mission already approved in October 2023 by the United Nations Security Council and which provides for the presence of around a thousand police officers to counter the criminal gangs.
The state of emergency led to the birth of a Transitional Presidential Council in April established thanks to the support of CARICOM member countries which will have the task of leading Haiti towards stabilization in order to be able to call new elections by 7 February 2026. The Council, which took office in April followed by the resignation of President Ariel Henry, will be required to appoint a new head of government and a cabinet, as well as coordinate the arrival of the multinational security force. And all of this in the catastrophic context, to say the least, of an extremely frayed social fabric where the gangs, in addition to constituting a threat, still represent an actor on the ground and, as such, demand a place of representation at the negotiating table. (Open Photo: iStock/chinterlang)

Filippo Romeo

The Jacaranda. Floral Magic

When southern spring blooms, the streets of Harare and Pretoria are tinged with purple and lilac. In Zimbabwe and South Africa, during the spring season, which in the southern hemisphere begins in September, the large cities are coloured by the flowering of thousands of jacaranda trees (imported from South America at the end of the nineteenth century) which decorate pavements, streets and gardens.

In Zimbabwe, the southern spring blooms in all its splendour in the month of October. Leaving behind Samora Machel Avenue, the great central artery of the capital Harare, with its chaotic traffic, its skyscrapers and ministerial buildings, we cross the city northwards, along the streets that lead to the residential neighbourhoods with graceful colonial houses surrounded by lush gardens.

Beautiful violet vibrant jacaranda in bloom. Spring in South Africa. Pretoria. 123rf

The view is lost in the greenery of the parks, encountering the new face of the city, but, as soon as one crosses Josiah Tongogara Street, the visitor’s eyes and mouth open wide in ecstasy at the fantastic vision that welcomes them.As if transported into a fairytale, you enter a tunnel with a completely purple vault almost a kilometre long. It is one of the many purple avenues of the city, where the foliage of the jacaranda trees that grow along both sides of the road come together to form a canopy which in spring is tinged with the purple colour of thousands of flowers, and when the petals fall to the ground, even the grey asphalt is coloured, creating a purplish carpet.
The best place to admire this explosion of colours is the wonderful avenue of Takawira Street, but jacaranda trees can be found in almost all gardens and city parks. In addition: the tree is present in many other capitals of southern Africa, such as Lilongwe, Lusaka and Gaborone. But it is above all in South Africa that this tree puts on a show. Cape Town is caressed by the purple of these flowering trees, but Pretoria is the city that holds the record, so much so that it is often called “Jacaranda City”.

Exterior view of the Great Hall at the University of the Witwatersrand in Johannesburg. South Africa. 123rf

Here there are over seventy thousand trees that decorate pavements, streets and gardens and which attract thousands of visitors with their flowering every year. The student tradition of the city, with the famous University of Pretoria, says that if jacaranda petals fall on the head of an examinee, he will pass the exam. In Pretoria the jacaranda has earned the nickname “exams tree” because the exam period coincides with its flowering!Despite having become one of Southern Africa’s most iconic trees, the jacaranda tree is not indigenous to the African continent. Imported for urban decorative use in the 19th century by European settlers, Jacaranda Mimosifolia is native to South America, where it grows widely in Argentina, Bolivia and Brazil at altitudes between 1,500 and 2,500 meters above sea level.

Purple jacaranda trees lining a street in Pretoria. South Africa. 123rf

With its reddish trunk with relatively smooth bark and wide, uniform foliage, the jacaranda can reach 20 meters in height. Paripinnate and compound leaves grow from thin branches, up to 45 centimetres long, but the leaflets do not exceed one centimetre. The composition of leaflets, which can reach up to twenty pairs in the main leaf, is vaguely reminiscent of a fern.
The flowers are certainly the most fascinating part of the tree, with its characteristic purple, lilac or, more rarely, white colour. They grow to a peak in spring towards the end of September and into October, and last for about two months. The fruits appear in the form of woody capsules, whose shape resembles an oyster; and, just like the shell of an oyster, they open, releasing the winged seeds, which then spread and germinate.Despite being classified by the International Union for Conservation of Nature (IUCN) as a “vulnerable” species, the jacaranda is a highly invasive tree, so much so that South Africa has decided to ban its proliferation in gardens. Only its enormous popularity prevented a massive eradication campaign. (Photo: Herd of Waterbucks standing in Savannah of Mlilwane Wildlife Sanctuary, Swaziland. 123rf)

Gianni Bauce/Africa

The importance of African Names.

In many African cultures, one cannot call directly the name of a person whose rank is higher than one’s own. Father, mother, uncle, aunt, sister and brother… is all you will hear in some families.

Moreover, in Africa, names are not given casually. They are given solemnly in a naming ceremony. There are sometimes cases when given names are rejected. Signs like the abnormal crying of the baby, mysterious diseases are warnings that the naming of the baby has been delayed or that the wrong name has been given to the baby.
Twin babies, babies born face down, babies coming out of the womb legs first, those who are born with the umbilical cord around their waist etc. have special or fixed names in almost all African cultures. In Uganda, there are names that indicate time (Onyango, Owori, Nabwire), season (Okot, Obonyo), human activities (Odoi, Nnamirimu) etc…

Senegal. Transport of African children on the cart from school. In west Africa, names like; Koffi, Kossi, Kodjo, etc.. are all names indicating the day when the child was born. 123rf

In west Africa, names like; Koffi, Kossi, Kodjo, Kwasi, Kwaku etc.. are all names indicating the day when the child was born.
In Uganda, we mainly have Sunday, Friday and Monday, to show that the child is a cosmic entity. The name situates the person who carries it in time and space socialized by the group that gives it. The naming ceremony is therefore a ritual of identification. It is an answer to the following questions: Where does this child come from? Who has sent him/her? Which ancestor has re-incarnated in him/her ontologically or symbolically? The discovery of the right name is the result of efforts
and pre-occupations.
At birth, a baby is examined up to the smallest detail and all his/her resemblances are examined carefully, whether to a deceased adult of the family or to a child of the same mother who died. In this latter case, there is the suspicion that it may be a malignant spirit which transforms itself into babies that die in infancy in order to disturb the family and to deny posterity to the mother in question. This is the reason why still born babies have their legs tied before being buried unceremoniously. The message to the baby is: “don’t come back.” Sometimes, the dreams of the mother, especially about the ancestors are taken into considerations; the family may even seek the services of a diviner if things are not so clear.

In Uganda, there are names that indicate time. File swm

The naming ceremony is also a ritual of orientation. The baby will have to follow his/her model, although this does not mean that he/she will not develop his/ her own personality. The name is both a symbol of openness and a sign of pre-determinism. Telling one’s name is revealing oneself, exposing one’s program of life and showing that freedom can only be exercised
in determinism.
Among the Ugandan Westerners (Banyankole, Bakiga, Banyoro, Batooro), the Banyarwanda and the Barundi, theophoric names i.e., names connected with God. In Western Uganda, names like; Tumuhimbise (we praise God) Tumusiime (we thank God), Tumuramye (we adore God), Twinomuhangi (we are with God) Tumwesigye (we trust God), Mbabazi (God is merciful), Mubangizi (God is our protector) are very common. They show God’s intervention in the family and the confidence of the family in God’s solicitude. They also express a pact between God and his creatures.
The Bakonjo and the Barundi often give names which indicate the position of the child in the line of his siblings. Paluku or Baluku is the first male child in Bakonjo family while Nyabenda is the nineth
in a family of the Barundi.

Uganda. Most of the Baganda have clan names. File swm

Names are delicate in African cultures. The modern policy of calling a mother by the name of her first child, e.g. Maama Joseph, is a way of avoiding her name. The petty names of the Banyoro and Batooro (Akiki, Abwoli etc) may also serve the same purpose.
Most of the Baganda have clan names. Apart from showing to which clan one belongs, the names help to reinforce exogamy: one cannot marry from his or her clan or from the clan of his or her mother. These clan names also reveal one’s connection with the Kabaka (King) since every clan has a special service to the monarch.
One curious thing among the Nilotics is that many of them are “negative” names. Names like Bitho (he will die), Drani (death) Ocan (poor, sufferer), are very rare among the Bantu. The Bantu prefer “positive” names like Ssanyu (Joy), Busingye (Peace), Mbabazi (mercy) etc.
We have here two ways of wading off evil. While the Bantu avoid it by not talking about it, the Nilotics face it squarely and call it by name as a way of keeping it at bay. The modern tendency of changing one’s name at will sometimes leads to absurdity. Girls who give themselves male names or names of their fathers may lead to the confusion as to who is wife or daughter. Whatever was done to find the right name for the person, the circumstances around his/her birth, the importance of the ancestor after whom the person was named— are all lost when the person changes his/her name arbitrarily. (Photo: Young happy girl and boy near sea water on the tropical beach in island of Zanzibar, Tanzania. 123rf)

Edward Kanyike

 

 

Kenya. Turkana. Land, Lake and People

To cope with increasingly recurring droughts and animal deaths, the northern ethnic group, equipped with a solid culture, is changing its habits. Agriculture takes the place of pastoralism, due also to targeted initiatives by the missionaries of Saint Paul.

From the rocky hill, the view of the semi-arid plain is of a beauty that is difficult to express in words. It extends endlessly, empty, without any houses or traces left by man, so open and empty that it seems like a sea and not a plain. Behind us, above the hill, the mountains rise, glistening in the hot sun. The rocks appear wet but in reality, it is just the reflection of light on these volcanic stones.

Very little water flows here in northern Turkana. File swm

Very little water flows here in northern Turkana where Kenya borders Ethiopia, even though Google Maps tells us that we are in South Sudan. Turkana takes its name from the people who have always inhabited it, a population of semi-nomadic shepherds whose footprint on the territory is small, certainly less invasive than the thousands of red termite mounds that rise like columns. The borders are drawn by the states, but these spaces are continually crossed, following their animals, also by other peoples similar to the Turkana, such as the Nyangatom from the north or the Toposa from the west. Sometimes, they come into conflict when drought hits hard and animals begin to die.

Far from Nairobi
We are in Lobur, one of the headquarters of the missionaries of the Catholic Missionary Community of Saint Paul, of Spanish origin, whose members, mostly African, have various communities scattered in this part of Kenya. Their activities are also a spotlight on the county’s problems. Turkana is very different from the other 47 counties into which the country is divided.

Turkana, a population of semi-nomadic shepherds. File swm

It is an arid land, classified as semi-desert, subject to droughts, which are increasingly recurring due to climate change which is felt here more than anywhere else. The average temperature increased by 2 degrees between 1967 and 2012, and the rainy seasons are getting shorter. Turkana herders usually move two or three times a year during the rainy period (which is in November and from April to June) but the drought that has lasted since 2019 has changed their habits. It is estimated that around 440,000 animals died between then and mid-2022 and that 60% of the population is at food risk. In 2019, again as a result of climate change, there was a massive invasion of locusts from Yemen which depleted the vegetation already severely tested by drought. In Kenya, there are 44 different ethnic groups, each with its own language, but the Turkana people are certainly the most isolated and distant from Nairobi not only from the point of view of distance in kilometres but above all from that of education, health and food security.

Agriculture as the answer to drought
Lobur’s mission offers a small model of how to address the county’s major problems. The first is to find water, which is there, but deep in the ground. At the foot of the hill, there are green spaces where cultivation is carried out using the water extracted through American windmills or through pumps powered by solar panels which also serve to provide electricity given that the territory (like most of the county) has no electricity supply. Small dams are also built at natural collection points which serve to create water reserves. Continuing across the plain, we come across an agricultural farm created with the help of experts from the Israeli Arava Research Institute.

Women are more pragmatic. File swm

Some missionaries had met them in the kibbutzim where they had noticed their ability to cultivate even in areas that were extremely arid. The Furrows in the Desert project includes a training school aimed at aspiring Turkana farmers who within 6 months learn to cultivate even in a place where water is scarce and alkaline, therefore suitable only for certain types of vegetation such as squash, small local pumpkins, watermelons, local species of courgettes and spinach. The transition from pastoralism to agricultural activity is not such an immediate thing for a culture as strong as that of the Turkana. Men tend to reject it, but women understand its importance and step forward to manage large community gardens where water is distributed drop by drop. «We are not asking him to change culture but to introduce innovations such as cultivating the land – missionary Father Joe Githintji explains. During a drought, animals die but agriculture continues to give them food. If they produce, they can sell the vegetables and with the money earned, once the drought ends, they can buy back the livestock. It is virgin land, never cultivated before; they must discover this possibility.”

The Turkana County is an arid land, classified as semi-desert. File swm

For women, who are more pragmatic, it’s easy. A few kilometres away from there is a primary school run by the mission. Beyond the school, there are vast community gardens cultivated by women who irrigate them with water extracted from pumps powered by the wind. The produce is partly sold and partly cooked for the children who attend school. This is a way to convince families to send their children to school, given that they have at least one good meal a day there. In this way two objectives are achieved: nutrition and education. According to Save the Children, in Turkana, only half of school-age children are enrolled in primary school, well below the national average of 92%, while the adult literacy rate in the county is 20%.
Water, agriculture, education, and health are the services that these missionaries offer and the people, attracted by these opportunities, migrate and form new villages around the missions.

Violence and Conflict
In the far north of Turkana is the region called the Ilemi Triangle, which is a territory claimed by South Sudan. It is one of the many non-demarcated borders in Africa. There are more than a hundred and they must be resolved by 2027 for the African Union. In Kibish, the capital of the area, the missionary community of Saint Paul has its own outpost which it reaches every 10 days.
In these borderlands, there have historically been many conflicts between the Turkana and the Dassenech (Ethiopia), the Toposa (South Sudan) and, further west, the Karimojong (Uganda).

The government supplied semi-nomadic populations with automatic weapons. File swm

The problem worsened when, at the end of the twentieth century,(mostly Kalashnikovs) to defend themselves against theft of animals or attacks and it is quite common to see shepherds leading their livestock with a war rifle instead of a stick. Father Joe Githintji: «Since 2020 we have achieved peace in this territory and there are no more killings, even if further west on the borders of South Sudan there are still difficult situations». When there are criminal acts of this type, the Kenyan government acts quickly: it captures the thieves, punishes them and returns the animals.

The Lake
Lake Turkana, which runs along the entire length of the county to the east, is the largest desert lake in the world. About 250 kilometres long, it has alkaline water, not suitable for humans or even for irrigation. Despite this, the Turkana still drink for want of anything better incurring various physical problems (teeth and bones). In recent years the lake has been subject to contradictory phenomena: the Ethiopian government is building a dam on the Omo River which supplies 90% of the lake.
Once construction is completed, Turkana risks the same fate as the Aral Sea in Central Asia.

Lake Turkana is the largest desert lake in the world. File swm

In fact, however, the opposite phenomenon is taking place: Lake Turkana has expanded by 10% in the last 10 years, covering an area of approximately 800 km² and this is presumably due to the accumulation of sudden rains that do not dissipate. This causes desertification in the interior and floods on the shores of the lake which force the Turkana to abandon their villages and move inland: two opposite phenomena but both expressions of climate change. «The Turkana who live on the lake – claims Patrizia Annibaldi, a lay missionary from the missionary community of San Paolo in Nariokotome – are mostly fishermen and have this advantage over those who live only from sheep farming, but the lack of drinking water is still a serious problem for them.

Adaptability
The shepherd men, the women who look after their children, cook, erect and dismantle the house when they migrate: this is the traditional life of the Turkana. Will it be able to exist in the future or will it be swept away by modernity and climate change? If you ask these questions, the answer you get is always the same: Turkana culture is strong and will resist. «The Turkana belong to Turkana, to their land, not so much to Kenya – claims Peter Bii, a young aspiring missionary from the community in Lobur. They suffer from climate change, but they hope to solve the problem, they don’t want to leave their land.
If drought comes, they move, here the land is free, without owners, they move where there are dams.

They move to where there is water; they move and life continues.File swm

They move to where there is water; they move and life continues. They accept these difficulties, after all their life has always been hard.” However, this cultural solidity also allows change. During our trip, we met many young non-traditional Turkana people, such as Jacinta and Purity, two girls who were good at school and dressed in modern clothes. The community is proud of the new generations who go to school and does not hinder them; on the contrary, it helps them. Once they have finished their studies, they will decide what to do, whether to live in the city or return to their community to help it. Here too, Peter Bii has no doubts: «Even the emancipated prefer to return. Maybe they work for the government but they also work for their people.”

Nicola Rabbi

 

The Philippines. Preserving Nature in a Filipino Hermitage.

Four religious people have chosen to live in a hermitage community in the southeast of the Philippines, to live in silence and solitude,
and to awaken people’s interest in preserving nature and making
it more productive.

The Mary Mediatrix Hermitage in the landlocked province of North Cotabato sets an example on how to preserve nature, and properly and productively make use of it. The community opens its gate to the public not only to practice faith, but also to let them witness how they as hermits protect nature and make it meet human needs.
They also want people to see that tilling a land can be sustainable and self-sufficient with hard work, discipline, wisdom, technical know-how, and tested and proven practices. “The way the hermitage environment was designed reflects our advocacy for nature,” said Fr. Eugene Vincent De Jesus, Our Lady’s Hermitines (OLH) founding and leading community member. “We integrate awareness on how to care for the earth
in every activity we do here.”

Br. Juan Bulo (L) and Fr. Eugene De Jesus.

The community cultivates a food forest (an agroforestry system that mimics the structure and function of a natural forest but is designed to produce food, fuel, fibre, and other products) and practices permaculture (the growth of agricultural ecosystems in a self-sufficient and sustainable way) in its preservation and enrichment.Fruits and vegetables are grown by the hermits. Animals are raised in six and a half hectares of rolling land, which they have turned into a food forest over the past years. Following the food forest concept and observing permaculture principles, they grow canopy, understory, shrub, herbaceous, rhizosphere, groundcover, and climber plants. They grow durians, coconuts, forest bananas, and mangosteens. Señorita bananas have also been planted recently, creating multi-diversity in the farming of the land. North Cotabato – strategically located in central Mindanao – is regarded as the fruit basket of the country’s second-largest island.
It also borders Mt. Apo, the country’s most prominent peak, with an elevation of 2,954 meters above sea level. The religious men raise cows, sheep, chickens, geese, hogs, and turkeys. They also raise dogs
and cats as pets.

The Chapel of Yeshua can accommodate up to 200 people.

The foods that they produce are chiefly for their consumption. But their produce is more than enough for the needs of four men with a lifestyle of simplicity and sobriety toward material things. “We plant and raise animals for our food – Fr. De Jesus said – If we produce more than we need, we share them with whoever needs them.
For those who are financially capable, they pay us for what we share in return. Our livelihood is not primarily for profit but for the sustainability of the community.”People and friends make donations for further vegetation of the community’s land. Just recently, an individual sponsored the planting of pine and cypress trees-an act that serves as a testament to the community’s fruitful advocacy for the environment.
The community advocates the integrity of creation and promotes the Encyclical of Pope Francis ‘Laudato Si – On Care for Our Common Home’, said Fr. De Jesus.  A variety of tree seedlings are planted in open spaces of the six hectares of land. Over the past years, hundreds of people have joined the hermits to make the place greener by planting seedlings of an array of trees. The structures built by the hermits are literally in the middle of a forest, which they refer to as a food forest a source of life and protection for human life. But the hermits also see the destruction of the environment by man himself. They view man’s self-centeredness and tight attachment to materialism as tremendous threats to nature. To save nature from potential environmental disasters, man has to be reminded of his responsibility and capability to protect it for
the present and future generations.

Fr Eugene De Jesus with a group of people.

“The mindset of people who are still very anthropocentric and the prevailing culture of consumerism pose dangers to nature – Fr. De Jesus pointed out -. We counter these two threats with the lifestyle we live, espouse, and witness inside the hermitage.”
The hermitage was founded in Davao on the occasion of World Environment Day in June 2010. The Mary Mediatrix Hermitage in Kidapawan was built on the Feast of the Annunciation on March 25, 2021. The community members observe silence and solitude. Each has his hut for solitude, prayer, and other private activities.
“Being hermits, we have a regular designated time for prayer and work daily based on our horarium,” said Fr. De Jesus. As hermits who value silence and solitude with a profound meaning, they also offer time for people who wish to see and talk with them in person. “Being with people has a specific purpose and time, too – he continued-. We always value our time for silence and prayer, but it does not mean that people are secondary only nor unimportant to us. Of course, above our horarium, we also are open when God’s calendar has to summon our attention.”

Volunteers during a planting activity in the hermitage community.

Observing silence and solitude separately, the hermits have particular times to see each other. “We only gather together during the celebration of the Eucharist and some special occasions,” Fr. De Jesus said. The mission of the hermits, the priest explained, is five-fold: IECHO, which stands for Intercessory Prayer, Earth Care, Companioning Searchers/Pilgrims, Hospitable Caring, and Ora et Labora (Prayer and Work). Fr. De Jesus was alone at the beginning. He described the idea of hermitage as an offshoot of a call within a call. “But God started to provide kindred souls,” he said. “Some had come and left. Others came and stayed.”
The community has built two chapels. The St. Joseph chapel, which can accommodate 150 people, is open for everyone any time of the day. The Chapel of Yeshua-Perpetual Adoration Chapel is limited to the use of the hermits only but is open to people on special occasions and can hold 200 individuals. Opening the community to people is part of the five-fold mission of the hermits, which are companioning pilgrims and searchers, and hospitable caring. The hermitage is within the sphere of the Kidapawan diocese. It carries on with its advocacy for safeguarding nature and inspiring people to work for the same end.
(Open Photo: 123rf)

Oliver Samson

 

Myanmar. The role of “Scam Cities”.

The fate of the war in Myanmar is intertwined with that of the “Scam Cities”, lawless places that produce money continuously and whose control is linked to billions in earnings.

For several months, a war has been underway in Myanmar for control of the border centre of Myawaddy on the Moei River, opposite the Thai city of Mae Sot. Almost entirely conquered by the Karen Resistance in April, the city once again returned to being the centre of clashes after the counter-offensive of the Burmese coup army which, in February 2021, ousted the government of Aung San Suu Kyi. Its value for the
‘rebels’ is very high: if conquered it would signal their total control
over all the country’s borders.

However, several elements make the situation in Miawaddy even more complex, including some small urban conglomerations overlooking the Moei River which marks the border between Myanmar and Thailand.

They are the so-called “Scam Cities” – a series of places built and controlled by the Chinese mafia in cahoots with compliant local governments and corrupt officials, specializing in cyber-crimes via the web and mobile phones.

It is a widespread reality, especially in Myanmar, but also present in other Southeast Asian countries and continuously expanding from east to west: from Southeast Asia to India, but also to Dubai and Georgia. Apparently, the Scam Cities are the real stakes in the battle on the Burmese-Thai border: criminal centres that produce money continuously and whose control would bring billions in profits.

Scam Cities are not simply call centres but real urban centres of recent construction, as in Myanmar or Laos, or even just more or less disguised buildings in some important Asian cities (such as Sihanoukville in Cambodia). Their control goes far beyond criminal dynamics: as the Burmese case demonstrates, the value of these cities is such that it can change the outcome of a conflict.

According to the United Nations, in South-East Asia alone the scam centres employ over two hundred thousand people, modern cyber-slaves, hired with the promise of large salary rewards through internet advertising or criminal employment offices.

The victims, the future “scammers”, are then deprived of their passports and telephones and are not released until they have reached a certain profit target. Those who try to escape or complain are beaten, tortured and even killed, as told by the stories collected among the rare fugitives by an international team that has been working for years on this criminal, violent and very well-structured phenomenon.

Scam Cities are born with a structure that sees the classic setting of the cities of vice: casinos, online gambling, prostitution, usury, human trafficking, blackmail and violence. But these buildings (compounds), in which there are cyber-slaves assigned to stay on their cell phones
for the whole day, are new.

The Burmese case is perhaps the most interesting because it links Scam Cities to war, a context that facilitates criminal profit. Miawaddy is a clear example of this. The Burmese Scam Cities were born a few years ago along the borders with China and Thailand as large or small border gambling centres. But after the Resistance reconquered these conglomerations on the Chinese border last year with the famous Operation 1027 at the end of 2023, business moved to the border with Thailand, strengthening the Scam Cities already present.

In 2024, however, the Karen Resistance attacked Myawaddy, allying itself with the Border Brigades (BGF), an army of Karen militiamen who, after the coup, had unequivocally sided with the military junta in exchange for protection for the Scam Cities they have controlled since cyber-crimes their creation. The BGF, which transformed into the Karen National Army (KNA) in February, fought alongside the Karen National Liberation
Army (KNLA – the historical force of Karen autonomy),
but only for a short time.

Recently they have changed sides again by allying themselves once more with the military coup leaders and guaranteeing them the possibility of regaining the lost ground in Myawaddy. No wonder: The commander of the BGF-KNA – Colonel Saw Chit Thu – is in fact closely linked to the creation of Shwe Kokko, the headquarters of the BGF-KNA and Scam City par excellence, a few kilometres from Myawaddy.

It therefore seems that these variable alliances – and therefore the outcome of the war – also depend essentially on who will be able to control and manage the Scam Cities that the Karen Resistance says it wants to eliminate while the BGF (and the military junta) want to continue to operate, limiting themselves only to some superficial operations.

A recent Justice for Myanmar investigation into Scam City explains that “The BGF/KNA is led by Saw Chit Thu, a colonel, general secretary and senior advisor to the militia group…who has become a leading figure in the splinter group Karen Democratic Buddhist Army (DKBA).), who signed a ceasefire with the then military junta.

In 2010, the DKBA was transformed into a ‘Border Guard Force’…benefitting, in exchange for integration into Myanmar’s military command, material battlefield support provided by the army and space to build lucrative criminal businesses. The Myanmar army in turn has benefited from the revenue derived from them.”

The dossier was probably ready for months, but during the provisional alliance between BGF/KNA and KNLA, it was kept at a standstill. Now, however, it has been made public and reconstructs the entire chain of command and control of the Scam Cities along the border. The BGF denies all accusations as well as its about-face to the detriment of the Karen Resistance.

How much is all this worth? According to the UNODC, illicit financial flows in the Mekong region suggest that “the scam industry in a single country in the region could generate between 7.5 and 12.5 billion dollars or half the gross domestic product of the country itself”. Very relative estimates and probably underestimated. Sufficient profit of which to be in control. (Open Photo: The border gate in Myawaddy. CC BY-SA 3.0/Go-Myanmar

Emanuele Giordana/ISPI

 

 

 

 

 

Beautiful Kaya.

Kaya was the most beautiful girl in the village. All the boys courted her, each bringing her small gifts. There were so many invitations from her suitors that she never had a moment’s freedom.

Rich in virtue too, Kaya was the pride of her parents. But she liked only one young man: the son of the village chief and a great warrior.

All the women in the village tried to seduce him, but he refused to marry. Every evening, the beautiful Kaya, dressed in a beautiful pagne, went to sing at the door of the man she liked. Her hair braided with coloured pearls and her bracelets beautiful, she tried by all means to attract his attention.

Unfortunately, nothing happened! In desperation, the young woman decided to stop worrying about her appearance and instead make herself loved for the beauty of her soul. So, she went to the village fetishist and explained her problem.

Saddened by Kaya’s tale, he threw a handful of herbs into a pot, added the ashes of the dead and, uttering the ritual phrases, handed the girl a steaming bowl of the mixture. She took a sip and suddenly her features became swollen and distorted, her hair fell out in clumps, her mouth twisted into a horrible grimace and she began to stammer.

After the magic session, the young woman recovered and returned to her village. When she arrived there, unrecognizable, she was thought to be a poor, ugly beggar. No one dared to chase her away, but no one spoke to her or brought her food. From that moment on, her life became
sad and monotonous.

Whatever kind gestures the poor girl made, no one would approach her. Children teased her and threw stones at her; dogs bit her; men laughed at her appearance and none of them dreamed of courting her. Without ceasing to wonder if she had gone too far in making herself ugly, the girl began to waste away. A cloth merchant who had come to the village saw her and was immediately touched by her melancholy and goodness. He took care of her for a few days and eventually fell in love with her.

He then asked her to be his wife, assuring her that he thought she was the most beautiful girl in the village. Overwhelmed with happiness, Kaya realized that she was finally loved for who she was. And she accepted the man’s offer with all her heart. On their wedding day, everyone attended the ceremony with the intention of mocking the bride.

But as soon as the marriage was sanctioned, a purple cloud rose up around her, restoring her to her original beauty. The husband, concerned only with his companion’s soul, took no notice of the metamorphosis. Instead, a great murmur of surprise spread through the room. And all the young men, unable to forgive themselves for having mocked the most beautiful girl in the village, wrung their hands in anger at not being there in the place of the happy groom.

Since then, many men have married ugly girls in the hope of waking up next to a beautiful creature the day after the wedding. (Pixabay)

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