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Middle East 2018 Perspectives.

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

The year 2018 could See Current Middle East Tensions Reach Their Inevitable Bloody Conclusion.

The Middle East has been a center of tension and instability since the end of WW1. Even then, 2017 stands out as being an especially tense year for the region. There are many open conflicts and growing tensions between Iran and the United States and a new instability in the Gulf region, even as the war in Syria is ending, leaving President al-Asad in power. That may prove to be a short lived victory. However stress filled 2017 was for the Middle East; 2018 is shaping up to be worst.

Jerusalem and the Palestinian Question return to the Fore

The mere signature of a single document has altered expectations for the Middle East in 2018. U.S. President Donald Trump has approved a Law that had existed since 1995, a period when there was still optimism for the Oslo Accord Israeli-Palestinian Peace Process, to move the American embassy in Israel from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem. All of Trump’s predecessors understood the implications of such a step: no less than a full recognition of Jerusalem as Israel’s capital. This step, in the logic of the U.S. being a ‘neutral’ broker, should only have come at the end of a comprehensive and signed peace agreement between Palestinians and Israelis.

The effect on the rest of the Middle East – the whole Islamic world in fact – will be significant. At its heart the focus of attention in the region could shift back to the Palestinian question and away from the brewing Iran-Saudi conflict. Or, more likely, the U.S. recognition of Jerusalem will exacerbate tensions between Iran, Israel and Saudi Arabia, spilling into a proxy conflict involving on one side Hamas (and possibly the Palestinian Authority – PNA) and Hezbollah on the other.

It’s unclear whether Trump had been briefed about the risks he has taken. Until a few weeks ago, the situation in Palestine was showing enough promise to suggest that Hamas and the PNA could have reached a compromise in 2018, bolstering the chances of a resumption of peace talks. At the end of November 2017, Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas’s Fatah and Hamas agreed to hold national elections by the end of 2018. A reconciliation in that sense would have allowed General al-Sisi’s Egypt to forego his concerns about Hamas’s ties to the Muslim Brotherhood. Elections would have gone a long way toward releasing the population of Gaza from an embargo that has lasted for over ten years. Now, the ‘smart money’ is on tensions in the region reaching the point of another (the Third) intifada.

Trump’s Foreign Policy

To understand how the new United States stance on Jerusalem will affect the Middle East in 2018 and beyond, it’s first necessary to understand the foreign policy that Trump is pursuing. Trump’s electoral slogan was ‘America First’. In that sense he is pursuing more ‘realistic’ and less idealistic targets.

Under Trump the United States will focus more on protecting American interest and security rather than exporting democracy. President Obama tried to pursue a version of this policy. Obama had the misfortune of having inherited a number of foreign quagmires from his predecessor, George W. Bush in Iraq and Afghanistan, not to mention the ‘war on terror’ – it’s difficult to wage war against an abstract noun. Still, Obama was hesitant to engage directly in regime change operations, preferring to wage war by proxy. Such was the case in Syria, for example.

Trump, more than Obama, appears to be focusing on fulfilling his electoral promises and satisfying, if not all Americans, his most solid base of support. It is in this context that the Jerusalem recognition must be analyzed. In choosing to move the American embassy from Tel Aviv to Jerusalem, Trump was able to satisfy the evangelical Christians who believe that the apocalypse will begin when the Third Temple is built on the site of the ‘Temple Mount’. Trump has also fulfilled the desires of his biggest electoral campaign donor, Jewish-American billionaire and Las Vegas casino owner Sheldon Adelson and the many American Zionists who are a major force behind the Israeli settlements in Palestinian territories that make a two-state solution so difficult, even if the political will to achieve it existed in the Knesset.

From this, it can be deduced that Trump is disengaging from the Middle East. He’s done his part; it’s now up to the others in the region to clean up the mess. The PNA president Abbas has already stated he won’t meet U.S. Vice President Pence when he will visit the region at the end of December. Frankly, it seems impossible for anyone to regard Washington as an honest or neutral broker in Middle East peace now. It’s possible that Trump’s son-in-law and adviser (whose own family construction business has profited from Israeli settlements) has worked out a deal with Saudi Prince Muhammad bin Salman (MbS) for Saudi Arabia to offer a substantial cash offer to Mahmoud Abbas to accept a Palestinian State, even smaller than what the current crumbs would entail. It’s unlikely, especially in a context of a Hamas-PNA reconciliation, that Abbas will accept such a literal sellout. Trump may have stated that he wants a “great deal for the Israelis and a great deal for the Palestinians”. Yet, a look at any map of the potential Palestinian State that the Israelis would allow now, suggests there’s only a ‘terrible deal’ in store.

Who Will Replace the United States in the Middle East?

That role is up for grabs; China or Russia will probably step in, but gradually, to do this in 2018. Russia has just helped Syria – and the world – rid itself of the ISIS plague. It has established close ties to all parties concerned from Turkey to Israel itself. As for the United States, it will only interfere where matters it thinks affect its national security. Where the Middle East is concerned, this translates to Israel’s security – or its perception. In other words, the U.S. will not purse the cause of Kurdish nationalism in Syria – as Obama’s administration was doing and Hillary Clinton would probably have done. Washington has already shown no support for the Iraqi Kurds when they stage their sovereignty referendum last September.

The U.S. and Saudi Arabia must have expected dismayed reactions to the Jerusalem announcement. They know that the Arab States that have signed peace agreements and established diplomatic relations with Israel will come under significant pressure in 2018. Egypt and Jordan are those States. Egypt’s President al-Sisi may have to come to terms with Hamas, even as he faces opposition from the Muslim Brotherhood (now operating underground) domestically. Jordan, whose Muslim Brotherhood remains an important and recognized political party in Parliament, will surely put pressure on King Abdullah to sever ties with Israel.

The Saudis will probably have already agreed with the Trump administration to ‘lubricate’ any resulting frictions by offering lavish injections of funds into the respective States’ coffers. Al-Sisi, in public, must show defiance against the Jerusalem decision or face electoral defeat in the summer of 2018 and/or an exacerbation of domestic violence. The need for funds will be even greater for Jordan, whose predictable rise in tension could prompt a sharp decline in tourism and related revenues. The alternative for Egypt or Jordan would be to face a backlash from the Saudis and their Gulf allies, which would imply enduring the tensions alone. Still, there’s one player that the Americans had not considered.

Washington Wants Isolation of Teheran

Qatar will focus its effort on sustaining the allies of Hamas. No wonder the Saudis isolated it in June 2017. Indeed, in 2018, Qatar will likely move even closer to the Iranian camp, which would also help stabilize Syria. Qatar was one of the main sponsors of the various Islamist militias operating in Syria and now being relegated to a few pockets as Asad’s loyalists regain control. Qatar, which is looking for an ever grander international presence (it will host the FIFA World Cup in 2022), has an opportunity to shine becoming the prime sponsor of the Palestinians.

Still, the United States will remain vigilant when it comes to expanding Iranian and Russian influence. Washington is convinced that Iran wants to create a ‘corridor’ from Teheran to Beirut, trying to impose Shiite hegemony throughout the Middle East. Should Haider al-Abadi, who faces voters in 2018, move too far in Tehran’s lap, facilitating the ‘Shiite corridor’, the United States could intervene, and applying pressure through the Kurds. Meanwhile, there seems little doubt that Trump will also scrap the Iran nuclear deal in 2018. It was one of his election promises.

After the Jerusalem decision, Israel will have become even more concerned of Iranian retaliation. Lebanon should hold elections in 2018. Beirut was supposed to have called general elections in 2014 but the political crisis marked by the failure to elect a new President until 2017 and the war in Syria prompted the delay. The Americans – through the Saudis – will try to exert pressure through the Sunnis and Prime Minister Saad Hariri, whose role and power has become more ambiguous after the virtual ‘kidnapping’ in November 2017.

It may not come to that. The Israelis, Americans and Saudis have haste. They want to stop Hezbollah and the Shiite crescent from developing long before the summer of 2018. After all, Iran has also been a thorn on the Saudis’ flank in Yemen, where the civil war has taken another turn in favor of the Houthi rebels after the assassination of former President Ali Abdullah Saleh after he decided to switch allegiances.

The realignment of forces in the Middle East, characterized by Iran’s progressively rising influence from the Persian Gulf to the red Sea and the Mediterranean troubles Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates. All it will take is a few Iranian made missiles landing near Riyadh, launched by Tehran’s allies (or from Hezbollah into Israel) and the Saudis could start using all the military toys they have recently bought from Uncle Sam against direct Iranian interests. Trump won’t necessarily intervene directly. He will be able to use tools like the nuclear deal and military support to help its allies fight of the Iranian ‘threat’ as the rivalry between Saudi Arabia-Israel and Iran sharpens.

Damascus’ success in reclaiming control over most of Syria, the demise of Islamic State and the Turkey’s increasing penetration in the Iranian –Russian sphere will bring these States to a dangerous crossroads in 2018. Finally, there’s another conclusion from the Jerusalem fallout that Trump and Netanyahu may not have considered. If there’s one issue that could unite the Arab world – however fleeting the chance – it might be Jerusalem. The Arab League, as happened in the 1973 oil embargo championed by the Saudis in retaliation for the Yom Kippur war, has been crippled. As for, Qatar, with Iran’s help might be able to build up sufficient diplomatic and regional pressure to either prevent a repeat of the 1982 Israeli -Shiite-Sunni war (most likely fought in Lebanon) or to cause the Saudi Crown Prince, Trump’s son-in-law Kushner and Bibi Netanyahu to reconsider their plans.

Alessandro Bruno

Laos. The Chance Of Living On Earth Longer.

Once, long ago, when the world was newly created, Phya Thaen, the highest god and creator, sent all creatures to the earth. As he was sending them down, he would tell each of them how many years they could live on earth.

When all creatures had left, he realized that he forgot to tell four creatures how many years they could live on earth. So, he called them back. “Human, Buffalo, Dog and Monkey, come here,” said Phya Thaen. “Yes, My Lord,” said the four creatures. “I have sent you down to earth without telling you how many years you could live on it.
I am going to tell you now,” said Phya Thaen. “Yes, My Lord,” said the four creatures in unison.

Phya Thaen turned to the human and said, “Human, you may live on earth for thirty years.” “Yes, My Lord,” said the Human. Phya Thaen turned to Buffalo and said, “Buffalo, I created you to help the human work in the field. You have to work hard all day long. I give the same amount of time as I had given to the Human, thirty years.” “Thirty years of hard work? That’s too much,” thought the buffalo.

So he said to Phya Thaen, “My Lord, may I have just ten years?” asked the buffalo.“Are you sure you want only ten years?” asked Phya Thaen. “Yes, My Lord; ten years is enough for me,” confirmed the buffalo. “Then, ten years you may have,” said Phya Thaen. The Human saw the chance of living on earth longer. So he said to Phya Thaen. “My Lord, may I have the twenty years that the buffalo does not want?” asked the Human. “Are you sure you want the Buffalo’s age?” asked Phya Thaen. “Yes, I am sure, My Lord,” said the human. “Then, twenty more years on earth you may have,” announced Phya Thaen. “Thank you, My Lord,” said the Human.

Phya Thaen then turned to Dog and said, “Dog, I created you to help the Human work at night. You have to work hard all night long, guarding the human’s property while he rests at night after his hard work. I give the same amount of time as I had given to the human at first, thirty years.” “Thirty years of sleepless nights? That’s too much,” thought the dog. So he said to Phya Thaen, “My Lord, may I have just ten years, like the buffalo?” asked the dog. “Are you sure you want only ten years?” asked Phya Thaen. “Yes, My Lord; ten years is enough for me,” confirmed the dog. “Then, ten years you may have,” said Phya Thaen.

The Human again saw the chance of living on earth longer. So he said to Phya Thaen. “My Lord, may I have the twenty years that the dog does not want?” asked the Human. “Are you sure you want the dog’s age?” asked Phya Thaen. “Yes, I am sure, My Lord,” said the Human. “Then, twenty more years on earth you may have,” announced Phya Thaen. “Thank you, My Lord,” said the Human. Phya Thaen then turned to the last creature, Monkey, and said, “Monkey, you are a funny creature, I created you to help entertain the Human after his work. You have to make him laugh and relax. I give the same amount of time as I had given to the human at first, thirty years.”

“Thirty years of being funny? That’s too much,” thought the monkey. So he said to Phya Thaen, “My Lord, may I have just ten years, like the dog and the buffalo?” asked the monkey. “Are you sure you want only ten years?” asked Phya Thaen. “Yes, My Lord; ten years is enough for me,” confirmed the monkey. “Then, ten years you may have,” said Phya Thaen. The Human again saw the chance of living on earth longer. So he said to Phya Thaen. “My Lord, may I have the twenty years that the monkey does not want?” asked the Human.

“Are you sure you want the monkey’s age?” asked Phya Thaen. “Yes, I am sure, My Lord,” said the Human. “Then, twenty more years on earth you may have,” announced Phya Thaen. “Thank you, My Lord,” said the Human. And the four creatures returned to earth. Since then, the Human could have ninety years on earth while the buffalo, the dog, and the monkey could have ten years each.

Folktale from Laos

(In Thai and Lao traditions, it is believed that people behave like human beings only in the first thirty year of their lives. From the age of 31 to 50 human beings are hard-working like the buffalo. From the age of 51 to 70, human beings behave like the dog. They become sleepless at night because of their worries about so many things in their lives. From the age of 71 to 90, human beings could be funny to the young in two ways. First, they become forgetful. Their forgetfulness may look funny to the young. Second, as they have lived so long, they have collected a lot of experiences and stories. They could tell stories to entertain the young.)

Brazil. Aparecida, 300 Years On The Side Of The People.

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

The celebrations of the three hundredth anniversary of the rediscovery of the statue of Our Lady of Aparecida ended recently. “Mary shows by her silence that the Gospel is proclaimed from the peripheries, the caves and cellars of humanity”.

The rediscovery of the statue by the fishermen Domingos Garcia, Joao Alves and Filipe changed lives. Filipe kept the statue rescued from the depths of the river in his house from 1717 to 1732. Mere fishermen found a statue of Our Lady immersed in water; it was broken, discoloured and grey. This happened on 12 October, 1717.

The statue is just a small sculpture by an unknown artist, probably from the ceramics school of the Benedictine Order. It measures 36 cm in height and weighs 2,550 grams. It has a silver pedestal with designs. It was probably made in the first half of the seventeenth century. To the eyes of the artist and the people of Brazil, it has some noticeable details: the smiling form of the lips that reveal the front teeth, the face with its wrinkles, the carefully arranged hair with braids, the diadem on the forehead, the pleated skirt reaching to the ground, the small joined hands like those of a child, the plain and the refined sleeves, refined, close-fitting and folded in the style of the seventeenth century Paulistas, the original rose colour of the hands and face, worn away and darkened by the smoke of candles and the grey mud in the bottom of the river.

The cult of our Lady of the Conception was already deeply rooted in colonial Brazil and images of Our Lady with joined hands were plentiful. The Aparecida cult is the enigma of an icon that transforms itself and takes the face of the people and its dreams. We are aware that the first printed image of Our Lady of Aparecida, created in 1854, is a photo of Our Lady of the Conception with fair skin. That image was recreated and darkened by poor, black people. It directly reflects their working conditions of suffering and brings hope to thousands of exploited people. Mary always chooses the lowly and speaks their language. A people that loves her makes her go and live in the houses of the poor and, from that theological place, scatters to the four winds the news of this celestial visitation. The statue of the Immaculate Virgin presents a God who continues to want communion, beginning with the lowly. In Mary they discover the signs of a Mother who asks to be put back together, sewn up and rebuilt.

In that first moment, the head was reattached using beeswax. From this union, a Marian people was born that will never leave her. It was united in sorrow and in love by the smile of the Virgin. An immense piety blossomed in the homes and in the processions of the ordinary people. In Mexico, in 1531, we see in the Virgin of Guadalupe a preference for the indigenous people. The Morenita speaks Nahuatl and not Spanish, and wants a sanctuary in the land of the poor and not in the capital Tenochtitlan; that the Bishop. Juan de Zumarraga should come to the periphery of Tepeyac and not the contrary; that the official Church should go to the periphery of the indigenous people and half-castes; that the Church should not build a New Spain but discover in the roots and in the faces of people the authentic America.
In Brazil, for the enslaved blacks and the poor wounded by colonial exploitation, Mary does not present herself as a passively submissive woman; nor does she create an alienating religion. She is the woman able to say no and what she wants according to the will of God. Then the story is repeated in every country of Latin America and the Caribbean.
In Honduras she is the Virgin of the Poor, Our Lady of Suyapa; in Paraguay she is Our Lady of Caacupé; in Cuba she is the Virgin of Cobre; Our Lady of Chiquinquirà, in Colombia. At Lujan, in Argentina, she remains stubbornly fixed with local people on the left bank of the river Lujan. In Costa Rica she is Our Lady of the Angels, known as La Negrita, the Little Black Lady. She shows herself to a poor, simple child, Juana Pereira, in a place called Pueblo de los Negros, on 2 August, 1635.
Mary silently points out that the Gospel is to be proclaimed from the peripheries, the caves and cellars of humanity. Mary shows that the Gospel means staying with the poor and defending their lives, their faith and their hopes.

As the Brazilian bishop, Mons Luciano Mendes de Almeida, Archbishop of Marianna and former President of the Conference of the Bishops of Brazil, who died in 2006, once wrote: ‘The little image dragged up from the waters of a river by fishermen sends us a message of solidarity with her children sorely oppressed at the time. She identified with the Brazilians who were suffering the injustice of slavery. The Mother of God showed, in her face, wrinkled like that of her black children, the love she has for them and the dignity they deserve. In a time of discrimination, she became the Mother of all races and made us understand we are all brothers and sisters’.
For the last three hundred years, Mary has been the nascent Church immersing itself in the suffering people. She is the Virgin of Sorrows, the dark-skinned Mother of Heaven, the Woman restored to life. In the words of the singer-composer Father Zezinho: ‘Today I became a pilgrim, with no illusions and no utopia! I went to visit the house built for Mother Mary! And, I did so with my simple understanding of this devotion! To the Black Lady I said: Lead my people to freedom’.

Fernando Altemever Jr.

Pelargonium sidoides. An Effective Medicinal Plant Against Respiratory Diseases.

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

Pelargonium sidoides is a small geranium-like plant which is commonly referred to as ‘South African geranium’ or Umckaloabo in the Zulu language. It is highly regarded by traditional healers as one of the major curative plants.

The plant grows in a rosette pattern and forms thick and very dark brown underground roots that grow up to 15 cm in length. Sparsely branched stems grow from the base and the species is distinguished from others by its long stalks, greyish-green crinkled leaves which are mildly aromatic, heart-shaped and velvety.
It bears lots of characteristic reddish-purple flowers with a distinctive yellow pollen throughout the year.
The plant grows in places where the climatic conditions range from arid to dry. Although Pelargonnium sidoides has the ability to endure frosts, the plants become dormant during prolonged periods of drought or when they are grown in places having extremely cold climatic conditions.

Pelargonnium sidoides is endemic to Lesotho and South Africa. It is harvested from the wild for the manufacture of traditional medicine (phytomedicines) by local and international pharmaceutical industries. It usually grows in short grassland and sometimes with occasional shrubs and trees on stony soil varying from sand to clay-loam and is found at altitudes ranging from near sea level to 2,300m.Ethnomedicinal records show that traditional practitioners and local communities have been using the roots of Pelargonnium sidoides for centuries for treatment of many diseases and disorders within the framework of their therapeutic settings, a variety of illnesses including coughs and upper respiratory infections, dysentery, diarrhoea, hepatic complaints, colds, fatigue, fevers, dysmenorrhea and infections of the respiratory tract including tuberculosis. In fact, the plant’s name ‘umckaloabo‘ is derived from two Zulu words; umkhuhlane, meaning ‘fever- and cough-related diseases’, and uhlabo which means ‘chest pain’.

Indeed the Pelargonnium sidoides plant is highly regarded by traditional healers as one of the major curative plants. Considered one of the mainstream traditional medicinal plants especially in South Africa and surrounding areas, Pelargonnium sidoides is also used in Germany, England and other western countries in form of a syrup as well as a cough drop or tablet. In fact, its remedy as a treatment especially for tuberculosis was popularised in England and Europe by the British mechanic Charles Henry Stevens in the 19th century. The primary purpose for using Pelargonnium sidoides as a home herbal remedy is to first and foremost shorten the period of sickness and to relieve the affected person’s symptoms. The remedy also breaks up mucus, fights bacteria, and works as an antiviral agent.
The main medicinal part of the plant is the fleshy dark brown rhizomes which are dried and formulated into powders, tinctures and infusions. Its potent antibacterial and antiviral properties are ideal in the treatment of chronic respiratory tract infections such as sore throat, sinusitis, colds and flu. The plant is very effective for treating acute bronchitis and has great ability in increasing the body’s natural healing ability from a myriad of diseases and disorders.

Pelargonnium sidoides decoction is used in some communities to treat stomach ulcers. Indeed scientific studies show that Pelargonnium sidoides extracts are effective against Helicobacter pylori bacteria, the main causative agent of stomach ulcers. In addition, Pelargonnium sidoides is also effective in treating acute as well as chronic throat, nose and ear infections.
The plant is used to treat upper respiratory infections, and common cold. It is also used to treat sexually transmitted diseases including gonorrhoea and herpes. Infusion of the roots of Pelargonnium sidoides has been orally administered to treat coughs, and gastrointestinal disorders such as diarrhoea and dysentery. In addition, the plant has also been used to provide a cure for hepatic disorders and dysmenorrhea. Its upper parts are ground into powder form and used as a wound healing agent.
The plant is also used to invigorate the body’s immune system, thereby helping to put off the spread of microbial infections. This is the main reason why many people use this herbal remedy as a substitute for various antibiotics.

The therapeutic attributes of Pelargonnium sidoides are due to the various phytochemicals contained in the plant especially the presence of a remarkable series of simple coumarins, phenolic acids, flavonoids, gallic acid and the gallic acid, methyl ester, which greatly contribute to the herb’s antibacterial, antifungal, anti-mycobacterial and immuno-modulatory properties which make it highly curative. It also contains calcium and silica which are essential minerals in the body.
The greatest threat to Pelargonnium sidoides currently is the over harvesting of its tubers for local and export purpose, habitat transformation and degradation. Loss of the plant population to habitat transformation as a result of urban development and agricultural activities has occurred in most of the historic sites, leading to mass reduction in the wild population of the plant. Therefore, a lot has to be done to conserve this highly valuable medicinal plant and prevent it from future extinction.

Richard Komakech

The Kurds, Which Future?

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

The big winner in the Middle East is Russia. Thus, it will be Russia that will play the biggest role in its post-Islamic State organization.

It was Russia that turned Turkey into an ally even after the latter’s air force shot down a Russian Sukhoi-24 jet in November 2015. Then in 2017, Russian backed Syrian forces took back Aleppo, as the various Islamist militias that occupied the Eastern part of the city were pushed out. Erdogan, who faced off a coup attempt in July 2015 while dealing with a series of bombings claimed by the Kurdish Workers’ Party (PKK) realize that it would be fruitless to support the anti-Asad militias in Syria.

It was more important for Turkey to contain Kurdish ambitions to set up an enclave on its southern border than to overthrow the government of al-Asad. Preserving the integrity of the Syrian State became as much of a goal for President Erdogan – at least in the short term – as it was for Putin. Now, Turkey sits at the winners’ table and can help decide just what kind of independence the Kurds can aspire. Having already persuaded the Americans to relinquish Kurdish nation building in Iraq – supported by Israel no less – Erdogan can thwart any hope that the Syrian Kurds can set up an independent territory, led by the PKK’s allies and capable of unsettling Turkish sovereignty. However, the Russians have also reached agreements with the Kurdish forces in Syria, who are expecting rewards for having contributed to smash the Islamic State, reducing them to a fragmented guerrilla force at best.

The Russians want stability in Syria above all, thus they are prepared to ‘persuade’ their Syrian allies in Damascus to concede a much greater degree of autonomy for the Kurds, who make up some 11.0% of the population. Ultimately, had Damascus failed to regain Palmyra, Aleppo, parts of the capital while steadily weakening the various militias and ISIS, the Turks would have prepared contingencies for a fragmentation of Syria and the end of the Sykes-Picot agreements, which marked the map of the present Middle East 100 years ago. A Kurdish independent political entity could have taken root in such a scenario, which would have resulted in undermining Turkey’s stability. But, as with so many of the Middle East’s current complexities, explanations must be sought in the post-World War I scenario. Perhaps, Kurdish nationalist dreams will have to wait until the entire Middle East rearranges itself. Until then, The Kurds are resigned to living stuck between the various States and can at most expect to win self-rule within these.

Alessandro Bruno

The War In Syria Is Over, The West Will Give Up On The Kurds.

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

The West will always choose Turkey over the aspirations of the Kurds. This is one area where The Americans and the Russians agree, allowing Rojava to separate from Syria. Russia has no desire to compromise relations with Turkey even as it tries to capitalize on success in Syria to strengthen its military presence. The Americans have withheld their backing for the Kurdish referendum in Iraq and they’re not likely to encourage the PYD. In Iraq, Turkey has established good relations with the Kurdish Regional Government (KRG) led by Barzani, until recently, and the Iraqi Kurdish Party (KDP). Turkey has even invested heavily in KRG controlled areas. If the Kurds gave up their ambitions peacefully after the Iraq army occupied the area after the September 25 referendum, it’s because Barzani used it to revive the fortunes of the PDK (Democratic Party of Kurdistan) within Iraq itself.

In this regard, Abdullah Ocalan may have a bigger role in the specific Kurdish context. Ocalan, leader of the PKK has been in jail since 1999. He has led the guerrilla war against the Turkish state and until a few years ago maintained good ties to the Syrian government. Ocalan offers Kurds nationalism but also a vision in which to shape it. Ocalan appears favorable to a Syria organized as a democratic speaks of a democratic confederation emerging in Syria. Ocalan proposes something that appears to be a socialist utopia, marked by popular Assemblies, equal right for all, (not just the Kurdish), social welfare, a fair distribution of resources, the end of violence against women and care for the environment: these are what the pillars of the ideal Kurdish society.

But so long as Kurds remain autonomous, they remain problematic, if not dangerous, to their ‘host’ States. Depending on the state of their relations with the respective governments, Kurdish loyalty varies considerably to the point where superpower or regional interests can exploit this weakness into collaboration to the detriment of the host Country. In Iraq, the Kurds welcomed the American invasion in 2003 and supported it. From 1991 to 2003, Iraqi Kurdistan, protected by a UN No-fly zone resolution, has come the closest to achieving de-facto independence.

The Iraqi Kurds managed to unite to obtain the constitution of a federal statute and a separate ruling body, the Kurdistan Regional Government (KRG), chaired by Massoud Barzani. The KRG could also boast a substantial fighting force of almost 200,000 before ISIS, the Peshmerga. The Iraqi army is not allowed to enter Kurdish territory. But, much to the anger of Baghdad authorities, foreign oil companies have secured oil contracts with foreign companies independently, exporting crude oil to Turkey, but also securing more exploration and export agreements.

In Syria, the Kurds promptly abandoned Damascus as soon as the revolts of southern Syria spread to Damascus and beyond. Therefore, when Kurds are repressed, they threaten national security and unity. The inclination for Kurds to associate with ‘outsiders’ with designs has exposed Kurdish nationalism to exploitation. That is also their undoing, as the various Kurdish factions are being reminded once again. Foreign interests will always take precedence over those of the Kurds. The Americans did not back the Kurdish referendum and they won’t back one in Syria either, even if they played a significant role in fighting ISIS.

In the current Sykes-Picot arrangement of the Middle East, the Kurds must always be prepared to be disappointed. The concept of an independent Kurdistan, attempted through the project known as ‘Rojava’ remains a chimera. It was always bound to fail, because no superpower, given the interests with Turkey, could impose a Kurdish State to rise along the Turkish border. Such a State would always be under fire from Turkish artillery to the north and under pressure from an Arab majority to the south. There may be no stronger incentive for an alliance of Syria, Turkey, Iraq and Iran than the pursuit of Kurdish independence.

The risk exists, however, that after the various parties in the Syrian war reconcile (other than the most extreme factions), the softening of confessional dissonance of Sunni vs. Shiite and no more common ISIS enemy to pursue, could result in Kurdish-Arab ethnic discord against a more pressing Kurdish nationalism. Moreover, tensions have also developed among the different Kurdish organizations, for they don’t all have the same vision. The emergence of a proto-Kurdish State in the Syrian region – Rojava – governed according to Ocalan’s Marxist principles clashed with the Iraqi Kurds and the more tribal interests pursued by the government of Mas’ud Barzani. This is not unusual of course. For years, the prospect of a Palestinian State has suffered because of contrasts between the Palestinian Authority and Hamas.

But, the Kurds can at least count on the viability of achieving autonomy first. The KRG has given Kurds the hope and the experience that in spite of all the difficulties, independence does not have to be the only desirable outcome. The autonomy of each separate Kurdish minority within their respective states can work, even if the prospects of a future union may have to be shelved or considerably delayed. Still, Autonomy can work better for some. The Kurds of Iraq can use independence as a card to play against the Iraqi central government, should the latter cease making concessions to the KRG. They have leverage in the form of control over rich oil and gas resources, giving them a few cards more with which to negotiate with Baghdad. (A.B.)

The Challenges Of Kurdish Nationalism.

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

The Kurds have become one of the key players of the Middle East. They have secured autonomy alliances with superpowers and attracted investors to their resource rich region. But, the chances of full independence range from zero to few for the time being.
The Syrian government appears to have survived the conflict that was more an international war by proxy than a civil war. Saudi Arabia, Qatar and Turkey have pursued their own regional and national interests with the United States’ blessing. The Russians, Iranians and Lebanese Hezbollah defended the Syrian Baath regime and the government of Syrian President Bashar al-Asad.

The Kurds, of whom there 30 million, have nationalist ambitions which might render the ‘peace’ more complex than the current war. The Kurds have never had their own State, but they have been living in enclaves located in Iran, Iraq, Syria, Turkey and Armenia. As the war against Islamic State has ended in the Levant, the Syrian Kurds are hoping to gain significant autonomy from Damascus as part of the spoils of war. But, despite a successful Kurdish referendum in Iraq in September, the Iraqi government has managed to thwart nationalist ambitions. Most Kurds live in Turkey, a NATO member backed by the United States. This is one of the main reasons that the West cannot encourage Kurdish nationalism; it would interfere with the internal politics of an allied State. Conversely, the West’s inability has been compounded by Russian President Putin’s considerable strategic instinct. Let there be no mistake.

The Kurdish Question

The Kurds dream about a united or greater Kurdistan. It’s not clear what shape that vision could take, given there are different conceptions of Kurdistan, depending on the origin (i.e. Iraqi, Syrian, Turkish, Iranian etc.) The common denominator is that none of the hot States will give up sovereignty over parts of their territory willingly. There’s the risk that the aspirations will remain repressed.

Perhaps, the Kurds of Syria may have a chance now of persuading Damascus to allow greater autonomy, given the role they played in the struggle against ISIS and the accords they made with the Russians. As for the Kurds of Iraq, they will have to forego anything more ambitious than the current autonomy framework within an Iraqi State despite the result of the independence referendum held on September 25th of 2017.
The Americans ‘betrayed’ the Kurds, fearing Turkey’s reaction. Ankara argues that an independent Kurdish State on its borders raises the hopes of Kurdish separatists in Turkey. Iran, in turn, has tightened security at the border area.

Meanwhile, Turkey will prevent the Syrian Kurds in the area known as Rojava (Syrian Kurdistan), the related Democratic Unity Party (PYD) and their military arm known as the Popular Protection Units (YPG) to be nothing short of a PKK extension. The Turks have been attacking the YPG as well as ISIS in Syria. Turkey will not stop to obstruct the PYD/YPG unless it can cub its ambitions. (A.B.)

Angola. ‘The Thinker’.

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

When we visited the Anthropological Museum of Luanda we were fascinated by a small statue known as ‘The Thinker’, which is the cultural symbol of Angola and to which an evocative apologue is linked.

The National Museum of Anthropology (Museu Nacional de Antropologia), which is located in the Barrio dos Coqueiros of Luanda, is one of the most important in the capital of Angola; it is certainly the oldest, being founded in 1976, just a little less than one year after Angola’s proclamation of independence. The National Museum of Anthropology is a scientific, cultural and educational institution committed to the collection, research, preservation, presentation and spread of Angolan culture in the world.

The most famous of the sculptures exhibited at the Anthropological Museum of Luanda is, beyond any doubt, the 16 cm high statuette, known as ‘The Thinker’, depicting a man with elbows posed on his knees and hands placed on his head, although some scholars think that the sculpture represents an elderly woman. Much has been written on this thin statuette, which was found in 1937 in Lunda, a central African region inhabited by the Cowke people, an ethnic group. It is amazing how people are fascinated by both the absolute purity of the lines and the ‘modernity’ of this statuette that reminds us of some masterpieces of great contemporary sculptors.

The hands that hold the back of the skull tightly with a dynamic gesture, symbolize the tight hermeticism of thought, by actually synthesizing the popular idea of the wisdom of the old man among this ethnicity. Cokwe elders are, in fact, considered thinkers and philosophers par excellence, given their habit of meditation and their constant search for etiological, cosmological and cosmogonic elements. The strength and depth of thought of these wise people has been handed down to us through an apologue that tradition links to the ‘Thinker’ image.

It is said that the living copy of this statuette was a very old soba (village chief) who lived in a village called Chitato. He used to complain: “Trees drop their seeds into the ground and so when the die they can be born again, while man is a seed that when placed under the ground does not sprout anymore. All my friends are dead, I’m about to leave and I won’t be able to enjoy the sunlight any more. Why are the stars gloriously eternal and men melancholically mortal?”.

According to the legend, God finally decided to give an answer to this tormenting dilemma. He promised that he would explain everything, as long as a very solid house without doors or windows and with just a narrow entrance was built.
The next day the house was built and in front of the great crowd, God made the sun and the moon enter the house and commanded that a dish with food for each person of the village should be put inside the house. Then God made a man and a dog enter the house and they were given their respective dishes with food. Finally, the small entrance of the house was completely walled up. After doing so, God dismissed all the crowd and told the multitude to return there the next day.

The morning after, the people of the village gathered in front of the walled up house, and God ordered that the entrance that had been closed the previous day be reopened and so all the people, to their astonishment, could verify that the sun and the moon, despite the fact that there were no doors or windows, were not inside the house anymore and that the sun was triumphantly coming up over the horizon. The food rations had been left untouched.
While the man and the dog were inside the house and were finishing eating their food rations, God said, “You, man, and your dog have not been able to cross the walls and get out of the house; you eat and that is why you die; the sun and the moon came out of the house even though it was walled up; they did not touch the food, they disappeared and for this reason they are immortal”.
Pedro Santacruz

The Jesuits in Africa. In Good Company.

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

The Jesuits in Africa are 1,600, and they work in 34 countries. They are mainly involved in the fields of education, management of natural resources, prevention of AIDS, and assistance to refugees. In addition, they dedicate themselves to the training of the future African leaders.

The Jesuit presence in Africa dates back to 1542 when, two years after the founding of the Society of Jesus by St. Ignatius of Loyola, the first mission was established in Congo. In 1554, some Jesuits were sent to Ethiopia to establish their first contact with the Christians living in that area, while in 1561 they settled in present-day Zimbabwe.
Since then the Jesuit missions have spread throughout the continent, and today the African Conference of Jesuits gathers the Jesuits of seven provinces and two regions of Africa together. The countries of North Africa are part of the provinces of France and of those of the Middle East.

he apostolate of the Society of Jesus in Africa mainly focuses on formation. The so-called formation houses, which are institutes of philosophy and theology, are five in all Africa. These formation centres play a decisive role in understanding the mission of the Society of Jesus in the continent. These institutes provide formation for almost 300 Jesuits and hundreds of students, whether lay or religious of different orders and confessions. Thanks to these initiatives, the Society of Jesus forms the new African leaders according to Christian values, and principles of justice and peace.

Among the formation centres it is worth mentioning two important theological institutes: the Hekima College in Nairobi (Kenya), founded in 1984, and the Theological Institute of the Society of Jesus in Abidjan (Ivory Coast), which opened its portals in 2003, and three Institutes of Philosophy: the Saint Paul Philosophate in Antananarivo (Madagascar ), the Arrupe College in Harare (Zimbabwe) and the Institute Saint Pierre Canisius in Kimwenza, (Democratic Republic of Congo), one of the historical structures of the Jesuits in Africa which was established 1954. In 2000, the faculty was incorporated into the Faculty of Philosophy of the Pontifical Gregorian University of Rome.

Social centres, AIDS and refugees

The intense activity of the Jesuits in Africa also includes the social apostolate. After about fifty years of activities, the social centres of the Society of Jesus are currently re-orientating their commitment. The seven social centres in Chad, Ivory Coast, Kenya, Madagascar, DRC, Zambia and Zimbabwe are adapting their work to the present situation in order to respond to current needs. The Jesuits encourage debates about peace and democracy, economy and governance, conflict and reconciliation. These centres, which are grouped in the Jesuits Africa Social Centres Network, try to mobilize society for the development of the continent.

The Jesuits in Africa are also active in the prevention of AIDS. According to UNAIDS data published in July 2017, Eastern and Southern Africa was in 2016 the region most affected by HIV both in the world and at home, with 19.4 million, the largest number of people living with the virus. In 2016, there were 790,000 new HIV infections, forty-three percent of the global total.

Meanwhile, in Western and Central Africa, in the same year, around 6.1 million people lived with this disease. In response to this situation, the Jesuits established the Jesuit AIDS Network (AJAN) in 2002 to ‘help individuals, families and communities to create a society without HIV’. The network currently operates in Burundi, DRC, Kenya, Madagascar, Togo and Zimbabwe and it develops home assistance projects, provides educational, medical, nutritional and pastoral assistance to all people including orphaned children, vulnerable underage boys and girls and widows. Much of the work focuses on HIV prevention and on information in order to combat the discrimination that is very often suffered by those who have contracted this disease.

The Jesuits also offer their service to refugees. According to UNHCR, a large number of the 65.6 million people in the world who were forcibly displaced in 2016 were living in the African continent. They were forced to flee their homes because of critical realities such as those in the DRC, the Horn of Africa, the Central African Republic or South Sudan. In 1980, the then General Father, Pedro Arrupe, founded the Jesuit Refugee Service (JRS), an international organization whose programmes are found in over 50 countries around the world.

JRS has four regional offices in Africa, in Chad, Kenya, Burundi and South Africa through which the organization serves 15 countries. Most of the workers contributing to the work of JRS work on a voluntary basis; they are Jesuit priests, religious women and men of other orders and lay people. The purpose of JRS is to ‘serve, accompany and defend’ refugees and internally displaced people by helping them to rebuild their own lives and to have hope in the future despite the unexpected and painful flight from their own villages where they had a house and a piece of arable land that allowed them to live.

Social justice

The commitment to the protection of human rights has become a fundamental point of the Jesuits’ mission, especially after the 2008 General Congregation. Forced migration, peace and human rights and, finally, the management of natural and mineral resources are at the centre of the Jesuits’ action in Africa.
The Jesuit Network on Peace and Human Rights in this continent mainly focuses on the situation in the Great Lakes region, which was a theatre of tragic events, such as the Rwandan genocide in 1994, the civil war in Burundi, which began in 1993 and officially ended in 2005, as well as the conflict in the Congolese provinces of North Kivu and South Kivu which is still an open wound in the region.
While Rwanda and Uganda are currently experiencing a relative stability, political instability remains an ongoing concern in Burundi. On 4 September of this year, a U.N. Commission of Inquiry said Burundian officials at the highest level should be held accountable for crimes against humanity, and in DRC, guerrilla groups’ attacks, some of which are supported or encouraged by Rwanda and Uganda, do not allow civilians to lead a normal life. Forced population displacements, massacres of civilians and other serious violations of human rights make this area one of the most unstable in the continent. The abuses committed against women and young people by rebels and even soldiers are the order of the day in the region.

Leonard Chiti and Rigobert Minani, two of the Jesuits promoting the Jesuit commitment in Africa, acknowledge that ‘in spite of several regional and international attempts, mainly promoted by the United Nations and the International Conference for the Great Lakes region to bring peace to the region, no great steps forward were made in order to determine and to face the root causes of the conflict, including the proliferation of illegal arms trafficking’.

The Jesuits, therefore, have promoted a series of initiatives aimed at making investors and those who do business in the region, aware of the direct relations between war and arms proliferation. “Having a vast network of contacts around the world is the Jesuits’ strong point”, says Fr. Minani. “If we manage to use this potential, we will be able to raise the voice of those who suffer because of the proliferation and trafficking of weapons at the highest levels, in Addis Ababa (seat of AU), in Brussels or Washington. By talking about what happens in the region of the Great Lakes we will be able to contribute to the restoration of peace in the region”.

Natural resources

The vast African natural resources have turned out to be the root cause of the instability of many countries of the continent. The exploitation of resources, in the majority of cases by foreign companies through privileged agreements with local governments, aggravates poverty and causes conflicts, forced population displacements and human rights violations.

Chad’s government, after implementing special revenues sharing systems for five years in order to allocate adequate resources critical for poverty reduction, failed to stick to the original project by cancelling the funds allocated for the population and it increased instead those which flow directly into the state budget. An example of management of natural resource revenues to the detriment of the population.
‘The process of extraction of natural and mineral resources transcends local and national boundaries. That is why there is need for transnational advisory actions to regulate the sector and make multinational oil and mining companies work with greater transparency’, the constituent document of the Jesuit Network of Natural and Mineral Resources says. (M.N.)

Cameroon. Risk Of Secession.

The crisis in the western provinces of Cameroon comes as no surprise. For years it was known that the English speaking peoples in this area were dissatisfied and felt marginalised by the central government. This malcontent was known and it was feared that sooner or later it would explode.

Probably the central government in Yaounde underestimated the risk and, when it decided to act, its harshness unleashed an equally harsh reaction on the part of the local people. The result has been an increase in tension with clashes leaving many dead among both the English speaking citizens and the security forces.

To understand the crisis we must go back in time. The Berlin Conference in 1884 which divided Africa in areas of influence (and had in fact divided the continent between the European powers) and assigned Cameroon to Germany. The country had become a colony of the German Kaiser, like Namibia, Tanzania and Togo.
At the end of the Great War, Germany defeated, France and Great Britain, the victorious powers divided its colonies between themselves.
Cameroon was split in two. The western region was annexed to Nigeria ending up under British influence.

Wheras rest of the country became a French colony. This balance held until 1 January 1960 when French Cameroon gained independence from Paris. In the face of this independence , the English speaking part of Cameroon broke in two. One part remained with Nigeria, the other, with a referendum, chose to reunite with Cameroon. The annexation was based on an agreement which foresaw the creation of a federal state that would allow each of the two components of society to retain its own cultural and linguistic autonomy, but within the country’s unity. And in fact in August 1961, the parliament in Yaoundé approved a federal Constitution which became effective in the September of the same year.

On paper it appeared that integration, or at least co-existence, was feasable. In actual fact, already in the first years after independence the central government began to pass policies of forced unification, centralization of the structures of power and forced assimilation. Policies which culminated in 1972 with the suppression of the federal system, and with it the birth of the United Republic of Cameroon which became in 1984, the Republic of Cameroon.

The annexation process continued and the English speaking citizens felt increasingly marginalised. With time many areas of their autonomy were eroded. And they succeeded in maintaining a certain degree of independence from Yaounde only in educational and juridical matters . In schools English continued to be taught and the courts applied a system of law similar to the British method. An ulterior blow to English speaking autonomy came in October 2016. The government sends a few French speaking teachers to the English speaking provinces and decides to curtail common law.

Strong protests ensue, repressed by just as strong reaction from the police. “President Paul Biya, who has led the country for 35 years, is unaccustomed to dialogue – we are told by Fr Ludovic Lado, a Cameroonian Jesuit and political analyst -, responded to the protest by sending police and army reinforcements. This led to a ferocious repression which, in many cases, exploded in open violation of human rights. Leading members of the English speaking community were sacked suspected of backing the protesters. Some of them were arrested and taken to Yaounde, to be tried on the basis on anti-terrorism laws”.

To respond to the iron fist method a separatist movement was formed and in recent months has become radicalised, polarising further the English speaking and French speaking positions. The grievances of the English speaking citizens are no longer limited to the educational and judicial systems, instead they have gone further to the point of declaring autonomy on 1 October on the part of English speaking regions and the establishment of the Republic of Ambazonia.

A republic which, at the moment is still only on paper. However protests have been intense and the reaction of the security forces even stronger. Tens of people have been killed.
The Yaounde authorities (Cameroon) have issued international warrants of arrest for the fifteen leaders of an English speaking separatist party, the South Cameroon National Council.
According to a local web site, Sisiku Ayuk Tabe, self-proclaimed president of the autonomous region, is among the wanted persons.

In a statement released at the beginning of October , Zeid Ra’ad Al Hussein, United Nations Comissioner for Human Rights, expressed concern about the reaction with which the government handled the peaceful demonstrations of the English speakers. He has asked for an independent inquiry to investigate the number of dead. “We urge the authorities to ensure that the police force prevents the use of force on the part of its officers– he added -. People must be able to exercise their right to assembly peacefully and speak out freely, also through uninterrupted access to the internet”.

The government has in fact blocked the flow of information, restricting or in some cases preventing access to the social networks (Facebook, Twitter, WhatsApp, etc.). Following the Arab Spring, social networks played a fundamental role in transmitting the password of every revolt . Yaounde, like many African governments, decided to block the server fearing that demonstrations might find a sounding board. Members of the government themselves admitted that the block was ordered to prevent social media from being used “actively to transmit false information to incite members of the public against the state institutions”.

However, what was intended as a temporary measure became permanent. Both provinces are isolated from the social network. The United Nations defined the move an act which tramples the right of freedom of expression. “These restrictions – a UN reports affirms – must cease immediately and the government must guarantee in-depth, impartial and independent inquiry regarding all the accusations of violation of human rights perpetrated during and after the events of 1 October. The government must adopt efficacious measures to pursue and punish all those responsible for these acts of violation”. Condemnation of the violence came also from the African Union, the European Union and the United States of America.

In the face of tension in the English speaking regions the Catholic bishops of the province of Bamenda denounce ‘genocide’ and ‘ethnic cleansing’ on the part of the authorities. The local bishops point the finger at the government for in their opinion, “irresponsible use of firearms against disarmed civilians”. “Our people – the Bishops say – have been chased into their homes, some have been arrested, other mutilated and others still beaten to death. We voice our grief for the dead, for the sufferings of the wounded, for those who have lost their homes because of looting and torching and for those concerned about their loved ones who are dispersed or kidnapped”.

Strong words are to be found also in a statement issued by the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of Cameroon. “No one has the right to kill – We denounce the violence used and we do so with all our energies”. However according to the Bishops of Cameroon, the solution is not secession, but instead greater attention for the diversity which exists in the country. « Cameroon – says archbishop Samuel Kleda of Duala – has a population of 23 million and some people want to create two different states. But many Cameroonians think this is not the solution. There is a situation of injustices which must be addressed by means of dialogue “.

According to Ludovic Lado, the solution to the crisis must be found in international dialogue with international mediation working for a decentralisation of the structures of government. «There is also need of a change of leadership –Lado observes -. The lengthy regime of Biya (35 anni) and its policies are part of the problem in the English speaking provinces. The solution, or part of it, could come from resignation at the end of the mandate (2018). Free elections could favour a renewal of the political class. If he clings to his position, there is a risk of greater tension and more violence ».

Enrico Casale

Philippines. The Killing Fields.

Monday, 1 January 2018 8:00
Written by: Fr.Carmine

As the bloody campaign against illegal drugs and crime continues under the present administration, the Catholic Church in the Philippines responds by establishing community-based drug rehabilitation programs, caring for the victims and parents, strengthening the defence and the culture of human rights.

Not since the Marcos dictatorship has human life in the Philippines been so gravely under threat from government policy. Since 30 June, 2016, a bloody campaign against drugs and crime, urged on by President Rodrigo Duterte, has wiped out thousands of lives, mostly of the poor. Almost every night in major urban centres, drug suspects are slain in the streets or in their homes, sometimes along with innocent bystanders, friends, or family members. The Philippine National Police (PNP) has claimed responsibility for more than three thousand of these killings. Even more have been committed by unknown assailants posing as anti-crime vigilantes.
Bishop Pablo Virgilio S. David, the incoming vice-president of the Catholic Bishops’ Conference of the Philippines (CBCP), heart-stricken by the mounting mortality in his diocese of Caloocan, which he calls ‘the killing fields of the country’, was one of the first Catholic bishops to denounce the violence.

The Church is at pains in addressing the continuing slaughter of drug suspects. One reason is that the policy is not implemented through legislation but through internal action or inaction on the part of the PNP, and through signals sent to the police, and possibly to self-styled vigilantes, by the PNP leadership and the president.Another difficulty is that much of the killing is perpetrated by ‘unknown assailants’ whose links to the state cannot be easily established. In the absence of undeniable evidence of this link, all that can be asked of the PNP is to reduce the number of suspects killed in its own operations and to press for more efficient investigation of the ‘deaths under investigation’ (Mils).

Ministering to the victims.

The Church’s most systematic intervention to date has been the establishment of community-based drug rehabilitation programs, viewed not only as a form of compassionate pastoral care, but also as a way of reducing the numbers killed. Three dioceses have launched such programs: the Salubong Program in the Diocese of Caloocan; Abot-Kamay Alang-Alang sa Pagbabago (AKAP) in the Diocese of Novaliches; and the Sanlakbay Program in the Archdiocese of Manila.
Each program draws upon the expertise of professional psychologists and counsellors, including the Psychological Association of the Philippines (PAP), the Centre for Family Ministries (CEFAM) of the Society of Jesus and the psychology departments of Catholic schools such as Miriam College, De La Salle University, and the Ateneo de Manila.
Each uses Church volunteers and involves others in the community in various program components, including representatives of other faiths.

A typical rehabilitation program has three components: patient care, family care, and community care. Patient care is directed toward healing the individual drug user and equipping him or her with life and livelihood skills. Family care includes counselling for families of drug users, food subsidies while they attend the programs, subsidies for the children’s education, and livelihood training. Community care tries to organize and strengthen the community against the drug trade, in collaboration with the local government unit (LGU) and the police.

Culture of Human Rights

A second kind of preventive intervention .that the Church has initiated hopes to strengthen the defense and the culture of human rights. Bishop David is working for the establishment of human rights councils for the cities of his diocese.
The Archdiocese of Manila’s Public Affairs Ministry is working with the Commission on Human Rights on an education program for schools, parishes, and urban poor organizations, including the production of videos on various aspects of human rights. The Ministry’s director, Fr. Atilano G. Fajardo, is quick to point out that the problem is not with people unaware of their rights, but with human rights violators.

The Church is also supporting families of the slain – or as Fr. Antonio Labiao, Vicar-General of the Diocese of Novaliches, calls them, ‘orphaned families’. Manila Auxiliary Bishop Broderick Pabillo points out that with thousands killed, there must be tens of thousands of bereaved. Their needs are numerous: for trauma debriefing and counselling, funeral expenses, food and other basic expenses, livelihood, scholarships and school expenses for orphaned children, legal aid if they wish to file cases, sanctuary and resettlement when threatened by the killers or fearful they will be ‘next’.Among the first Catholics to respond to the needs of orphaned families were the Redemptorist priests of Our Mother of Perpetual Help in Baclaran, in the Diocese of Paranaque. They have created occasional income opportunities for family members who participate in the development and maintenance of a public exhibit on the killings.

Prayer for the dead

A fourth intervention is the prayerful or liturgical commemoration of the dead. This commemoration aims not only to give comfort to the families but also to keep alive public awareness of the killings, to cultivate compassion for the victims and their families; and to send the message that the killings are not exempt from moral judgment. The Mass, celebrated by Bishop Pabillo and by Fr. Fajardo, was well attended by representatives of religious congregations, students of religious-run schools, and individual Catholics. Orphaned families had also been invited, but were too frightened then to go public.

More successful at gathering the orphaned families was a Mass organized by HEMA at Our Lady of Victory Church in Malabon on 2 February. Although the presider was Bishop Deogracias Iniguez, emeritus of Caloocan, it was the bereaved who spoke during the time of the homily, telling their stories to an audience of human rights advocates, religious, and other concerned Catholics. This was followed by a Mass on 2 March at the National Shrine of Our Mother of Perpetual Help in Baclaran, and another on 2 April at Sto. Nino Church in Baran-gay Bagong Silang in Novaliches, where at that time the death toll had hit 250. Bishop Antonio Tobias of the Diocese of Novaliches presided over that Mass and delivered a moving homily on the raising of Lazarus. The next day the bishop went to the police station to confront the police. For weeks after that, says Fr. Sarabia, no one was killed. On the second of each month a memorial Mass is held with the bereaved families.

Documenting the killings

A fifth intervention is advocacy. The Redemptorists of Baclaran have set up a memorial exhibit to the killings at their well attended Church, reminding their millions of devotees that true faith demands compassion, denunciation, and action.
Churches all over the Archdiocese of Manila and in other places have put up tarpaulins reminding the faithful that Huwag kang papatay (‘Thou shalt not kill’) has not been struck from the Ten Commandments.

A final intervention is an investment in the nation’s future. At least one diocese is systematically documenting the killings. The documentation will serve as a dossier which can be eventually used to measure the extent of the slaughter, to file cases against the perpetrators, and to hold those responsible to account.
Catholics who are fighting the Duterte administration’s anti-life solutions to crime may be a minority now, but they are a powerful minority. Their power comes from moral clarity and compassion, from the support of bishops, from their occupation of strategic institutional spaces in the Church, and from their capacity to work with secular groups to advocate for life and to aid the bereaved.

Elenor R.Dioniso

World Day of Peace 2018. Migrants And Refugees: Men And Women In Search Of Peace.

The Message for the World Day of Peace is a reminder that the efforts for intelligent solidarity are the sole antidote, and that “the realism required of international politics” must “avoid surrendering to cynicism and to the globalization of indifference”

“Some consider this [global migrations] a threat. For my part, I ask you to view it with confidence as an opportunity to build peace.” Notwithstanding the analyses, the proposals, and the inspiration for reflection contained in Pope Francis’ Message for the 51st World Day of Peace, the beating heart of his appeal is encompassed in a clearly evangelical phrase, shaped on the prophetic word of Jesus of Nazareth: “You have heard that it was said …. Truly I tell you!” (Cf. Mt 5:21 et seq.).

Some consider migrations a “threat”, Pope Francis urges us to consider them an “opportunity”. Far from being a rhetorical appeal, it is based on a truly global understanding of world developments, of the phenomena we are able to tackle and which deadlocks we risk incurring in.

It requires transforming our gaze, adopting the contemplative vision that is anchored to the harsh reality of everyday life and that embraces it with the same eyes of the Creator who conceived life in abundance for all human beings He created in His image and likeness. In fact, at a superficial glance the migrants – refugees in particular – seem to be linked to peace merely by reason of the war that forces them to flee their lands and their homes.

But “peace” is not only the absence of lethal weapons: it’s a dignified life, hope in a better future, skies open to the horizon of an individual and of his dear ones, especially of the weakest and defenceless ones among them.

Only a “contemplative gaze”, one that penetrates the suffering human heart, guides determined, wise, responsible and intelligent deeds. Only in-depth discernment enables everyone – starting with those responsible for the public good at national and global level – to take action according to the “four mileposts” indicated by the Pontiff: “to welcome, to protect, to promote and to integrate.” Other verbs could come to our minds but these four are addressed to “migrants”, those living human persons with a baggage of suffering and dignity who yearn to be recognised as such and to be welcomed, protected, promoted, integrated as such.

Only in these terms will it be possible to cast off the deceitful and self-justifying division separating those fleeing war and those fleeing hunger or environmental disasters. Indeed, macrothymia, “thinking big”, “foresight”, enables us to embrace the complexities of life and to grasp and pursue pathways of non-obvious solutions.

This passionate and com-passionate gaze –belonging to those who are compassionate and to those who suffer – underlies Pope Francis’ bold proposal for “two international compacts, one for safe, orderly and regular migration and the other for refugees”, to be drafted and approved by the United Nations: Safe, not deadly migrations; orderly, not chaotic; regular, not controlled by traffickers in human beings.

The compacts, writes the Pope, “need to be inspired by compassion, foresight and courage, so as to take advantage of every opportunity to advance the peace-building process.” Only courage can transform potential threats into opportunities, into propitious occasions to make a leap forward on the path of humanization. This will require a tenacious, persevering determination to seek and pursue the common good and not particular interests – including those that place a part of a world against the other – but the Message of the World Day of Peace is a reminder that only the struggles for intelligent solidarity ensure that “the realism required of international politics avoid surrendering to cynicism and to the globalization of indifference.”

Cynicism and indifference can and must be combated by each one of us day by day, thus receiving from the smallest and defenceless ones among us the great gift of recovered humanity.

Father Enzo Bianchi,
The Abbot of the Bose Monastery (Italy)

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