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Brazil. Recognising Dignity.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

A place where you can feel at home, welcomed and listened to. An island of refuge, in the turbulent sea of life. The project is called Get Up and Walk, in Salvador de Bahia. Emma Maribel Chiolini a young lay Comboni missionary who works on the project, tells us about it.

Imagine a place where all the people who live on the streets can enter without obstacles, without cardboard boxes under their arms and fear. A place where they are welcomed with affection and called by name, with an attentive ear, that listens to their stories, their outbursts, their fears, and their desires. A place where they can drink a coffee, find a towel, a new shirt, a medicine for pain. Where there are no faults and mistakes, but opportunities to learn and forgive, where everyone makes laughter and crying a common experience, a manual for life. This place exists and is called: Project ‘Levanta te e anda’, Get up and walk, in Salvador, Bahia.

“A place where they are welcomed with affection and called by name” Photo: Facebook

The project was born in 2008 and has become a day centre of reference for many people who are in a street situation, a space that over time has become an island of refuge in the turbulent sea of street life. It operates in a place that was previously abandoned, the church of San Francisco de Paula, in the Agua de Meninos neighbourhood, in the lower city, near the port and the fish market. Those who attend the project benefit from various services: health care, help with documents, placement in the job market, personal hygiene service, haircuts, human training activities, assistance with social services, food and time for rest which is very important in coping with the nights spent on the street, sleepless due to violence and the difficulty of finding a quiet place to sleep.
I have been a volunteer in the project since 2022, but I already knew it through the Trindade Community where I lived and which I frequent, as my community in Salvador.

Birthday celebration for one of the centre’s regular visitors. Photo Facebook

The Trindade Community welcomes people who live on the streets, who come to the project and who want, after a period of attending the day centre, to leave the street and begin a journey of coexistence in the community. The people who attend the centre are mostly adult men, aged 20 to 50. The centre is also open to women though there are not many. Their female universe is very complex, linked to prostitution and the control or ‘protection’ of those who profit from it.
In fact, most women accept having someone who ‘protects’ them, because as a young woman said: “I prefer having only one person beating me, to being raped by five”.
The name ‘Levanta te e anda’ is an invitation to those who live on the street. In the streets, on the sidewalks, we live lying down, on the ground, physically lying down, inside a cardboard box, on the hard and cold concrete, holding out an empty hand in the hope of bread,
some soup or a blanket.

The name ‘Levanta te e anda’ is an invitation to those who live on the street. Photo: Facebook

Seen as of little value, we have no self-confidence because of the many wounds of life. Anaesthetized by alcohol and drugs, we survive hoping for something that comes from outside, from above, from others, an attitude that does not help.
The “Get up and walk!” concept resonates as: “Believe in your worth! You have ability, courage, determination! Get up! Feel the life that wants to blossom in you!”. This is the motto signified by all our activities among the population in street situations; accept this invitation that says: Get up and walk! Just as Jesus said.
What the Community and the day centre propose is to inspire, and reawaken the desire to get up again and walk with your head held high, with dignity and self-esteem. On Tuesday afternoons we carry out a human training activity, which touches on topics such as self-esteem, communication, teamwork, resilience, empathy, work and game dynamics in Portuguese, to improve our grammar.
To start a meeting, we always form a circle. The circular dimension allows us all to look each other in the eye and meet the gaze of the others. Nobody turns their backs but we are all at the same level, we can all participate; the circular form is supportive and creates proximity.

A procession through the streets of the neighbourhood of Agua de Meninos. Photo Facebook

It is a space that is ‘ours’ as I always define it with them, because we can talk and compare, each one learns to listen to the other’s point of view and respect it, even if they don’t agree; this is the fundamental basis of each of our meetings. Being listened to, and expressing your opinion, in a reality that makes you invisible; it is a force that allows you to become aware of yourself and your existence. I consider the project a small community, where we compare, share and learn from each other. I myself am learning with these masters of life, of stories and of knowledge. We broadcast tiny seeds, but then it is the person who must plant and take care of the seeds so that they can germinate and flourish. And the work continues with the Comunidade Trindade, a space of life, of welcome, of resurrection, where the rules of coexistence, of collective and personal work, of moments of spirituality and of a community journey meet and where you also learn to become a supporting hand. (Open Photo: Facebook)

The Palestinians won popular support. But they failed to win over Arab governments.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

From Morocco to Iraq, governments have acted extremely cautiously towards popular mobilisation against the war in Gaza.
Each state puts its own strategic needs to prevent the resurgence of major rebellions first.

In the weeks following October 7, the whole world had its eyes on the Middle East, not only to assess Israel’s response to the Hamas terrorist attack, but also to see how the Arab masses in the various countries of the region would react to the ongoing earthquake.

One could then expect a new wave of popular protests and agitations, along the lines of what happened in 2011 in favour of democracy with the Arab Springs, but in defence this time of the historic and common Palestinian cause that has resurfaced in all its unresolvedness. Despite expectations, none of this materialised: the “Arab world” did not ignite, and popular mobilisations were relatively few and contained.

More than one year have passed since the 7 October tragedy and its enormous consequences, in different ways and with diverse nuances, the government and security apparatuses of authoritarian Arab regimes have acted to stem, contain, repress and/or channel the discontent and anger of the populations. This has been not so much a matter of law and order as a means to ensure that the protests would not affect their
overriding interests.

Instead of unhesitatingly supporting the popular outpouring in favour of Palestine, each government has pursued its own strategic objectives, essentially based on the preservation of the status quo and, in some cases, the safeguarding of normalisation agreements with Israel.

In other words, the Arab regimes have wanted to avoid these priorities being compromised or challenged in any way by a re-emergence of transversal mobilisations animated by those civil societies which, since 2011, have been relegated to the sidelines. This is a new version of the dynamic that has characterised the history of the Middle East’s longest-running conflict since 1948.

The Palestinian cause has always been central to the rhetoric of Arab countries since the decolonisation phase. The first concrete result of pan-Arab ideology, which aimed to unite all Arab states from the Persian Gulf to the Atlantic under one government, was the establishment of the Arab League (1945). From its foundation, the Palestinian cause became its beating heart, the federating theme of all its member states from the most conservative to the most radical-revolutionary.

However, as was evident already during the first war against the newly proclaimed State of Israel (1948-1949), behind the veneer of common opposition to Zionism, deep divisions were concealed with respect to the strategies and precise ambitions of each nation.

Pan-Arabism was in essence an ideology good for igniting the Arab masses who had been galvanised by the liberation struggles and then shaken by the birth of Israel, an event that, albeit with the appropriate distinctions, had followed the same colonial logic. This ideology was then adopted by the movement’s main leader, the Egyptian Gamal Abdel Nasser, for his hegemonic plans.

That the four Arab-Israeli wars were fought by Arab governments for their own national interests and not really to promote the establishment of a Palestinian state is now written in history. By way of example, it is sufficient to recall: the now-documented Jordanian-Zionist collusion during the convulsive final phase of the British mandate; the Suez Canal crisis when Nasser was crowned hero of the Arab world thanks to his ability to oppose the old imperialisms, but less so Israel; the collapse of the pan-Arab front in the Six-Day War (1967); finally, the Kippur War (1973) that Anwar Sadat’s Egypt and Hafez al Assad’s Syria waged to recover only the Sinai and the Golan respectively.

OPEC had also threatened at the time to block oil supplies to Western countries until the liberation of all occupied territories in 1967, but eventually retraced its steps, maintaining the embargo for only five months. The peace agreement between Egypt and Israel in 1979 was the tombstone of pan-Arabism, and into the vacuum left by that unitary ideal, which had been secular and socialist and had made the masses dream, another great ideology, Islamism, crept in, leveraging what was considered the true and only strength of the Arab peoples, Islam.

With the first Intifada (1987-1993), the conflict became effectively Israeli-Palestinian and the role of Arab governments became increasingly secondary with the subsequent Oslo Accords. The PLO then recognised the Jewish state’s right to exist and Jordan also concluded a peace treaty with Israel (1994).

After the violent years of the second Intifada (2000-2008), the situation, for better or for worse, stabilised, effectively reducing the chances of the two-state solution and then facilitating the “normalisation” of relations with Israel by four Arab states: the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Sudan and Morocco.

Regardless of the decisions taken by various governments, the prevailing sentiment among the many millions of Arabs around the world remains one of bitter injustice and deep resentment over the fate of the Palestinians who are denied the right to self-determination.

The Palestinians have never been granted the very independence that each Arab people won in its time at the cost of hundreds of thousands of victims in the struggles for liberation from colonialism. In the first weeks after 7 October, this sentiment was allowed to vent itself in very popular demonstrations, often organised by the regimes themselves.

On the first Friday after the Hamas attacks, 13 October 2023, masses of people gathered after prayers in the main streets of Baghdad, Amman, Beirut, Damascus, Manama, Doha, Sana’a and Tunis; on 15 October in Rabat tens of thousands of people came from all over the country to demonstrate; in Tunis and Tripoli demonstrations were organised on 18 October; a huge procession was staged on 19 October in Algiers, and in Cairo on the following day, Friday 20 October, when thousands of people filled Tahrir Square for the first time in ten years.
In the North African countries, the respective regimes stirred up the squares in search of popular legitimacy, which is increasingly in crisis due to economic difficulties.

The protests in the following weeks waned. First of all, they were materially prevented by the regimes of Algeria and Egypt, both of them mindful of too recent and convulsive Arab Springs. Alongside the slogans for the liberation of Palestine, against Israel and the United States, the demonstrators had in fact begun to request the end of the authoritarian governments of Al Sisi and Tebboune.

The Algerian regime took it upon itself to continue its official support for the “Palestinian resistance”, as it had never stopped doing since 1962, linking it to the war of liberation against the French and associating the Palestinians’ right to self-determination with that of the Sahrawi population. Algiers is also one of three countries, besides Qatar and Türkiye, that host a representative office of Hamas (Sinwar has just congratulated Tebboune on his re-election, just for the record).

Not on the streets, but online and in certain fields, Egypt is the Arab country where the BDS (Boycott, Disinvestment and Sanctions) movement is most active. Lebanon immediately had to deal with the situation in the south following the resumption of Hezbollah’s attacks, thus overshadowing popular support against the continuation of the war in which the entire country was in some way implicated.

Assad’s Syria has from the outset completely disengaged itself from what is happening in Gaza, as has Libya: both countries are still too focused on controlling the aftermath of their respective civil wars to afford to let masses of citizens take to the streets to demonstrate.

As for the Gulf, Bahrain from the end of October 2023 launched arrest campaigns and repressions to stop any movement that could in any way challenge the trade ties with Israel resulting from normalisation deals. And in a more radical manner, in the United Arab Emirates no mass demonstrations have ever been allowed.

There remain only three Arab countries where demonstrations have continued with regularity this year: Yemen, Morocco and Jordan. In Yemen, the large Friday processions serve as popular legitimisation of the Houthis for the open “front” in the Red Sea: the Shia group
tightly frames the demonstrations participated by hundreds of thousands of people.

The case of the two religious monarchies is in turn peculiar since both countries have established stable relations with the Jewish state. In both cases, the regimes are trying to channel and vent discontent with the contingent conflict and with the more general normalisation, but without allowing it to go too far, since a review of the agreements is not on the agenda at all.

Committees “for Palestine and against normalisation” are active in Morocco (as well as in Tunisia, though to a lesser extent) and regular demonstrations have been organised throughout this year by a broad spectrum of civil society. In Jordan, home to the largest Palestinian diaspora, numbering two million individuals, demonstrations are mostly promoted by the Muslim Brotherhood, so much so that Hamas, which had an office in Amman until 1999, speculated in April that if they were kicked out of Qatar, its leaders, most of whom who have Jordanian citizenship, could move here.

The Muslim Brotherhood in Jordan, through its political arm, the Islamic Action Front, has capitalised on this activism by winning a majority in the latest legislative elections. In both countries, although popular support for maintaining relations with Israel has always been low or very low, the governments in power have never questioned their strategies
in this regard.

Therefore, the general tendency of regimes from Morocco to Iraq towards popular mobilisation against the war in Gaza has been one of extreme caution. This attitude has been dictated by each state’s own strategic needs to prevent the resurgence of major rebellions, at the expense of full and total support for the Palestinian cause, which has been reduced to a slogan appropriated by the official narrative.

The Arab states, which could have relied on a mass consensus on the issue, have thus once again missed the opportunity to really count at the negotiating tables not only for a ceasefire, but also for a broader post-war solution to this long-standing conflict. (Photo: Palestine flags. 123rf)

Caterina Roggero/ISPI

African Cinema. Looking to the future.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

Moving from specialised sections to the international scene. The great variety that exists in the different African filmographies. A look at Senegalese cinematography. We talk about it with Senegalese Fatou Kiné Sène, former president of the African Federation of Film Critics.

Kiné Sène’s interest in cinema began in her childhood. “Every Wednesday, films were shown at my school and after each showing there was a debate,” she recalls. One film in particular left its mark on her: Rue Cases Nègres, by Euzhan Palcy, based on a novel by Joseph Zobel. “It is an initiatory film that talks about black people, but above all about childhood. It enlightened me in many ways,” she says.
One day, years later, her boss asked her to cover a premiere at a cinema in Dakar. “The film was Harry Potter. From then on, I went every Wednesday, the day of the premiere.”

Fatou Kiné Sène, well-known film critic. Photo: Gonzalo Gómez

It was her transition point into film criticism, which culminated in her taking part in a call organised by the African Federation of Film Critics. “I applied and went to my first FESPACO, the Pan-African Film and Television Festival in Ouagadougou (Burkina Faso), which brings together African and diaspora directors every two years,” says the Senegalese, recalling the training she received from Clément Tapsoba, the first president of the aforementioned federation.
Since then, Kiné Sène has published her reviews on the Africine website, has been president of the Senegalese Film Critics Association and has become president of the African Federation of Film Critics. Her work has taken her all over the world, to festivals such as Cannes, the Salé International Women’s Film Festival (Morocco) and the Films Femmes Afrique festival in Dakar (Senegal). She is currently in charge of the culture and society department at the Senegalese Press Agency. “I specialise in African cinema, but as critics, we don’t just watch films from the continent, we want to be open to what is happening elsewhere”.

Get out of the ghetto
One of the Senegalese’s strongest positions is her rejection of the fact that African cinema and literature are often confined to specialised sections at festivals. According to her, this classification “weakens African cinema”, which should be included in festivals in general, so that works are seen as part of the global context. “Having specialised sections is like not having a universal profession,” she says.
“Today, we are witnessing the advance of Asian cinema on the international scene, and we always ask ourselves why African films do not have the same visibility.

Why are they separate films? “I think when you see Djibril Diop Mambéty’s Touki Bouki, which is celebrated all over the world, you realise that Africans make films like everyone else, using the same techniques. We may have our own unique stories, but I don’t understand why they don’t have the same fame as others,” she points out.Kiné Sène highlights the variety that exists in different African filmographies. Senegalese cinema in particular stands out for its diversity and thematic evolution. From its first film in 1955, Afrique sur Seine, directed by Paulin Soumanou Vieyra and others, to the works of directors such as Ousmane Sembène – La noire de…, Moolade, etc., Senegalese cinema has explored a wide range of themes from colonisation and independence to contemporary problems.
“Today, there are also young women who bring something new. For example, they deal with the problems of the countryside, the peasants,” she recalls, highlighting the work of Ramata Toulaye Sy and her film Banel and Adama. The film tells the story of Banel and Adama, who are madly in love. The young couple live in a remote village in the north of Senegal and for them there is nothing else in the world. But their perfect, eternal love seems to be on a collision course with their family’s traditions when a drought hits their community.

The Diaspora
The diaspora also plays an important role in Senegalese cinema. Filmmakers such as Mati Diop explore the theme of migration and the experiences of young Africans abroad. Angèle Diabang’s Un air de Kora, which explores inter-religious relations through a love story between a Muslim girl and a Christian monk, has been praised by critics. The film won the 2019 FESPACO Bronze Poulain in the short film category.

The conversation jumps from film to film, stopping at Jusqu’a à la fin des temps (Until the end of time) by Algerian director Yasmine Chouikh. “It is a very beautiful film about life and death. It’s the story of two sixty-year-olds who fall in love in a cemetery. It’s a funny and beautiful film that changes our perception of death. I will never forget it,” she says, after recommending a handful of other titles, mainly from her country.
“However, Senegalese cinema has recently had to face a difficult situation. Since 2021, but especially since the first months of 2024, political and social instability has had a significant impact on film production. It has affected us a lot, there have been no shootings or screenings,” says Kiné Sène, recalling that insecurity and fear of going out have paralysed previews and screenings, and even affected the famous Dakar Biennale of Contemporary Art, which had to be postponed.

International Cinema
“We often talk about African cinema, but there is no such thing as African or European cinema” argues the journalist. An continues: “It is the story that defines the dimension of the film. We live in a global world where all issues can be a challenge for anyone, in Africa or anywhere else”.Moreover, she insists, “the local can lead us to the global, and it is important that the particular stories of a territory are told and understood beyond its borders. The accessibility and popularity of cinema made in Africa has increased thanks to digital platforms. Currently, films from Nollywood and the Nigerian film industry are being seen across the continent.”

Senegal. The Pathé cinema on a session day in Dakar. Shutterstock/Pierre Laborde

Kiné Sène recalls how Senegalese television channels – she also mentions social networks – broadcast these stories all the time, even though “the magic of the cinema cannot be compared to what we see there, which are ephemeral things that pass quickly and are lost. When you watch a film, you learn something or it awakens emotions in you about a certain subject that the director wanted to show you through a film.”
“We can agree or disagree. But I believe that cinema serves to raise public awareness,” says the expert in African cinematography, whose productions, with their stories and quality, show that they should not only have a place in the general sections, but should also be considered essential to understanding the richness of global cinematic narratives. (Photo: FESPACO, the Pan-African Film and Television Festival in Ouagadougou. File swm)

Gonzalo Gómez

Israel/Palestine. The Water War.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

Since its birth, the Israeli state has made that precious resource a fundamental element for its development, transforming it into a powerful weapon against its neighbours.

Water is a strategic element on the geopolitical chessboard of the Middle East, particularly in the chronic Israeli-Palestinian conflict. For 76 years, Israel has been waging a silent war against the Palestinians, which the media rarely talks about, or the “water war”.

The Israeli military offensive against Gaza, which has now been going on for a year, has brought to light the issue of water and has shown that Tel Aviv uses it as a weapon against the Gazans to push them to rebel against the Palestinian resistance (which has not happened) and force the population to emigrate to the Sinai desert.

In Gaza, Israel has destroyed the water and sanitation networks. The bombings have put out of action the seawater purification systems, essential sources of supply for the Strip. Furthermore, it has destroyed a large part of the wells.

This situation has forced the inhabitants of Gaza to use polluted water and this has led to the emergence of various infectious diseases, especially among children. However, the problem of polluted water in Gaza is not new. For 17 years, Israel has had an embargo on spare parts for repairs to the Strip’s water systems and has prevented its water supply from the West Bank.

Since its inception, Israel has made water a key element in its development, to the detriment of that of the Palestinians. The Israelis have cornered the major water resources of occupied Palestine. After the 1967 war, which the Arabs lost, Israel occupied East Jerusalem, the West Bank and the Gaza Strip (as well as the water-rich Syrian Golan Heights), and has since exercised control over water sources.

In the West Bank, Palestinians are not allowed to dig water wells. The management and distribution of water resources, both in Israel and in the occupied territories, are in the hands of an Israeli public company, Mekorot. And while Israelis and settlers are well supplied with water, Palestinians in the occupied territories suffer a constant lack
of this essential item.

According to an Oxfam report, the daily per capita amount of water for Palestinians in the occupied territories is 70 litres. The minimum established by the World Health Organization is 100 litres. For Jewish settlers, the average is 300 litres. Settlers who illegally occupy Palestinian lands: there were about 150,000 of them before the Oslo Accords of 1994; today there are more than 700,000.
These agreements have allowed Israel to maintain absolute control over Area C of the occupied territories, where water resources are concentrated, including the Jordan River, now in the hands of Mekorot.

According to Amnesty International, this company also controls rainwater. And the Israeli state prevents Palestinians from even collecting this water. The tanks used for this purpose are destroyed by Israel, which in its territory established by the UN in 1967, did not have sufficient water resources, which is why it occupied Area C of the West Bank. This is one of the reasons why it refuses the creation of an independent Palestinian state within the borders indicated by the UN in resolutions 242 and 338. (Photo: Distribution of drinking water to the displaced people of Gaza City. In Gaza, Israel has destroyed the water and sanitation networks. Shutterstock/Anas-Mohammed)

Mostafa El Ayoubi
Middle East Analyst

Taiwan. At the forefront of AI.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

Taiwan produces nearly two-thirds of the world’s Artificial Intelligence (AI) servers and plans to continue its investments and partnerships to remain at the forefront of AI research and innovation applicable
to many industries.

In full bloom, artificial intelligence promises exponential developments in the semiconductor industry that Taiwan cannot ignore, indeed. This is demonstrated by the enthusiasm of the major names in the sector who have recently announced future investments in Taiwan, to establish their own research and development centres in artificial intelligence – TSMC, Nvidia, Infineon – and take advantage of the rich and mature

President of Republic of China (Taiwan), Lai Ching-te. Photo: President Office

Taiwanese ecosystem in terms of innovation, training and retention of talent, but also of solid industrial clusters.
This leadership of Taiwan, which makes it almost inevitable, does indeed attract the interest of other countries, as Frank Paris, director of the French office in Taipei, explains to the public radio Radio Taiwan International, and emphasises that what is happening in Taiwan in terms of artificial intelligence is not limited to research but is already applied to industries and everyday objects.The new Taiwanese president Lai Ching-te, who took office on May 20, is also the herald in person of the industrial development of AI. In his opening speech at Computex 2024, Asia’s largest computer expo and this year’s AI technology trade show, Lai Ching-te extolled Taiwan’s technological strengths and shared his goal of “making good use of Taiwan’s advantages, promoting the development and industrialisation of AI, and making Taiwan an AI island, so that Taiwan strengthens its position in this new era and for the well-being of its people.”
This stated goal of Taiwan’s new president is part of efforts in recent years to develop the best possible state-level arrangements to encourage innovative AI development.
The government has allocated an unprecedented budget of 300 billion Taiwan dollars (the equivalent of 9 billion Euros) for a 10-year national innovation program aimed at integrating artificial intelligence into the economy by 2033, starting with electronic chips and integrated circuits.

Omnipresence of AI
The era of artificial intelligence is already very present in several key sectors, starting with manufacturing where artificial intelligence is integrated into production systems to improve efficiency and reduce production costs. It is a tool used in automation and robotization, but also in management and services.
Taiwan is experiencing the emergence of company-run AI robots that can perform various household tasks, help at home and even “converse” with lonely elderly people, a challenge given the ageing population. In the healthcare sector, the management of public hospitals also uses AI thanks to deep learning, but the latest advances are mainly concerned with helping in the accuracy of medical diagnoses.

Taipei. Computex 2024. Asia’s largest computer expo. Showground. Photo: Computex Office

The transportation sector is increasingly dependent on advanced AI technology with the widespread use of intelligent transportation systems and the increase in intelligent autonomous vehicles. Agriculture is no exception with artificial intelligence contributing to the optimal management of resources and the improvement of crops. On the innovation front, research institutions are collaborating with academia and industry, startups and incubators, so as not to remain on the sidelines, but to take a leading role in innovative projects and AI advances.It is therefore a whole dynamic and diversified ecosystem, already well underway, which allows Taiwan to move calmly towards this goal of a regional and global “AI Hub”.
But the challenges are as great as these ambitions, starting with the dangers linked to the extremely rapid development of artificial intelligence technologies, whose use or repercussions still elude the specialists who develop them, either in Taiwan or elsewhere.

The transportation sector is increasingly dependent on advanced AI technology. Pixabay

Hence the urgency of regulating their development and uses, since the field of possibilities is vast. Therefore, for two years, the island has been trying to develop its own generative AI engine TAIDE (Trustworthy AI Dialogue Engine), under the auspices of the National Science and Technology Council, to ensure a reliable and transparent database to avoid the disinformation trap and promote the truthfulness of content, especially in the face of numerous false information spread mainly by China and affecting Taiwanese society. In terms of regulation, legal work is currently underway.

Necessary norms, but late in coming
While there are already specific initiatives for the use of AI, legislation is needed to regulate the scope of related technologies that cover different fields and affect different laws.Bills and guidelines are currently being considered, but they do not legally or directly regulate AI in Taiwan. Since 2019, lawmakers have drafted several versions of AI bills, but none have yet been submitted to parliament.

Taiwan to become a regional and global AI hub. Pixabay

In March 2023, a private foundation, the International Artificial Intelligence and Law Research Foundation (IAILRF), for its part, drafted a key bill to regulate the development of AI. At the same time, the government is formulating its own approach to AI supervision, which is due to be submitted at the end of the year, knowing that the various bills raised will have to be examined in Parliament and approved by lawmakers before they are actually adopted. Therefore, there is still uncertainty about the final version and timing of the adoption of a law regulating the use of AI in Taiwan.
However, the government has already been acting through five-year-old directives and its first guidelines to regulate research and development in AI technology, followed by the “Taiwan AI Action Plan 2.0 2023 to 2026” (in Mandarin) and guidelines governing the use of generative AI by government agencies and related institutions.

Taipei. Street in Banqiao district. The need for regulation of AI technology research and development. Pixabay

The need to regulate AI is urgent in the face of excesses and the dangers of possible abuses. This observation, reiterated by more and more voices around the world, with Pope Francis at the forefront, is echoed in the concerns shared by Taiwanese authorities: “We must establish safeguards against the authoritarian dangers of certain uses of AI that harm democracies, the values of freedom and human rights,” as former head of state Tsai Ing-wen wrote in response to the Pope earlier this year. The related legal texts currently being developed in Taiwan aim, in this sense, to regulate applications. The need to regulate AI is urgent in the face of abuse and the dangers of possible misuse. Artificial intelligence cannot compete with natural stupidity. (Open Photo: Pixabay)

François-Xavier Boulay/Ad Extra

Historic cities. Niger. Agadez, “’to pay a visit”.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

“Where the weight of centuries can be felt in every street and where you can smell the aroma of history”.

Salt, gold, slaves and ivory were the most sought-after products from West Africa: once they reached the shores of the Mediterranean, they were sold and exchanged for manufactured goods and cereals that returned south of the Sahara. In that remote point on the map of Africa, the city of Agadez, hundreds of sub-Saharan migrants live today, some with dreams broken forever and others with dreams, yet to be realized, of a better and different life.
Sociologist Sumana Adamu defines Agadez as “an important commercial crossroads for caravaners, a hub between black Africa and the Maghreb, where hospitality is an essential value for the local population”.
The name comes from the word ‘egdez‘, which in Tamasheq, the language of the Tuareg community that founded the city, means ‘to pay a visit’. This explains the explosion of ethnic diversity in this city, where ethnic groups such as Hausa, Arab, Kanuri, Songhai and Peul
live in perfect symbiosis.

Agadez old view, designed by Lancelot after Barth, published on Le Tour du Monde, Paris, 1860

Agadez has historically been the main gateway to the Sahara, the city of caravans to Libya and North Africa and, if possible, to Europe. A few years ago, before the crisis that the city is experiencing today, every Monday dozens of vehicles left for the desert to transport goods, livestock and passengers, mainly coming from West Africa, in the hope of reaching Libya and, “In cha’ Allah” (God willing), Europe. Furthermore, in the 1980s, Agadez was at the centre of exotic tourism with daily charter flights, provoked by the Paris-Dakar Rally, with an important stop in this Nigerian city. A local says: “Agadez received thousands of tourists who came from Europe and America to discover the Ténéré desert, the Bilma dunes and the Air mountains.”
But the arrival of Islamic Jihadism in the Sahel countries has completely changed the situation in Agadez and, in the words of an old local craftsman, “no one comes to visit us or buy our products anymore”. But Agadez has a past and a history that it is important to remember in the hope of better times for its population. Agadez is an urban municipality in Niger, located in the centre of the country. In 2012 it had a population of 118,240. (Last census)

The Great Mosque is the visiting card of Agadez.

In 2013, UNESCO declared the historic centre, built with mud bricks during the Tuareg Sultanate of Air, a World Heritage Site. In total, the city is divided into eleven neighbourhoods spread over 70 hectares. Highlights include the Great Mosque and its sky-defying earthen minaret (the most iconic minaret in the Sahel, which inspired a new architectural genre called “Sudanese”), the Sultan’s Palace, the House of Sidi Kâ, also called the Baker’s House, and the home of the erudite German explorer and linguist Henri Barth (1821-1865), who settled in the city in 1850.
The Great Mosque is the visiting card of Agadez, being undoubtedly one of the most representative monuments of the “Sudanese” style in Africa, with its 27-meter-high minaret. Starting with the construction of stepped bastions with crossed wooden beams visible from the outside, countless mosques and secular buildings followed this pattern and developed it in their own way. Notable examples are the mosques of Timbuktu (Mali), Djenné (Mali), Bobo Dioulasso (Burkina Faso)
and Larabanga (Ghana).

Exterior view to Agadez sultan residence.123rf

Visiting and walking around the city is an experience that is difficult to forget. A journalist describes it like this: “Walking through Agadez is an extraordinary experience; the blinding white light of the desert and the omnipresent dust contrast with the traditional rammed earth architecture that characterizes this strip of the Sahel. The streets and buildings of reddish colour recall a historical period that has stopped and is in danger of extinction. Due to the aridity of the environment, the wind and the lack of rainfall in the region, the walls of the buildings are often rebuilt periodically.”
The history of Agadez is very ancient: according to tradition, it was founded in the 11th century by the Sanhaya or Zenegi and in the 14th century it became the most important city of the Tuareg, growing thanks to transport and trans-Saharan trade. Its economy was based on Bilma salt, brought by caravans.
Books tell us that in 1500 Agadez had a population of around 30,000 people and was already the main passage for medieval caravans trading between the African cities of Kano in Nigeria and Timbuktu in Mali, the oases of the north and the Mediterranean coast.

Agadez. Market. The name comes from the word ‘egdez’, which in Tamasheq, the language of the Tuareg community that founded the city, means ‘to pay a visit’

From a cultural point of view, mention should be made of the artisans of the past and present, renowned throughout the Sahel for their skill and mastery in the working of leather, silver and other metals. The beautiful cross of Agadez is an example of this. There is also their musical richness. “Based on oral tradition, the Agadez scene focuses particularly on dance, poetry, oral storytelling and music. These three ancestral traditions have rich typologies that vary in each of the areas of the Agadez region, in many cases isolated between them and separated by kilometres of dust and sand” (Afribuku. Contemporary African Culture, 2019). Agadez today lives in a vital lethargy due to the instability caused by the Nigerian Tuareg uprisings (2007-2009), the war in northern Mali, the powder keg of Boko Haram violence in northern Nigeria and the arrival of Jihadism in the Sahel. But it remains a unique city, where the weight of centuries can be felt in every street and where you can smell the aroma of history. (Open Photo: Agadez is an urban municipality in Niger, located in the centre of the country. File swm) – (J.J.O.)

Madagascar. The mission with the monk’s habit.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

How can a monk be “missionary” if, by vocation, he is called to withdraw from the world and therefore is not in direct contact with the population? Father Christophe Vuillaume, a Benedictine of the Mahitsy monastery in Madagascar, answers.

In a precise sense, the two terms “monk” and “missionary” seem to contradict each other. But the mission is not limited to teaching, the celebration of the sacraments or pastoral initiatives of all kinds, in which the monks obviously do not participate or rarely participate. Perhaps we should ask ourselves: in what sense can the monastic community take its place in the mission of the Church? As the Second Vatican Council clearly understood, the monastery must first of all be what it is, and this is what the local Church asks of us. Because being monks in truth is already
a form of “mission”.

“The monastery must be a spiritual centre for everyone, in search of God”. Facebook

If the monastic community is faithful to its call to seek God in prayer, silence and solitude, but also in fraternal communion, work and sharing, it will in itself be a luminous focus of evangelical life. This applies not only to those who come to the monastery on a daily basis: the poor, the neighbours, the workers, but also to those who come to celebrate the Sunday Eucharist – some of whom do not hesitate to travel 60 km to do so – for the guests and retreatants that Saint Benedict asks us to welcome “like Christ” to benefit from the silence and atmosphere of prayer, but also to receive spiritual teaching, personal advice or even the sacrament of reconciliation. In this sense, as the Council teaches, the monastery must be a spiritual centre for everyone, Christians and non-Christians, in search of God, who perhaps they do not yet know.

Apostle monks
We received an intuition from Father Jean-Baptiste Muard (1809-1854), founder of the Abbey of La Pierre-qui-Vire, our motherhouse. Inspired by his patron, the Baptist, he realized that only the “apostle monks” could work on the new evangelization of France. To do so, he had to send a strong signal to the people: that of a life entirely dedicated to God in the radical following of Christ, as understood by the monastic tradition.His intuition could be summed up in these words: “Make a sign first of all with your life”.

“No other purpose than to “seek God”, in the words of Saint Benedict”. Facebook

Therefore, contrary to what one might think, anchorism, this “distance” from the world, which is essential for the monastic vocation, is also what allows the community to give a strong and radical testimony and, in doing so, to exercise a certain attraction on those who live “in the hearts of the people”. In fact, in the radical nature of their choices, expressed in the practice of the three monastic vows: obedience, the conversion of customs – which include poverty and chastity – and stability, the monks bear witness to the absoluteness of the Kingdom of God. In fact, this is the only justification that Jesus gave for consecrated celibacy: in view (or for love) of the kingdom of heaven (Mt 19.12).Visitors to the monastery often wonder: why do these men and women, who could have done anything else, freely decide to spend their entire lives away from the world, with no other purpose than to “seek God”, in the words of Saint Benedict? This question is already healthy in itself. It will silently make its way into the hearts of every man and woman of good will, especially young people who question the meaning of their life.

The apostolate of prayer
The monk or nun also learns to live ever more deeply what is called the “apostolate of prayer”, uniting every day, in the gift of self and in personal or common prayer, with brothers and sisters who work in the world. A mysterious reality, but a reality. For this to be true, the monk must obviously be as authentic as possible in his vocation. In our so-called “recent mission” countries, this authenticity is going through a delicate phase in all forms of religious life. The values transmitted by the founders must be recognized as such before they can be adopted and embodied by brothers and sisters whose culture is still far from fully embracing the ideals of the Gospel.

“The monks bear witness to the absoluteness of the Kingdom of God”. Facebook

The last transmitters of the charism, coming from Europe, are sometimes disconcerted by the apparent withdrawal from the values they believed they had transmitted with all their heart and above all by living them firsthand. But is it a real retreat, or the testing, but necessary and always purifying, process of authentic inculturation? Honest and rigorous discernment is needed here. It is the whole task of an intelligent understanding of Tradition that transmitters must carry out “to enable those who follow them to inherit not the practices, but the values which they themselves will have to embody where they are, in their time, before transmitting them to others in their turn”. But how can we give to others what we have not received and assimilated ourselves?

Particular aspects of monastic life in Madagascar
The liturgy. Father Gilles Gaide, a monk from Mahitsy, was one of the main protagonists of the inculturation with his team Ankalazao ny Tompo (“Praise the Lord”). This led not only to the composition of a Malagasy “prayer for the present time”: Vavaka isan’andro, but also to a considerable repertoire of hymns and canticles known almost by heart and widely used throughout the island, even in parishes. While using this collection on some occasions, the monastic communities each composed their own prayer book, according to their own traditions. Today, some continue to recite some offices in French, while others celebrate the entire liturgy in Malagasy.

“We live in Madagascar at a crucial time when our vocation to “seek God” in monastic life will have to be fully expressed, in and through the local culture”. Facebook

Formation. In the 2000s a great effort was made to create a monastic studium, common to our six monasteries and the Poor Clares. After a period of hiatus, it was recently relaunched. Several monks and nuns teach there, as well as some seminary professors. Mahitsy Monastery has been fortunate to have been able to maintain its own theology studium since the 1990s. Some brothers are sent to study in France and at the Catholic Institute of Madagascar.
Integration into the local Church. In Madagascar, we are certainly more aware of this connection than in Europe. This is demonstrated by our mutual participation in some diocesan celebrations or meetings and the cordial relationship with our pastors, who usually understand and respect our monastic charism. Our guesthouses are well frequented, especially on the occasion of the main liturgical celebrations. Also noteworthy is the existence of an assembly of the island’s monastic superiors, which is held every year and which, in addition to exchanges between leaders, includes a training period. A final point to mention is the temptation of an insular population to the detriment of fruitful exchanges and therefore cultural and economic progress. On the other hand, the stay of some brothers and sisters in our French monasteries for study purposes or to complete their monastic training, as well as the sessions organised in Europe, are helping to change things.

“Make a sign first of all with your life”. Facebook

The seed thrown into the soil
We live in Madagascar at a crucial time when our vocation to “seek God” in monastic life will have to be fully expressed, and undoubtedly also enriched, in and through the local culture. The most precise image of this mysterious process is that of the seed thrown into the earth. Fertilised by a soil unique in its characteristics, the plant that germinates, then produces its flower and, finally, its fruit will be at the same time similar to the seed, of the same nature, and legitimately different, marked by its specific components. It is a natural law desired by the Creator to give rise to an infinite number of varieties, not only of shapes and colours, one more beautiful than the other, but also of flavours, aromas and qualities of infinite richness. In reality, this surprising metamorphosis takes us back to the heart of the Paschal Mystery, because nothing about this birth, which will ultimately give glory to God and save the world, can happen if the grain does not die first. (swm)

Bolivia. The Ayoreos. The Wedding, Celebration full of cultural symbols.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

The Ayoreos are an ethnic group that live in the eastern part of Bolivia. They number about 4,000 and live distributed in 29 communities. The name “Ayoreo” means “true men”. It refers to their way of life as hunters and gatherers. A glance at their wedding celebration.

The celebration of marriage is not as rigidly established as in other cultures. It is, above all, a spontaneous ritual celebration based on daily life. For this reason, it is a celebration full of cultural symbolic signs.
The first step towards marriage for the Ayoreo begins with the process of falling in love. The meeting place is the rivers where they fish or bathe. This is where the new couples meet and enjoy themselves. Another meeting place is the jungle, where they meet intimately and declare their love for each other.

One of the places where new couple meet and have fun is in the jungle, where they declare their love for each other. Photo: Pixabay

The next step is the formalization of the intention to live together, for which the young couple makes known their situation and their intentions for their future life. It is said that in many cases of Ayoreo, it is the child that unites the couple. For this reason, when the parents oppose the couple but the couple already have their first child, they are considered married and the parents must accept them and let them live together. But out of respect, the children must communicate with their parents to let them live as a couple.Once the agreement is reached, the time when the wedding will take place is set. On the day of the ceremony, the two prepare themselves with all their cultural elements. The groom and his friends go hunting in the jungle and the bride and her friends prepare the yucca or corn drink. The shaman (the wise man who is also the head of the community) is in charge of consolidating the ritual of the new couple. He gives them his blessing according to the requests of the couple and the families of both parties.
The shaman calls them on the requested day and blesses them with prayers and icaros (songs inspired by the spirit of the jungle), thus invoking the spirits for the good of the couple.

Ayoreo parrot feather ornament. Photo: AMNH/Daderot

For the Ayoreo, ritual ceremonies are a connection with the mystical spirits of the forest or mother nature. For this reason, each ritual celebration is prepared with many symbols, such as water, fire, earth and air. These four elements have a complementary meaning for the Ayoreo wedding. It is also the moment of rebirth with new blood, breathing air and body heat to continue a new path together with a new partner without going wrong.
The indigenous Ayoreo communities connect with the cosmos through this type of ritual ceremony performed in sacred places. In the case of weddings, they are celebrated in a new house or in a new place that signifies the beginning of the new couple.After the spiritual ceremony presided over by the shaman, the social or community party takes place. A typical dish is shared, which is rice with beans, accompanied by a tasty asado de monte (barbecue) and its yucca or corn.

Ayoreo woman. Ayoreo people at risk of extinction. Photo: Survival International

Everyone shares what the mother jungle provides them through animals and fruits. To express their joy, there is no shortage of typical music made of bells, rattles and whistles. The bride and groom dance in a circle accompanied by the guests, who are usually the closest. Thus, the nuptial wedding ceremony is concluded.
In the Ayoreo marriage, there is no godfather or godmother. The only intermediaries are the families of the bride and groom. Furthermore, they can live wherever they want, it is a matter of coming to an agreement. A third person who intervenes is the shaman who united them by ritually blessing their union. The commitment of these intermediaries is to give the new family a plot of land to build their new home and to grant them community rights. If an Ayoreo does not marry, he cannot exercise any position of authority in the community, but after marriage, he has the right to assume any position of authority, and to be respected and recognized as part of the Ayoreo community. (Open Photo: Ayoreo young man. Photo: Survival International – Bolivia Amazon Forest. Photo 123rf)

Jhonny Mancilla Pérez

Towards World Youth Day 2027 in Seoul with the courage to change the world.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

On 24 November, the Solemnity of Christ the King, on the occasion of World Youth Day in the Particular Churches, in St. Peter’s Basilica the traditional passing of the symbols of World Youth Day (WYD) will take place between the young people of Lisbon who will hand over to those of Seoul the Cross of the young people and the icon of Mary Salus Populi Romani. The theme chosen by Pope Francis for the WYD in Korea: “Have courage: I have conquered the world!”.

After 32 years, WYD will return to Asia, after the one in Manila in 1995. Why Korea? Cardinal Kevin J. Farrell, Prefect of the Dicastery for the Laity, Family and Life, explains: “Because of the strong missionary spirit of the Pope, who wants to bring the Word of God to everyone to make them understand that we can live together in peace”.

Although Korean Catholics represent only 11% of the population,
“The Church is full of vitality and is enriched by the heroic testimony of many martyrs,” continued the Prefect. “Asia’s natural openness to dialogue will be of great help to young people, the messengers
of peace of the future.”

Finally, he concluded, the dynamic Asian context will make young people reflect on the dialogue between faith and modernity. “Let’s think about the loss of meaning in life, the digital revolution, the climate crisis and economic inequalities,” he said. “These great questions will be a stimulus for contemporary culture to be transformed by the Gospel.”

The WYD, Farrell continued, presents three opportunities: first of all, it is an occasion for all young people for a general “rediscovery of the beauty of Christian life”, which can then be “fertile ground for the flourishing of many vocations, to marriage or to the priesthood and to consecrated life”, for the benefit of the Church in Korea, the Asian continent
and the universal Church.

Secondly, the natural openness of Asia to the coexistence of cultures, to dialogue and complementarity, will be, according to the cardinal, “of great help to young pilgrims, in their journey of formation to become the messengers of peace of the future, in a world so torn by conflict
and opposition”.

Finally, the dynamic Asian context will lead young people to reflect on the dialogue between faith and modernity: if climate crisis, economic inequalities, digital revolution and loss of meaning are the distinctive traits of the most developed societies, young people will be encouraged to give their personal contribution so that contemporary culture is fermented and transformed by the Gospel.

Msgr. Peter Soon-taick Chung, Archbishop of Seoul and President of the Local Organizing Committee recalls the history of Korea and the periods of persecution, but above all, the strength of the first faithful, who welcomed the seeds of the Gospel.

The WYD in Korea, Msgr. Peter Soon-taick Chung explains, will be “a meaningful journey in which young people, united with Jesus Christ, will reflect and discuss the modern challenges and injustices they face” and a “celebration” that “will allow everyone to experience the vibrant and energetic culture created by young Koreans”.

Through this “collective journey”, the archbishop added, the pilgrims of the WYD will become “courageous missionaries”, inspired to live the joy of the Gospel that they have found.

Regarding the relationship with North Korea, Msgr. Peter Soon-Taick Chung comments: “The relationship is not favourable. But if it is possible, we will also invite young North Koreans”.

In anticipation of 2027, Monsignor Paul Kyung Sang Lee, general coordinator of the WYD said that about 1,000 Korean youth will participate in the Jubilee of Youth that will be held in Rome in August next year. Preparations for the WYD, he added, have already begun.
“Our youth are open to interreligious dialogue and many priests have become friends with Buddhist monks. The WYD wants to be
a great event of unity.”

The prelate pointed out that the logo, was inspired by the brushstroke techniques of traditional Korean art. “There is a cross in the centre,” he explained. “The red and blue colours symbolize Christ’s victory over the world, the blood of the martyrs and the vitality of young people. Finally, the yellow that shines behind the cross represents Christ,
the “Light of the World”.”

Kim Suji Gabriella, a young Korean who works in marketing and sustainability says: “After experiencing the WYD in Krakow in 2016, I had the honour of participating in the Synod on the journey with young people in Rome in 2017 as a Korean delegate. This precious experience of meeting and interacting with the Pope and young people has fuelled my commitment to serving the Church”.

The young lady, who began her service as a catechist, tells how the pandemic has dispersed the flock, but she says she is confident: “Through the WYD in Seoul 2027, we will forge a path of unity, hope, courage and passion, welcoming people from all walks of life, not just Catholic believers, to walk together in harmony”. (C.C.)

Music. Iran. Overcoming barriers.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

It is not easy to make music in Iran today. And yet, in a country where social, religious and political tensions intersect with women’s and new generations’ anxiety for renewal, music also carries a crucial weight to convey ideas, demands, desires for freedom and brotherhood.

In recent years, the music scene of what was once Persia has shown signs of great dynamism and notable innovative thrusts, in a varied panorama where musical tradition (very rich in this country) often meets innovation and modernist and cosmopolitan sounds. In short, despite the cultural and political restrictions of the regime, Iranian artists continue to find creative ways to express themselves and share
their music with the world.

Iran. The young seller of handmade jewellery store makes performance, playing kamancheh traditional Persian musical instrument in Yazd.123rf

The rich heritage of Persian classical music, based on the modal system of the radif repertoire and instruments such as the santur (a 72-string psaltery), the kamancheh (a type of two-stringed violin) and the daf (a frame drum), often intersects with Western stylistic elements
such as rock, jazz, electronic dance and hip hop, generating
decidedly original sounds.

Hichkas Anjam Vazife. (Photo X)

Among the most popular artists of the contemporary Iranian music scene we find, for example, the exiled songwriter Mohsen Namjoo, whose singer-songwriter style fuses Iranian tradition with the blues rock of Western artists such as Eric Clapton. But the rap scene is also very active; among the most prominent names is Hichkas, a native of Tehran and much loved by young Iranians for his ability to give voice to their frustrations and their hopes for change with lyrics that often address social and political issues; Hichkas is one of the pioneers of this field, and can also boast a certain following in Afghanistan and Great Britain where he has often performed.
Other notable rappers and rockers are Mohammad Bibak who has increased his popularity abroad thanks to social media, Shahin Najafi, who was also forced to emigrate (to Germany), and the historic band Kiosk, on the scene since 2003.

Mohammad Bibak has increased his popularity abroad thanks to social media. (Photo X)

It is clear that in such a complicated landscape for artists, social media and online platforms continue to play a fundamental role in spreading contemporary Iranian music internationally. These tools are the best strategy to overcome the barriers imposed by political restrictions and continue to circulate music, inside and outside Iran; for example, if you type Persian Pop 2024 on Spotify, you will get a compilation of more than 250 songs: confirming that there is no regime in the Third Millennium that can stop music. (Open Photo: Live music concert with blending Iran flag on fans. 123rf)

Franz Coriasco

Horn of Africa. Egyptian arms supplies to Somalia raise dangerous tensions with Addis Ababa.

Friday, 1 November 2024 8:00

Egypt and Somalia are increasing their military cooperation to pressure Ethiopia over their respective concerns: the Renaissance Dam on the Nile and recognition of the breakaway state of Somaliland. In this volatile context, Turkey, which has good relations with all sides, could help defuse tensions.

On 23 September, officials in Mogadishu confirmed to the press that an Egyptian warship had delivered anti-aircraft guns and artillery to Somalia. The shipment was sent “to support and build the capabilities of the Somali army”, according to a statement from the Egyptian Foreign Ministry the same day. A month earlier, on 27 August, the Cairo government sent two planeloads of arms and ammunition to Somalia following the signing of a joint security pact. These shipments serve several purposes. By sending these weapons to Somalia, the Egyptian authorities are sending a message of their strong opposition to the Ethiopian government’s decision of 10 September last to proceed with the fifth filling of the $5 billion Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) reservoir on the Blue Nile.

Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam aerial view. Photo: Prime Minister Office Ethiopia

On 24 September, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty condemned Ethiopia’s “unilateral decision” to reduce Egypt’s water supply in violation of international law and the Tripartite Declaration of Principles signed in 2015 by Ethiopia and its downstream neighbours, Sudan and Egypt. The minister added that Egypt would take all the necessary measures allowed by the UN Charter to defend the interests of its people and stop the filling process that is underway.
According to the Addis Ababa authorities, the reservoir currently holds 49 billion cubic metres, but the aim is to fill it to 74 billion cubic metres and reach a hydroelectric capacity of 6,000 MW.
But in a letter to the UN Security Council, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Taye Atske-Selassie rejected these claims, arguing that the use of natural resources is a matter of national jurisdiction and that cross-border disputes should be resolved through bilateral and regional mechanisms.
The letter also mentions the ratification by Ethiopia and five other upstream Nile Basin states (Burundi, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda) of the Nile Basin Cooperative Framework Agreement and the establishment of the Nile Basin Commission, which are rejected by the downstream states. Indeed, both Sudan and Egypt continue to adhere to the 1902 Treaty signed by Great Britain and Egypt, which sets the rules of the Nile game and prohibits upstream states from using the waters of the Nile without the consent of downstream states.

The river Nile flows through Cairo. 123rf

The threat of an attack on the GERD, made in 2013 by Egyptian politicians including Younis Makhyoun of the Islamist Party under Mohamed Morsi’s presidency, was taken seriously by Ethiopia, which purchased air defence equipment from Russia and Israel.
According to the website www.military.africa, Addis Ababa deployed Russian-made Pantsir-S2 surface-to-air missiles and an anti-aircraft artillery system in 2021 to enhance the protection of its Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), providing capabilities against multiple threats, including aircraft, helicopters, drones and cruise missiles. At the same time, Ethiopia acquired Israeli Skylock counter-UAS anti-drone equipment and a Ukrainian ST-68UM radar system specialising in airborne target detection.
After attempts by the African Union to mediate between Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia over the GERD failed in 2021, Egypt confirmed Ethiopia’s fears by declaring in May 2022 that it would explore all options. Military options were on the menu. Indeed, Egypt had previously ordered $2 billion worth of US-made F-16 fighter jets from Russia to replace its short-range US-made F-16s with Sukhoi-35 jets capable of reaching Ethiopian airspace. Another bone of contention prompted Egypt to supply arms to Somalia. According to some experts, Egypt is also concerned about the possibility that Ethiopia could boast of its own Red Sea port and establish a naval base there, challenging Egypt’s supremacy over international maritime traffic through its control of the Suez Canal.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. Office of the president

In January 2024, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi strongly supported Mogadishu. “Egypt will not allow anyone to threaten Somalia or affect its security,” he said during a press conference with visiting Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
The Egyptian concern follows Addis Ababa’s signing of a preliminary agreement in January 2024 with the unrecognised state of Somaliland to lease land for a port in exchange for possible recognition of its independence from Somalia. This concern coincides with the anger of the Mogadishu government, which has called the deal an “assault on its sovereignty” and vowed to block it by any means necessary, and explains why Egypt and Somalia signed such a security pact. Egypt even offered to send troops to a new peacekeeping mission to replace the 10,000 Ethiopian troops tasked with fighting al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabab militants. Ethiopia has some 3,000 troops in Somalia as part of the African Union peacekeeping mission (ATMIS), while some 7,000 troops are deployed under a bilateral agreement.
Such an exchange could happen. Indeed, despite the jihadist threat, Somalia is so outraged by the Ethiopia-Somaliland port deal that it has threatened to kick Ethiopian troops out of its territory by the end of the year unless Addis Ababa scraps the port agreement.

Hargeisa, the largest city and capital of the unrecognized state of Somaliland.123rf

All these arms supplies have increased tensions in the region. In Somaliland, the foreign ministry expressed “profound concern” because accordingly they could land in the wrong hands including al Shabaab, alleging that the “Mogadishu administration cannot currently effectively manage or safeguard such a large cache of military equipment.” A further sign of the increasing tensions has also been a call by the Egyptian embassy in Mogadishu, urging its citizens not to travel to Somaliland for security reasons.
At the same time, observers such as Adam Aw Hirsi, director of the Mogadishu-based think tank Foresight for Practical Solutions, point out that the Egyptian-Somali alliance is only the latest chapter in a long history that dates back to the successive reigns of the pharaohs in Egypt. Accordingly, both countries are fellow members of the Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. Back in the 1970s and 1980s, during the Ogaden war between Somalia and Ethiopia, Egypt stood by Somalia. Such Egyptian involvement causes some worries in the region. “If the Egyptians put boots on the ground and deploy troops along the border with Ethiopia, it could bring the two into direct confrontation,” fears Rashid Abdi, an analyst with the Sahan Research think-tank. Meanwhile, Ethiopia is raising the tone. On 28 September, the foreign ministry in Addis Ababa accuses the Mogadishu government of “colluding with external actors aiming to destabilise the region”.

The prime minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed and Muse Bihi Abdi, the president of Somaliland. Office of the Prime Minister – Ethiopia – Madaxtooyada JSL

While some voices suggest that the East African Community which Somalia joined in March 2024 should come up and guarantee this country’s security in front of Ethiopia, others speculate about the possibility that Turkey, which has managed to establish strategic relations with Ethiopia and Somalia, could play a mediation role and defuse some of the tensions.
Since 2011, Turkey established a military cooperation with Somalia, opened an hospital there and inaugurated its largest embassy on the African continent. In 2021, Turkey also signed a military agreement with Ethiopia and sold drones to Addis Ababa during the war with Tigray. Since last July, Turkey hosted two rounds of talks between Somalia and Ethiopia over the Somaliland deal which still has to be finalized. (Open Photo: Egypt and Somalia flag/ Shutterstock)

François Misser

Richness of differences.

Tuesday, 1 October 2024 8:00

A reflection on the Pope’s latest trip to the “peripheries of the world”.

After more than ten years of pontificate, we understand what the main task that this pope has given himself is: to evangelize God, that is, to make God Good News for the people who believe in him but are tempted to venerate him as a “God with us” and “against others,” as a God who leads to war and even inspires terrorism.
This is a temptation from which even Christians are not exempt: just read what is happening in Ukraine among the Orthodox, who have lived in peace until now, and between the Orthodox and Greek Catholics, who are always ready to make claims. Francis’ work has this breadth of horizons that the Catholics of our ecclesiastical provinces, who want to be the centre of Catholicism, are not always able to understand.

Cardinal Ignatius Suharyo, left, with Pope Francis and the Imam of the Istiqlal Mosque. Vatican Media

This man – who at 87 years of age shows such courage, vigour, tenacity and conviction that we cannot help but call faith – has completed a long and tiring journey to the outskirts of the world: distant islands, Indonesia where the largest Muslim population lives. He went as far as those lands to make a peace alliance that he signed with the Grand Imam Nasaruddin Umar, of the Istiqlal Mosque in Jakarta: let there be religious harmony, peace between religions for the good of all humanity.
Yes, in the vision of Pope Francis the horizon is all of humanity, not just the church!The Pope did not speak explicitly of Christ to the people during this trip, but every time he announced justice, peace, reconciliation and forgiveness, he did nothing but repeat, without ever naming him, the message of Christ his Lord.
Moreover, in the letter Fratelli Tutti he already indicated and asked for a brotherhood that was not limited to Christians (such was the traditional vision of the church), but to everyone. And precisely for this reason the first quality of the church is to be a home, a place of welcome, not to increase converts, but to offer a humanity reconciled to that Lord God in whom some believe. And the Pope insisted once again on the multi-coloured wisdom of God who wants not uniformity but the difference of cultures, he repeated that differences are a wealth, indeed the true treasure for Indonesia, but they must not become a reason for conflict.

Pope Francis’ Mass in Papua New Guinea. Vatican Media

For this reason, he included in his speech a reflection on the tunnel that connects the Istiqlal mosque in Jakarta, the largest in Southeast Asia, and the Catholic cathedral, one in front of the other: “It is the ‘Tunnel of Friendship’, a place of dialogue and encounter. For this reason, there is no darkness but light, because it is illuminated by the friendship and harmony of those citizens who meet other citizens of different confessions and beliefs and bow in friendship”.
The news that reached us through the media was scarce, it did not give much importance to what the Pope did as he did it truly far away, at the extreme peripheries of the world. But let’s tell the truth: this pastoral action of Francis is disturbing, it is little felt and is also contested by those who remind him that his task is the preaching of the Gospel done in an open way, but without the obsession of dialogue. And this, as we have always written, will mean a refusal because the Gospel scandalizes and for now woe to those who evangelize God. Jesus has already been condemned for having done this. And it will be so again and always… (Open Photo: Pope Francis is greeted by children in traditional dress on his arrival in Jakarta, Indonesia. Vatican Media)

Enzo Bianchi
Theologian
Former prior of the monastic community of Bose (Italy)

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