Today, Bangladesh is a country in tumultuous growth, afflicted by many problems that for the small local Church and the missionary presences are so many fields for intervention, both in country areas as well as in the capital Dhaka, a metropolis of 15 million inhabitants, containing in its chaos both problems and potential as well as an inexhaustible vivacity.

The encounter with the Pope was also a recognition of the courage of the Bangladeshis in coexisting and sharing. It was an event that, for the Church, was a sign of continuity after the stop-over of Pope John Paul II during his trip to Asia in 1986 and the brief stop of Pope Paul VI at Dhaka airport in 1970: a great gesture on the occasion of the catastrophe that had struck what was then East Pakistan, only a few months after the start of the war of liberation.

Caritas is the social ‘arm’ of the Bangladeshi episcopal conference with a nation-wide organisation that is involved in charity, socio-economic development and in responding to emergencies. Founded in 1967, its present structure is the result of its reorganisation following the typhoon which, in 1971, wiped out entire islands in the delta and caused at least 300 thousand deaths, presenting the local Church with new and extreme needs. In particular, that disaster led to the understanding that it was necessary to think in terms of long-term programmes and to seek to prepare the population not only for extraordinary events but also for daily life together that would be more sharing and more autonomous. The results have been flattering as notes Atul Sarker, the director of Caritas Bangladesh. “I am proud to say that we in Caritas have been among the pioneers of the agricultural revolution of the country, accompanying the introduction of more efficient varieties of crops and techniques with support for cooperatives but also promoting education and training. This is but a part of our role that has never discriminated against anyone”.

“Our programmes place social justice at their centre based upon the social teaching of the Church and they are as concrete as possible and in harmony with local needs and customs. Things are evolving. The Bangladeshi economy has changed drastically in the last forty years. Today the country is self-sufficient in food and better able to face natural disasters. In normal conditions, Bangladesh produces a surplus for export. We are proud that the projects started by us such as interventions in rural cooperatives, the mechanisation of agriculture, irrigation and agricultural methods, have been an example for official projects. It was essential for us to intervene on the level of education and health, with activities designed to support local initiatives”, Mr Sarker continues.

“In the South, Caritas concentrates on protection from frequent and disastrous cyclones; in the North on the construction of refuges against the floods. The structures are open to all and, when necessary, they are used as schools, as communication centres or for meetings. For quite some time, relations with Moslems and the government have been collaborative. We do not discriminate in our commitments and for this reason we are accepted by the authorities and overall society. We are also members of various committees for the management of disasters, for climate analysis and others. Both at national and local level we are always among the first to respond to crises as a fully recognised national organisation”, the director pointed out.

“Our desire and our organisation were again severely tested in recent months by an unexpected humanitarian emergency of gigantic proportions and totally different to what we had seen up to now: the influx at the end of August 2017 of almost a million Rohingyas fleeing Myanmar. Bangladesh is small and poor and consequently the pressure may explode – notes Mr Sarker – and we, too, risked being overwhelmed by this commitment. In the first three months, we distributed aid to 18,000 families, corresponding to at least 120,000 individuals. The scale of the needs forced us to improve coordination with international organisations and our commitment owes much to the family of Caritas International, which responded generously”, Mr. Sarker concluded. (S.V.)

Ashulia and the nearby districts of Savar, Tongi and Gazipur on the edge of the metropolitan area of Dhaka, represent the greatest industrial concentration of the country, the heart of the production of textiles, clothes and accessories much of which is destined for the foreign markets of European and US brands.

However, they are also the scene of what were the worst work accidents in the history of the country. On 29 November 2012, in Ashulia, a fire that destroyed Tazreen Fashion caused the deaths of 112 people and hundreds of workers were burned or inhaled poisonous fumes; on 24 April 2013, the collapse of the Rana Plaza building that housed numerous factories, caused more than 1,129 deaths in Savar. At least 15 workers were killed and about seventy wounded in the fire that, on the following 8 October destroyed the two floors of Aswad Knit Composite, a clothes factory in Gazipur. In this latter case, most of the 3,000 workers had already left the factory at the end of work in the evening, even if the number of victims showed that some workers were engaged in night work, something denied by the companies of the sector, since such work is notorious for being obligatory and often unpaid.

Even after these work-tragedies, as also after lesser events, up to the present, the foreign client companies – which even after the Tazreen fire have published interventions, both directly and through the local government, to improve working conditions and safety – have denied any responsibility, even indirect. On the other hand, grave need is an incentive to migration and a concentration of manpower in the few available production sectors. Among these is the textile sector in which thousands of companies offer a steady income in exchange for 70-80 hours of work per week in places that are mostly unhealthy or dangerous with the constant risk of accidents or abuse.
At the centre of the country’s difficulties and even as regards the prospects of Bangladeshi society, is the low average age of the population, 26 years. This situation make young people a resource, but for families and educators they are a challenge that is all the more acute in the urban areas and especially in the capital Dhaka. Here their dispersion and anonymity is guaranteed by the immense human concentration, by both parents having to work, by the use of the internet, the telephone and TV. Often, and this is seen on the mass media, parents themselves do not know what their children are doing, and children have no dialogue with their parents. Suicides among young Bangladeshis show an increasing weakening of family ties.

“We may say that young Christians receive more attention than average from their parents and their community. The others, especially here in Dhaka, often grow up alone and so risk taking the wrong path. The dangers are many: drug use, the abuse of the internet and chat, disappearances and fundamentalist involvement. This shows the need for specific activities for young people, starting with a truly formative education that is personal, cultural and professional”. This was emphasised by Father Tushar James Gomes, Rector of St. Joseph’s Minor Seminary in the capital who confirms that Christians too are affected by this situation, even if only marginally.
“As Catholics we have specific programmes at parish and diocesan level. We seek to impart moral teaching, to insert them in communities, to create initiatives that bring youth together. We firmly believe that sharing commitments and problems gives them a positive sense of community and improves their personal prospects”, the educator priests points out.

Instruction and commitment are therefore part of the process that the Church proposes to its youth. In a certain sense, Dhaka – the leading city containing a tenth of the population and an enormous part of resources and companies – brings Catholics greater opportunities for involvement and cooperation than the small communities scattered in rural areas. It is estimated that there are 50,000 Catholic living in the city but many of them still have homes elsewhere. Opportunities for work are the catalyst but success is only for the few. There are many candidates for employment as they are qualified with school certificates but competition is fierce and selection by companies is strict.
Usually, the higher the level of studies, the more difficult and arduous is the work.  Again, employment in the informal sector is high and the statistics are optimistic. Finally, emigration provides a safety valve for problems and tensions, but a heavy price is paid at the social level, even by Catholic communities.

The risk of extremism

Bangladesh is often cited as a Moslem country with Islam in its DNA but with characteristics of tolerance and coexistence that render it an example to follow. It may be said that even if there are no rules of exclusion and coexistence is there to be seen, the faith of belonging (or belonging to no faith) may support other instances of prevarication and exclusion. An example of this is pressure on tribal groups (mostly Christians, Buddhists, Hindus and animists) by local Moslem notables in order to gain ownership of their lands and resources.
Apart from that, it is undeniable that the experience of international Jihadism sees in Bangladesh the formation of extremist groups which local groups try to radicalise, and that emerge from Moslem society, especially from among the youth.

The enquiry into the massacre at the Holey Artisan restaurant in the diplomatic quarter of Gulshan in Dhaka on 1 July 2016, confirm something more than an infiltration by the so-called Islamic State into the country. The situation may be worsened, both by the return of ‘combatants’ from Syria and Iraq, and the creation in the country of a ‘sanctuary’ for armed extremists of the Rohingya minority persecuted in neighbouring Myanmar, and by the refugee crisis on the borders of both countries.In the case of Dhaka, communications in police possession clearly indicate the ‘go ahead’ for Isis to strike foreigners as a prime target. One of the major consequences of greater extremist influence, if confirmed, would be the flight of the multinational companies that at present use local raw materials and personnel for their production. This also explains the constant denial of foreign terrorist radicalisation in the country by the authorities, despite the fact that Islamic Sate claimed responsibility since September 2015 for at least a score of attacks against moderate Moslems, intellectuals and the secular media, foreign citizens and exponents of minority religions.

There are numerous local groups influenced by Jihadist ideas such as Jamatul Mujahdeen Bangladesh, banned a decade ago but still active, with the objective of making Bangladesh a country governed by religious Islamic law, the sharia. This would appear to be a retrograde step for the secular policies followed by Premier Hasina Wazed, which have thousands of supporters and are infiltrating the elite also. In support of this there is the adhesion to JMB of one of the alleged terrorists of Dhaka, Rohan Imtiaz, son of a notable of the Awami League, the governing party.

Stefano Vecchia

The population of Bangladesh is rapidly approaching 170 million, depending on an area of 147,570 square kilometres, large parts of which are subject for their productivity to seasonal variations in the tides and seasonal flooding.

After the first dramatic decades following independence in 1971, the country succeeded in bettering its agriculture and rationalising its resources, reaching self-sufficiency in many essential products and even having a surplus for export. Perhaps for this reason the debate on population limitation and resources is not very widespread; this may also be due to its divisive content. “The government promotes contraception and non-natural birth control but without any great insistence, because it is aware how fragile the equilibrium is between the present state of development, Moslem identity and respect for the needs of groups and individuals”, asserts Probha Lucy Rozario, in charge of Caritas Bangladesh development initiatives, responsible for the development initiatives of Caritas Bangladesh and formerly government consultant for natural birth control. “From my experience, I can say that the Catholic proposal for education towards responsible procreation has failed but the family remains central to society”, even if the contradictory development of Bangladesh weighs on it considerably.

One challenge is accelerated urbanisation; another, at least for some millions of family nuclei, is the work-seeking diaspora. In general, the transition from traditional models of life (for many Christians this is related to ethnic origin) and the competition for limited resources, render traditional structures all the more fragile.
“The rising cost of living also compels women to work. Today the price of rice has reached 42 taka a kilo (about 45 Euro cents) double what it was last year. This is followed by rising house rent, and not only in Dhaka. Besides the cost of living,  – Mrs Rozario also states – the considerably increased territorial distribution, competition for studies and work and the possibility of reaching different living standards, certainly weigh upon the institution of the family”.
The contrast between a deeply traditionalist society accentuated by its Islamic origins, and the need for a modern life in urban centres is increasingly felt. Women are at the crossroads between emancipation by law, necessity and the desire for personal affirmation and a role that remains unvaried in a society that does not support them.

The Bangladesh stopover from the afternoon of 30 November to the afternoon of 2 December 2017 doubtless imposed on Pope Francis less caution than that in Myanmar where he had just finished an epoch-making visit. In Dhaka, the Holy Father immediately found himself immersed in a situation where the Church with only 0.3 per cent of the population is involved in a bewildering and incisive variety of initiatives at the service of the entire nation.
His sensibility and his role faced the legitimate pride of the Moslem majority and the membership of ethnic minorities of most Catholics. This is a condition which, of itself, does not promote equality and integration and challenges both the authorities and those who are convinced that the country which insistently promotes its ideals of independence as a common nucleus from where to advance towards progress, must also confirm the principles (right to liberty, security, one’s language, one’s identity and justice) that inspired the founders of independent Bangladesh.

“Many of the problems identified from abroad with Bangladesh derive from its youth and its on-going transition. Ours is a country that began its industrialisation only twenty years ago, where poverty and need are widespread”, says Cardinal Patrick D’Rozario, Archbishop of Dhaka. “The poor, concentrated in 77 per cent of the rural population, have given an essential contribution to the development of the country, but their day is also coming and, in the last 6-7 years the percentage of the population considered poor has been lowered to 28  per cent. Certainly the government has functioned, wages have tripled in five years, modern slavery is present but, looking to the future, the main problem is the qualification of the youth and their ability to take advantage of the opportunities available to them”.

The Church has accompanied with deep commitment and ample recognition the challenges of young Bangladesh such as its overflowing population, development, security and well-being; it has intervened in all natural disasters that have afflicted this country, the beneficiary as well as the victim of floods. It is a Church with ancient roots going back to the first Portuguese presence in the 16th century, but with a history that grew with the missionary drive of the last two centuries to which Italian institutes gave an important contribution. (S.V.)

Geography, demography, history, faith and politics are inextricably intertwined in determining the reality known as Bangladesh. Many positive elements and progress in many areas have marked its journey since independence, but an equal number of elements render difficult a view into its future.

The country is mostly a flat area in the combined delta of the Ganges and Brahmaputra whose flow is managed by India. It is often struck by catastrophic floods but it benefits from the alluvial deposits and the many water courses for transport. Bangladesh is a country poor in natural resources but rich in manpower.
It places its trust in international aid and investment in low-tech industrial production, and in continual emigration, as well as the Islamic faith of the majority.
These are situations that connect this remnant of Asia and its overwhelming population to a global reality that consists of opportunities and potential but also of the many shadows stretching out over peace and coexistence.

It is impossible to ignore the concrete difficulties afflicting Bangladesh and the enormous challenges that these present to those who govern the country. Nevertheless, even if at least half the population lives below the poverty level and the number of emigrants is increasing and the Bengalis and the Bangladeshis choose the uncertain path of emigration, the reason for this is, in part, the unequal distribution of wealth.
More than three million inhabitants work in difficult conditions so that the country may earn 20 billion dollars a year, mostly in the textile and clothing industries.
With investments directed towards producing labour-intensive, low-priced goods to increase exports, the country’s GNP is growing rapidly (around 6 per cent in recent years), but still not fast enough.
Positive signs are not lacking but, even so, statistics show a country in difficulty: a population of 166 million with 26 per cent below the poverty line (two dollars a day), concentrated in a territory less than two thirds the size of Britain; it is in the 139th position on the Human Development Index (and improving), but with basic literacy available to less than two thirds of the population, and still with marked differences of opportunity, earnings and rights between males and females.

The exposure of Bangladesh to tides and floods undoubtedly places considerable limits on its development but other limits are due to its position and to regional strategies. Neighbouring India effectively controls its access to a large part of its land borders, the availability of energy, fresh water and part of its commerce. Its other neighbour, Myanmar, before 2010, cut off for decades by a military regime, remains mostly a country from where hundreds of thousands of Rohingya Moslems have come to escape persecution and conditions that deny them the right of citizenship.
The Moslem community of Bangladesh is the fourth largest in the world; nevertheless, the country, which in March 2016 confirmed by a decision of the Supreme Court its Islamic identity, sanctioned by the Constitution of 1988, follows a moderate version of Islam. Historically, this was preceded by the modernist movement that sprang up among the peasants and the workers at the end of the 18th century, and the birth, in 1906, in Dhaka, of the Islamic League, a movement that was fundamental to the demand for a separate Islamic homeland on the Indian sub-continent, that led to the birth of Pakistan on 15 August 1947 and that of Bangladesh, independent from Pakistan, in 1971.

For reasons of faith and of opportunism, independence brought movements of considerable influence such as Jamaat-e-Islami which took on an ambiguous, if not a role of open collaboration with the Pakistani government against the independence movement. That situation explains why today, the Dhaka government is suspicious of the leadership of the group, decimated by long prison sentences handed down by the courts, as well as executions.
One of the tensions that accompanied this beginning was the decision of the government led by Sheikh Hasina Wazed to reserve a substantial quota of public positions for minority groups and the heirs of the combatants who survived the war of liberation. In mid-April, a massive protest which forced the government to make a u-turn, showed not only the potential reaction by Bangladesh civil society but also its disagreement with the frequent exploitation of the past. In the context of unemployment and the lack of outlets for its numerous university population, the decision seemed at least controversial, even if it did not displease those who, like the tribal people, found themselves at the bottom rung of the ladder of opportunity.

However, what made the decision unacceptable to the opposition was, above all else, that of the 56 per cent of civil service posts meant to be reserved according to the new law, 30 per cent were to be given to the descendants of the veterans.
“We believe this is an injustice, given that these groups – minorities, of different abilities, descendants of veterans and other groups included in the new quotas – include only 2 per cent of the population and the remaining 98 per cent would have to compete for 44 per cent of civil service jobs”, the students emphasised, demanding that the reserved figure be set at 10 per cent.
Demands were made for the punishment of those policemen  responsible for the repression against those who started spontaneous protest marches and blocked main roads in different localities in what, for observers, was the greatest challenge to the lady Prime Minister in the past decade. It was seen as greater even than that of the Islam-inspired opposition whose political affiliations, such as Jamaat e Islami, were severely repressed and practically excluded from Parliament. Also in past years they used the judiciary against their leaders accused of collaborationist attitudes during the brief but bloody war of liberation from Pakistan and of having taken an active part in the massacres and violence against Bangladeshi civilians that accompanied it. It is estimated that there were at least 300,000 deaths among non-combatants in that conflict won by the independence movement led by Mujibur Rahman – father of the present premier and later assassinated – with the decisive intervention of Indian armed forces approved by Indira Gandhi. (S.V.)