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An Ancient Country.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

It was the Maya who, long ago, inhabited those territories that were later colonised by Spain. The Iberian penetration was accomplished around the years 1523-24, through the work of Pedro de Alvarado who was the founder of the old capital, Antigua, of Guatemala.

With the passage of time, the Spanish possession became a Captaincy General within the framework of the Viceroyalty of New Spain (Mexico). For this reason the events that led to Mexican independence also involved Guatemala and the other Central American countries.
In 1821 the region declared itself independent through a Cabildo Abierto, a Municipal Assembly with local powers, a copy of the Spanish administration transplanted in Latin America. This move was not accepted by Mexico which set out on the military re-conquest of the dissident ‘Provinces’.
However, when Mexican intestine conflicts created more favourable conditions, the rebels again took the initiative in June 1823 creating a state entity they called ‘United Provinces of Central America’.

In 1839, with the break-up of unity, each ‘Province’ declared independence, taking on republican constitutional characteristics.
In the case of Guatemala, independence brought no particular advantages since the socio-economic structure was in no way diminished, and, leaving the colonial system intact, apart from some concessions to the dominant oligarchy, it threw open its doors to US investments. In this state of affairs, the major beneficiaries turned out to be: the United Fruit Company, the concessionary of vast plantations of coffee and bananas as well as services; the International Railways of Central America, active in the field of transport and the Empresa Eléctrica, a subsidiary of American Foreign Power.
These ‘Three Greats’, in practical terms, subjected Guatemalan financial practice to US interests just as they had done or were about to do in the other republics of the sector.
International developments, together with the internal maturing of the population – through the development of the middle and working classes – created the conditions for radical change whose epilogue was the revolution of October 1944 which handed power to a social-democratic junta led by Juan José Arévalo. He had followed a typical centre-left programme aimed at reducing the poverty of the great majority of the people and at removing existing economic inequality.

Guatemala’s president Jacobo Árbenz

In 1951, Arévalo was replaced by Colonel Jacobo Arbenz Guzman who, following in the wake of his predecessor, intended to speed up the process of transformation and implement agrarian reform. The figures demanded he do so since 2% of the population controlled 74% of all arable land, while 76% of all agricultural units had access to only 9% of the land. Agrarian reform started in 1952 with the appropriation of 372.000 hectares which were assigned to 80,000 peasant families. This reform, even though it proposed to review the redistribution of land in order to develop capitalistic agriculture (but not that of the large landowners) by increasing the number of small farmers, leaving untouched farms of less than 90 hectares, was seen by the White House as a serious danger to its strategic objectives.

The stance adopted by the White House was to protect the economic interests of the United Fruit Company. Then, in April 1954, the State Department, on behalf of the multinational, demanded 15,854,849 dollars in compensation from the Guatemalan government. At the same time, it accused the same government of being infiltrated by communists. These accusations turned out to be unfounded and exaggerated since the Guatemalan government not only did not proceed with plans to exchange diplomatic representatives with the USSR, but it kept the US military bases and voted in favour of the US position regarding the war in Korea. Despite the expropriations, the economy of the country was still closely tied to that of the USA which received as much as 80% of Guatemala’s exports.

The intransigent policy followed by the government of Guatemala regarding US demands caused the latter to change tactics and devise a plan to destabilise the country and overthrow Jacobo Arbenz. In a short time, the operation, code-named Operation Success, which began on 18 June 1954, ended after nine days with the deposition of the democratically elected government of Jacobo Arbenz, and the coming to power of a military junta that functioned as the guarantor of the alliance between the multinationals, private investment and the State, causing the country to suffer a long period of political instability giving rise to one of the bloodiest conflicts of Latin America with more than 200.000 victims. The war lasted 36 years and was fought by the regular army and paramilitaries, more or less openly supported by North American advisors.(F.R.)

Tunisia. The Challenges of the Jasmin Revolution.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

The presidential election of 2019 will be a crucial test for the Arab world’s democratic laboratory.

While it will take place at the end of 2019, the Tunisian presidential elections will be one of the most significant political events in the Arab world. They will be the twelfth general election since independence from France and the proclamation of a Republic in 1957. Perhaps, more significantly, they are also second free and democratic presidential election since the so-called Jasmin Revolution (the event purported to have launched the wider season of political revolts) in 2011. Therefore, they represent a litmus test for the new democracy in the only country where the social turmoil of the ‘Arab Spring’ has flourished.
And the election is not all about jasmines and roses. Tunisia faces significant challenges that threaten the survival of its democracy.
Nevertheless, two main parties have emerged from the ‘Spring’ of 2011. And perhaps, that has contributed to establishing a foundation for stability and a Constitution (adopted in 2014). While other parties are forming and gaining some ground, the Tunisian political game features two main players: al-Nidaa and Ennahda. The former has brought together former members of Ben Ali’s ‘Constitutional Democratic Rally’ (Ressemblement Constitutionnel Democratique/RCD) and assorted secularists. The latter are ‘moderate’ Islamists led by the once outlawed Rachid Ghannouchi, who returned from exile in 2011. Thus, the essential contest is a dialectic between Islamists and reformed members of the defunct Ben Ali regime.

Tunisian President Beji Caid Essebsi

Incumbent president Beji Caïd Essebsi (al-Nidaa) – who served important posts in the previous regime, including a stint as foreign affairs minister in the early 80’s – will turn a less than youthful 93 years of age in November, which is just about when the election will be held. Essebsi is the first Tunisian president to be elected democratically – or, under the new system – and he’s also the founder of the al-Nidaa Party (meaning ‘The Call’). Analysts have described al-Nidaa as an ‘umbrella’ party, grouping together various secular political factions under one roof to better challenge the Ennahda Party, dominated by Islamists. Yet, infighting within al-Nidaa has led to the formation of a new Party, ‘Tahya Tunis’ as announced at the end of last January.
Tahya Tunis, meaning ‘Vive la Tunisie’ (‘long live Tunisia’ in English). Ostensibly, the new Party will enhance the secularists’ chances of victory against Ennahda. But, voters may not appreciate the policies – marked by austerity measures, promoted by the new formation and its technocratic and meritocratic young leader Youssef Chahed.
President Essebsi, who in accordance to the Tunisian Constitution, should play a more ceremonial than executive role – in a similar manner the Republic of Ireland – became the most powerful de-facto political figure, because he is also the leader of the Nidaa Tounes party. Indeed, while al-Nidaa split on political grounds, the weak ‘link’ in what is arguably North Africa’s only democracy is the economy.

Many Tunisians, feeling ever more worried about the lack of growth and unemployment would prefer the President and the Prime Minister would do less bickering – over the responsibilities of their respective roles – and took more decisions about the direction in which to steer the country. Such a scenario leaves the road wide open to Ennahda, which could exploit the social and economic turmoil to its advantage. Therefore, the secularist parties – now split – face an important challenge.However democratic, Tunisia has become since 2011, the country’s democratic transformation faces significant economic setbacks. The Jasmin Revolution may have begun with the protest of an angry young man, who burned himself alive to protest against his helplessness in December 2010. Yet, since that infamous episode dozens of Tunisians have continued to douse themselves with gasoline and setting themselves alight. One of the latest such episodes occurred last December 26. In January, Tunisians filled the streets in all of the main cities to express their anger over the government’s austerity measures, which seem to address more the needs of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) – focused as they are on cutting the deficit – than those of the people. The monetary policies of the new budget law, which entered into effect on January 1, have predictably cut subsidies and forced prices and taxes to increase citizens took to the streets in at least ten cities to protest against austerity measures, which caused taxes and prices to rise-Diesel fuel and internet usage rates as well. Before the budget went into law, the government had promised Tunisians that it would only target luxury goods. Instead, it has included necessities and even food. In the Arab world such measures have always sparked protests and riots. In fact, it’s possible to argue that more than signing an unpopular peace with Israel, Egyptians grew more furious with President Sadat (murdered in 1981) when he removed subsidies from basic food products in 1979. The riots that ensued left hundreds dead.

In other words, the rules of the political game may have changed, but the socio-economic conditions that inspired the revolts of 2010-2011 have not. That gives the opposition Ennahda something to use as leverage to capture the widespread dissatisfaction. After all, Ennahda was the big winner in the first years after the Arab Spring. It was only when Mohamed Brahmi, leader of the Popular Front secular party, was murdered in 2014 that Nidaa Tunis put enough pressure on the ruling Ennahda Party to resign from power.
Ennahda and Nidaa Tunis have become more complicit in ensuring they maintain a duopoly that keeps others out of the power game. In fact, the first Chahed government, established in 2016, was one of ‘national unity’, enjoying the backing of both main parties. Yet, even after Chahed’s efforts to transfer more power to the government and away from the President, there are no guarantees for the secular factions in the 2019 political elections.

That’s because over the past eight years – that is since Ben Ali resigned and fled the country, Tunisia’s experience with democracy has been more tortuous than virtuous. The results have been mixed at best. Yes, Tunisia has managed to prime the machinery of democracy, holding regular presidential, legislative and municipal elections and – more importantly – honoring their results. Yet, the budding democracy has not resolved any of the problems that led to the protests of 2010-2011.
The rural poor and urban underclasses have nothing to show for gain from their new democracy. How else to explain that Tunisians were among the most prominently represented among ISIS combatants in neighboring countries?
Yes, the Jasmine Revolution has opened up the press and reduced the intrusion of the dreaded security services (mukhabarat). But, inequalities have remained the same as before. They may even have exacerbated, because while the intelligentsia can at least appreciate, at the intellectual level, the benefits of freer thought and politics, youth, even educated ones, and the rural classes have not experienced any material improvements in their standard of living. Crucially, no Tunisian government, whether led by Ennahda or al-Nidaa, has been able to create enough jobs-at any level of education. In other words, Tunisian democracy has failed expectations. And democracy, as noble as it is a philosophical concept, can only work in the long run if it’s matched by economic growth.

Western European democracies in the post-WW2 era flourished, because the new political pluralism was matched by unprecedented economic growth and the social services of the Welfare State from free basic medical care to free or affordable higher education and plenty of jobs. In Tunisia, if the upper urban classes can appreciate the end of the dictatorship, the rural classes of areas like Sidi Bouzeid – where the Mohamed Bouazizi set himself on fire in December 2010, sparking the Jasmine Revolution – have not seen any socio-economic benefit. If anything, salaries have dropped.
And that means that the Tunisian democratic experiment is not yet out of the fire. The 2019 elections, therefore, represent an important litmus test for the future of democracy, and not just in Tunisia; but in the whole Arab world.

Alessandro Bruno

Uganda. Bobi Wine. Rapper and Opposer.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

His songs criticise the government and corrupt politics. Young people listen to him and have elected him to parliament. A threat to President Museveni who tries to silence him.

It is Sunday and he is sitting in his garden wearing his red beret on his head, he is giving an interview to a national channel. Bobi Wine is furious with the government which is on his back all the time, threatens him and which, the night before, stopped him from performing at a music concert in Jinja, the second city of the country. What was supposed to be an evening of music, turned into a police raid: they broke into the hotel where he was supposed to lodge and arrested all the members of his group. He was not there. He was hiding in another hotel, thanks to the protection of his fans. “Now I’d be in jail again if some guys had not come to rescue me”, he says in front of the cameras.

His real name is Robert Kyagulanyi Ssentamu, 37, one of the most internationally famous Ugandan singers. In April 2017, he announced his candidacy for parliament in an upcoming by-election for the Kyaddondo East Constituency. His house to house walk campaign attracted a lot of attention both, in Uganda and abroad. He won that contest by a wide margin, beating two seasoned candidates. But that victory marked the beginning of many problems.
There is a word that describes and sums up the essence of his struggle and his thought: Situka, a call to action in Luganda, a local language. ‘Situka’ means ‘Stand Up’ and is also the title of one of his songs, a socio-political song which challenges Ugandans to do something about corruption and injustice in their country. ‘When freedom of expression becomes the target of repression, opposition becomes our position’, says a passage of the text.

President Yoweri Museveni’s regime has targeted the musician-turned-politician who was arrested twice in August 2018. He was detained in Arua, where President Museveni, who has been in power since 1986, was campaigning. The authorities said opposition lawmakers led supporters to attack the president’s convoy with stones and added that weapons and ammunition were found in Bobi Wine’s hotel room. After being freed and told that charges of unlawfully possessing firearms were dropped by the General Court Martial, Bobi Wine was told by his lawyer that he was under arrest again and he was put into a police vehicle. He was remanded in custody until early September.
There were protests against his detention in Uganda and calls by global stars. His lawyers said he had been assaulted in detention, which the military and President Yoweri Museveni denied, and said he needed ‘urgent medical care’. The charges were widely viewed as politically motivated and aimed at silencing a prominent critic of the president.
But the brutality of the government did not have the desired effect, on the contrary, Bobbi Wine has become the idol of the Ugandan young people. He has urged the youth to prepare for the 2021 General Election in advance. He said the youth should register in time to get their national IDs to qualify as voters. He has also said that he wants to help young people have the spirit of ownership of their country.
“Right now, involvement is important. I just want to evoke the spirit of involvement, of ownership for these people to own their country, to give them more confidence so that they can actually stand up for what is right and they can be supported”, he said. Bobbi Wine wants to be identified as a leader, not a politician. “I am not a politician, because the word ‘politician’ does not represent me. As a person, I grew up not wanting to associate myself with politics because I grew up in the era of bad politics, where politics meant trouble, meant death, meant division, meant all negative things”, he said

Targeted

However, Bobbi Wine is paying a high price for his commitment. He had to change his lifestyle. The gate of his house which once was kept open to everyone, is closed now. The musician and activist has suffered several attacks and death threats. “My family and supporters are in danger too. Every time I leave home my daughters hug me being aware that I could not be back. I cannot even perform as a musician since my concerts have been banned as my songs are from the country radio stations”, he says.

But the singer’s popularity continues to grow. “In a few years, the dictatorship of Museveni, Uganda’s biggest problem, will belong to the past. This is my hope”, he says .
Robert was able to escape poverty only thanks to his musical talent and he likes to reiterate that he still feels like any other person who was born and raised on the outskirts of Kampala. “I have used music as a tool to convey messages of honesty and transparency in a country whose president keeps the population in poverty and ignorance. My music is not entertainment but ‘edutainment’ (a combination of entertainment and education). President Museveni is aware that education is a threat to injustice, to dictatorships”.

The government’s crackdown on opposers is making Bobi Wine’s red beret (which recalls the one worn by Burkinabé leader, Thomas Sankara), a symbol of freedom. Writings, paintings and stickers such as ‘#Free Bobi Wine’, or his slogan ‘People Power, Our Power’, are everywhere in the country. People admire him, they want him as their next president: “He is our honour, our hope”, they say, although they are aware they are taking a huge risk by supporting Bobbi Wine and by standing against the country’s regime which is always ready to intervene with an iron fist.

Filippo Rossi

Justice For The Indigenous People.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

In December 2006, thanks to the support of the international community, a new truce was agreed that brought about an agreement signed by the United Nations and the Guatemalan government

The purpose was to establish an independent Commission whose remit it was to assist the office of the Guatemalan Procurator, the national police and other institutions to investigate crimes committed by members of illegal security forces, of the clandestine state apparatus, often connected to former officials of the army and the government and also to proceed with the dismantling of illegal security groups. Nevertheless, despite the deep commitment of the United Nations and other subjects of the international community, the situation, even today, is not completely stable.
This is borne out by the lack of a shared historical memory of what has happened and, especially, of the crimes committed under the leadership of General Rios Montt e José Mauricio Rodríguez Sánchez.

Guatemala President Jimmy Morales

The indigenous peoples are loudly clamouring for the recognition of the genocide committed against them while the public powers deny that any genocide took place. Most eloquent in this sense are the condolences expressed to family members by President Jimmy Morales on the death of Rios Montt in April 2018. This action, together with many others, betrayed the expectations of many Guatemalans who had seen Morales as a man of change. Jimmy Morales, a former TV comic, who, in his time, was also secretary of the Conservative Party (FCN), based his electoral campaign in the fight against corruption with the slogan ‘Ni corrupto, ni ladrón’, winning the elections on the second ballot with 67 per cent of the votes. Today he is being investigated, being accused of having hidden some donations received during the 2015 election campaign. Faced with such a situation, a close and transversal front was formed between all the political forces to keep Morales’ immunity, granted in September 2017. The situation caused a rift between the President and the independent Commission which is investigating past crimes and which immediately stated it was against the presidential immunity of Jimmy Morales.

Today, in the view of some experts, the Commission is very weak since it has lost the international support of the USA which, in previous years, sustained and defended its work. In fact, in the presidency of Donald Trump this support has weakened. This is shown by the fact that there is no convincing stance of condemnation of the campaign of Morales against the Commission. Furthermore, Morales has completely followed the Trump line, supporting the decision of the USA to move its Tel Aviv embassy to Jerusalem, and, soon afterwards, following its example.
The United States, in one way or another, is still strongly interested in maintaining its historical hegemony in the so-called Triangle of North and Central America made up of three states: Salvador, Honduras and Guatemala. To this end, the USA makes use of the Alianza Para la Prosperidad, which consists in a broad plan of development which, according to some analysts, by its plan to combat corruption, criminality and drugs trafficking, facilitates the control of those countries.

To the political-strategic understanding, we must also add the strong commercial ties that make the USA the main commercial partner of Guatemala, absorbing around 40% of its exports. Guatemala plays an active role in the organisations of integration in the region of Central America, especially in the Central American Integration System (SICA) and in the Latin American Economic System (SELA).
The conflict situation which the country has lived through for all those years has not facilitated economic development and today the country has to come to terms with the 60% of the population who live under the poverty line. Consequently, the social situation is also grave and affects especially the small farmers who are still subject to evictions, physical attacks and killings that often go unpunished and without those responsible being brought to book. Besides all this, there is a high index of violence with widespread criminality (murders, armed robbery and kidnapping for ransom) throughout the country, especially in some quarters of the capital and the main cities.
In spite of these facts, Guatemala is one of the most important economies of Central America but without a consistent flow of public and private capital and sufficient justice to guarantee social pace, it seems very difficult to obtain ambitious results in terms of development. Depending greatly upon the export of basic products, the economy also suffers from the fluctuation of prices and the inevitable consequences.

The agricultural sector today provides 12% of GDP, employs 40% of the population and is concentrated especially on the production of coffee, sugar and bananas. In this context, it is important to underline that, since the early years of this century, a diversification process is under way to promote, for example, the production of fruit and flowers for the American and European markets.
Over the years, the sectors of agricultural food and textile products has seen a small increase due exclusively to the internal market, but the largest amount of national earnings is made up of money sent from the USA where more than a million Guatemalans are working.

Filippo Romeo

The Lack of Transparency of European Companies in Africa.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

The EU and its Member States, through the bilateral investment agreements (BIT) and the economic partnership agreements (EPAs), have established a set of arrangements with African countries and regions that offer a legal security to the European companies when they operate in Africa.

At the same time, the EU demands from the companies that operate in its territory a strict behavior in labor, fiscal and social matters; whether they are companies whose parent company is located in a Member State of the EU or in a third country. However, these same requirements become voluntary when it is the EU companies that operate in Africa.

Corporate social responsibility is a broad dossier that covers different aspects of the activity of companies and begins even before these companies start operating in a specific country. All types of companies must be subject to such responsibilities: extractive industries, agri-business as well as any economic activity that tries to settle in a developing country.

The reasons for a private company to invest in a foreign country are due to different economic interests. Sometimes, these companies invest in developing countries in response to national and supranational policies and strategies (EU), as is the case of extractive companies
that seek to ensure the scarce natural resources essential for technological development.

Other times, companies (private but with public capital) invest in foreign countries to ensure the feeding of their population or the supply of certain agricultural products that are not produced in their territories as fruits or tropical products. Moreover, after the global financial crisis (2008) European companies have increased their exports to ensure the pace of economic growth and conquer other markets.

Regardless of the interests of each company, they have often taken advantage of the countries that host them and the population they claim to serve: low labour costs, less stringent quality standards, lack of social and labour protection for workers, a less controlled environmental regulation as well as a lower tax pressure where the facility to tax evasion is “negotiable” under the umbrella of corruption. In these cases, companies operate abroad with the sole mission of reducing production costs and reporting more benefits to investment companies.

Therefore, the responsibility of the companies begins not only with the commercial activity but with a reflection that takes into account all the actors of the commercial activity: the country where the company will develop its activity, the concrete location, the activity that it will carry out, the respect for the legislation of the host country, the consultation with the authorities and local population, the fair payment of the taxes, the respect for human rights, the defence mechanisms of people who may be violated in their fundamental rights and the compliance of national and international environmental regulations.

The social corporate responsibility in the European Union includes different Directives that seek transparency both at economic and at a non-financial level. The EU companies have to describe their behaviour regarding social initiatives and the protection of fundamental rights. Also, companies operating in Europe are subjected to tax regulations under scrupulous control of mandatory compliance preventing money laundering of illicit activities and tax evasion. The same happens with environmental measures that even before the Paris agreement (COP 21) some countries had introduced in their national legislations.

While these regulations are increasingly demanding for European and foreign companies operating in the EU, I wonder why the EU is not so demanding with its own companies when they operate abroad? Why is it left to the discretion and will of EU companies to comply with international laws when they are operating in Africa? Why is there such a double way of measuring according to where these companies operate? Why is it that the EU does not make legally binding their own legislation to its companies when they operate outside of its borders such as the simple respect of international treaties on social and labour responsibilities (ILO)?

On one hand, companies try to avoid these responsibilities arguing the high administrative cost involved in these transparency exercises. On the other hand, the EU excuses itself pointing out the exclusive competence of African governments to implement such measures in their countries. Moreover, both companies and governments claim competitiveness issues with other foreign powers, such as China in Africa. For whatever reason, the EU cannot rely on different criteria and must be coherent in all its policies. This lack of coherence primarily harms African populations that are subject to the unscrupulous exploitation of their natural resources. But in the medium term it is the EU itself (and its citizens) that will be harmed by this double ethics.

It is difficult to understand how the EU protects the free implementation of transparency measures abroad that often slip into opacity of tax responsibilities. Or perhaps is it true that there are secret agreements and revolving doors between companies and EU policy makers that citizens and civil society ignore?

José Luis Gutiérrez Aranda,
Trade Policy Officer,
Africa Europe Faith and Justice Network (AEFJN)

Ghana. The great Mosque of Accra.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

Financed by Istanbul, it also contains other structures: a congress hall, administration offices and a library. The presence of Turkey in Africa is nothing new: educational and social projects and the construction of mosques are being carried out in about thirty African countries.

It rises majestically, beautiful and immense. The Accra mosque is the largest of the modern type in all West Africa. Built on the model of the Blue Mosque of Istanbul, it is also a sign of the close bond between the Islam of this part of Africa and that of Turkey. It was paid for by a group of businessmen based in the Hudai Foundation. But the country facing the Bosporus does not only provide finance; marbles, earthenware, ceramic tiles and the like all come from there.
The great mosque stands in Kanda, a residential area. Close by is Nima, one of the largest slums of Accra; inhabited mostly by Moslems, it is a hell of iron sheets, sewage and unbearable smells, next door to an oasis of prayer. Building began in 2012 – just one year after the opening of the Turkish embassy – and was expected to be finished within two years. Things did not go according to plan however and costs soared.

Now, however, the day of its inauguration is drawing near. We went inside to admire the work, still hidden from the faithful and the curious. The director of building is a twenty year-old Turk, come to Ghana to verify, inspect and direct the works. He is keen to emphasise that his country has nothing to do with the decision to realise a work of this type on African soil: “It is a matter between the faithful and it is they who are financing it”. However, it is a fact that the presidency of religious affairs of the Turkish Republic is also a partner in the project and under different competences, there is also the Ganader NGO. It must be said that Turkish presence in Africa is nothing new: the young supervisor explains that educational and social projects and the construction of mosques, though not of this size, have been carried out for about thirty years in African countries. Recently, in Accra, Terminal 3, planned and constructed by a Turkish company, was inaugurated at Kotoka, the Turkish international airport.

The investment

It is difficult to know how much has been invested in this great mosque. The first estimate was said to be 10 million dollars but this had to be increased over the years.
This was because further structures were built within the centre: a congress centre, administration offices, a residence for the head Imam and a library (“No, not just for sacred texts”, my guide emphasised).

Then there is a male secondary school with places for 450 students, half of whom will avail of the catering and boarding services. There is also a Koranic school for women: two courses for girls between the ages of 12 and 18 and one for young women between the ages of 18 and 25 years. “It is important to spread the exact teachings of the Prophet among women”, we are told by Khadija, a 28 year-old woman and one of the course teachers, as she goes to check the number of enrollments in the courses and to feed her son whom she carries on her back, African style.

Islam of peace

The theme of the ‘character’ of Islam is one that is dealt with in Ghana, a traditionally peaceful country where the Moslem, Christian and traditional faiths live together without any special problems. It represents a sort of barrier against the advance of Islamic extremism. The violence of Boko Haram in Nigeria, the attack in Ivory Coast claimed by Islamic State and al-Qaida and last year’s attack in Burkina Faso, at Ouagadougou, in front of the Turkish Aziz Istanbul restaurant, again claimed by Jihadists, have affected the Ghanaian community but are considered unlikely to take place here.

“Violence is not part of us, ‒ states Husein Abdur Rahim, Superintendent of the Ghana Police at the Central Mosque of Cantonment ‒ here we have centuries of blood ties between different memberships: in a single family we may find an Imam and a Sister, our children go to school with Christian children and vice versa; for us, brotherhood is above religion”. But there is yet another motive, the Superintendent of the police station situated inside the Cantonment mosque complex continues: “Leadership is an important factor. Here in Ghana we do not have Imams who use prayer times to preach and spread hatred and violence”.

Take nothing for granted

Nevertheless, the Imam Sheikh Osmanu Nuhu Sharubutu, repeats, it is necessary to be on the alert and not take anything for granted. It caused great surprise when some young Ghanaians, one girl among them, were found to be members of IS groups fighting in Syria. Those young people were stopped and arrested before they could leave. “They were brainwashed, the Imam explains, which shows a lack of understanding of Islam and that, here in Ghana, it is perhaps connected to that student movement that wants to question the authority of our leader”.

The student movement Abass Abdul seemed to be referring to may well have been the Knust (Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology) in Kumasi, capital of the Ashanti region, one of the richest and most influential in the country. Elements of dissent have also emerged among the youth leaders in Brong-Ahafo region. “The intelligence service is working very well”, continues the Imam who himself often collaborates with the detective police.
A few years ago, the Ghana government agreed to accept two Yemenis released from Guantanamo. At the time, there were political fears and tensions which believed they might ‘pollute’ the minds of the youth.
“In fact, nobody ever heard about them afterwards”, the Imam said. “This means they integrated and that the fears were groundless”.
Ghana, is therefore an example of peace, dialogue and inter-religious co-existence. And each and every Ghanaian knows it is best to keep things this way.

Antonella Sinopoli

Somalia. The Well.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

A long time ago, there were four families who lived in a small village in Somalia. The first family would argue all of the time, the second family were very greedy, the third family were always away from the village exploring because they were never happy with what they had or where they lived. But the fourth family were calm and patient, and they enjoyed living in their small community.

One night, the daughter of the third family was out exploring when she discovered a well hidden among some trees in the wilderness. The daughter ran back to her family and told them about the well and so they started to use the well to get their water. It was not long before the other families heard news of the well, and very soon all four families were using the well to get their water until it was in danger of running dry.

This went on for some time, and it was obvious that the water in the well was getting lower and lower, yet none of the families wanted to stop using the well as it was close to the village and meant that they did not have to walk so far to get the water which they used to drink and cook and clean with.

One day, the wise chief, who had always known about the secret well, spoke to each family in turn. The chief said to them; “Tonight you must stay in your homes. You must not use the well for one whole night, that way the water will have time to rise once more.”

Each of the families agreed to stay away from the well, especially as the wise chief warned that there would be a severe punishment for any family who disobeyed this simple rule. But when night fell, the son of the first family could not resist visiting the well as he wanted to make sure he had plenty of water for the following day so that his family would not argue over who would walk the long distance to the usual well used by the rest of the villagers. He crept out to the well carrying two large buckets and filled them both to the top before returning to his home and hiding the buckets where they would not be seen.

Not long after, the son of the second family also crept out to the well and filled two large buckets all the way to the top as he was very greedy and wanted the water for his family alone. Then the daughter of the third family also crept out to the well as she could not resist exploring at night and reasoned that it was she who had discovered the well in the first place so it was her family who deserved the extra water despite the warning from the wise chief.

The next day, the chief visited the well and was distressed to find that it was completely dry. He waited until he knew that all of the families were away from their homes, then he visited each home in turn. In the first home he discovered the two buckets, one of which was already empty, but the other still contained the water which was stolen from the well. When he visited the second and third homes he also discovered the buckets of water hidden where nobody would see them. But when he visited the fourth home he discovered that the buckets were dry and realised that the patient family had remained in their beds all night. They had listened to his warning and had stayed away from the well so that the water might rise once more.

The wise chief called all four families to the meeting place in the village where he confronted them about the well. “You three families all stole water from the well even though I told you not to -, said the chief in a stern voice -. I know this because I visited your homes this morning and discovered the buckets of water. Because you defied my instructions you will be forced to remain in your homes for thirty days and nights without food or water as punishment. I hope that you will spend this time thinking about the wrong you have done.”

To the fourth family he said: “You listened to my simple instructions and stayed in your home last night and did not visit the well. Take this letter and open it when you return to your home.” The fourth family took the letter and returned home. When they opened the letter there was a map inside. The family followed the directions on the map and after travelling for many miles they discovered a well surrounded by an abundance of fruit trees and vegetable plants. There was enough food and water to last the family a whole lifetime!

The families who were forced to stay in their homes without food or water learned a valuable lesson that day. They learned that it was always best to listen to the advice of one’s elders and not to take things when you were told not to. They also realised that the fourth family were rewarded for their patience and their willingness to follow the simple rules which benefit a community.

A Somali Story by Milgo Dahir-Hersi

Herbs & Plants. Acacia sieberiana. To relieve back pain.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

It is an important plant for medical use. But it is also used to make furniture and ink.

Acacia, commonly known as paperbark thorn or paperbark acacia, is a small to medium-sized tree native to tropical Africa, in the north to Ethiopia, and in the south to countries including South Africa, Swaziland, Botswana, Namibia, and Zimbabwe. The generic name of this plant ‘acacia’ comes from the Greek word akis, meaning ‘point’ or ‘barb’. The bark is brown to yellow-grey, sitting roughly on the older trunk with a widely spreading flat crown, and it can grow up to about 25m high.
The nodes have paired thorns which are often straight and long, tapering to a sharp point. The leaves are compound and usually sparsely hairy.
The flowers are axillary, globose heads, creamy-white, and the pods are large, thick and woody, sometimes splitting long after they have
fallen and dried.

Acacia sieberiana (Fabaceae family) is used in many communities throughout its distribution range for various purposes. The leaves, stem bark and resin derived from the bark are used for treatment of a variety of diseases and disorders in traditional medicine.
The stem bark decoction/infusion is used to treat tapeworms, oedema, gout, and diarrhoea. The decoction is also administered for the treatment of inflammation of the urinary tract and as a pain reliever. In addition, the bark decoction is also used as an astringent for cold, chest problems, cough, haemorrhage, eye inflammation, and for the treatment of gonorrhoea in some parts of Africa. The stem bark infusions of A. sieberiana are used in enemas to relieve back pain and pounded bark is used to relieve fever in children.

The root of Acacia sieberiana is used for the treatment of acne, tapeworms, urethral problems, oedema and dropsy. The root decoction is taken as a remedy for stomach-ache, inflammation of the urinary tract, pain-killer, ear ache, gout, and as diuretics. The root decoction is also administered as a vermifuges and as a treatment for nasopharyngeal infections. An infusion of the roots is used as an antiseptic and also administered for treatment of cough, epilepsy, and dysentery.The decoction of the leaves is used to treat gonorrhoea, and syphilis, earache, diarrhoea, haemorrhage, and is also administered as a vermifuge. The leaf decoction is also used to treat inflammation and related conditions and the fruit pods serve as an emollient.

Apart from the medicinal uses, Acacia sieberiana wood is fairly hard and hence used to make furniture, and handles for implements such as hoes. The gum obtained from the stem bark is edible and is also used to make ink. The young shoots, leaves, and pods serve as forage for livestock during the dry season. However, the leaves of the tree release toxic chemical compounds especially when wilted, including hydrogen cyanide (prussic acid) which may be lethal to domestic animals when ingested in large quantities.

Richard Komakech

Chad. A Church Committed To Mission.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

The challenge to poverty in an area rich in oil. Young people and the lack of education. We talk with Mgr. Martin Waïngue, first local bishop in charge of the diocese of Doba, in the south of the country.

You are the first local bishop of Doba. You are going to carry on the work started by foreign missionaries, do you think to change something?

As I said during my episcopal ordination in February 2017, we have received the inheritance of the first bishop of the diocese, who was an Italian Comboni Missionary and who established the first pastoral and physical structures of the diocese. Now we have to carry on his work. There are facilities, such as the hospital, that require great responsibility. We have to improve self-financing without relying on outsiders, by involving the faithful much more, and this is not easy.

Doba’s situation is similar to that of many African communities: evangelization was carried out by foreign missionaries but, little by little, the local clergy and religious communities have played an increasingly relevant role. I think that, relying on the coexistence between the missionaries arrived from other places and the local clergy, the Church in Africa will be African or it will not be at all.
There won’t be another option. Local priests are not going to establish another Church, because the Church is only one: the Church of Jesus Christ, the Church with the Pope as its leader. But what we, the local priests, are going to do is develop ecclesial structures based on our culture and our values. We believe in the process of inculturation, and we’ll also try to gain more autonomy, not only from the financial point of view, but also by providing a service according to our African idiosyncrasy. However, the African Church will still be a Church committed to Mission, because if there is no missionary commitment, there is no Church. The missionary Church, in communion with the universal Church, with its African cultural roots,
will be the Church of the future.

You speak of a missionary Church. The Pope has referred to the peripheries of man. What are the existential peripheries of the Doba diocese?

Our Church is young and has grown up in a specific environment: the poor are here; those who do not have the means to defend themselves, or those who are not defended by anybody from oppression and injustice, are here; and those who do not know Jesus Christ, who are many, and whom the Church has to defend working for justice and reconciliation are still here… Young people who receive no education are here … These are the peripheries on which our Church has to focus to develop its mission.

How important are young people for the Church of Doba?

Young people of Chad are those who will build the future of the country and who will be in charge of its development, but in order to do so, they need two basic tools: training and work.

The school system of the country does not work as it should and young people do not receive the proper training that should prepare them for the labour market. More than 60% of young people are unemployed, even those who were able to study in the country or abroad and who were awarded a degree cannot find a job. We, the Church, try to create more opportunities of work for young people, though we have scarce means.

There are large reserves of oil in this diocese. Doba is a rich area…

Though Doba diocese sits atop an oil reserve, it is still a diocese characterized by extreme poverty. Surprisingly for an oil-producing nation, Chad, according to international organizations such as the World Bank is one of the poorest countries in the world.

Chad’s oil wealth, far from relieving poverty, has both become an important element in government strategy to hold on to power and contributed to the country’s endemic instability. Extractive companies hired local farmers to do unskilled work, who, when it was completed, went back to work the land they had abandoned. Besides these people were not able to manage the sums of money they earned and so they remained poor. The crisis due to the fall in the oil prices worsened their situation.

How does it feel when one sees that multinationals make profits by exploiting the resources of Chad, while the population does not benefit at all from their national wealth?

This is a situation that characterizes all African countries, not Chad only. We must denounce that Africa has become a reserve of raw materials, something that affects all bilateral relations, not only the economic ones, because the political relations are also based on this general idea of Africa as a reserve of raw materials without benefits for the local people. Structures should be built in order to transform raw materials directly in the country of origin, this would create more job opportunities for the local people. If the situation does not change, foreign multinationals will keep on benefiting from enormous African wealth while the population of Chad and that of the other African countries will remain poor.

Javier F. Martin

Ethiopia. Solidarity in the shadow of Debre Libanos.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

About 700 Ethiopian refugees survive thanks to the work of an Orthodox priest of the Debre Libanos monastery. The initiative of Abba Kefyalew stands out considering the limited commitment of his Church to the less fortunate.

The Great Rift Valley is a canyon of almost 5,000 kilometres that splits the Horn of Africa into two from north to south. The 13th century Debre Libanos Orthodox monastery stands in this canyon at about 100 kilometres north of the capital of Ethiopia, Addis Ababa. According to some Orthodox narrations, Abbot Libans lived and prayed in a cave near the monastery for seven years. Thousands of Ethiopians come to this place every year because they believe that if they bathe in the waterfall next to the temple, the abbot will remove the demon from their body.

The devotion to the abbot is so deeply felt in Ethiopia that hundreds of elderly people, among the thousands of pilgrims who visit the monastery and the cave every month, decided to stay and to live in the surroundings of the monastery for the rest of their life. They set up makeshift camps around the bars that protect the sanctuary. It is as if they have become the guardians of the great secret of the place.
About 20 years ago, a young businessman arrived in Debre Libanos, from the city of Harar and he was affected by diabetes problems. The water from the waterfall made the miracle and healed the businessman who decided to become an abba, which is the name given to Orthodox priests in Ethiopia. His first destination as a priest was Addis Ababa, but as soon as he could, after a year, he returned to the place that changed his life, not only because his body was healed, but most of all because he understood the real sense of life in that place. Therefore he decided to do something for the hundreds of people, mostly elderly, who camped around the monastery with no other sustenance than the alms of the pilgrims who arrived there. The Orthodox Church does not stand out for its social work programs, but Abba Kefyalew decided to do something.

He built some rudimentary shacks furnished with some bunk beds. Over time, little by little, the makeshift camp around Debre Libanos was expanded and its dimensions are currently equal to about two football fields. People from the most marginalized social categories are hosted in the camp near the monastery, such as abandoned children and women, the sick, dying and elderly, people affected by serious mental problems and all those human beings in Ethiopia that are left to their tragic fate. The first thing that strikes when arriving at the refugee shelter is the frenetic activity of the abba’s followers. The place looks like an urban project: ground floor constructions on each side of the area, piles of bricks all around for the numerous works that are underway. There is also a large multipurpose open patio. All the people do something, some peel dry red peppers, while some women wash clothes in a corner and smiling children play on a rusty slide.

People working in the kitchen prepare hundreds of food rations every day. By midmorning, the stoves are at full capacity. Women often prepare the Ethiopian main staple food: the injera, a bread cake made with fermented tef flour. Everyday at noon, about 50 people, mostly elderly and women, arrive. “They are pilgrims who have just purified themselves in the water of the spring and have prayed in the temple”, one of the guardians of the entrance tells us.

Sharing in silence

The people hosted at the refugee house are offered a lunch generally consisting of injera and chicken pieces. Pilgrims arriving at the place often bring the food for the refugees. There is a friendly atmosphere all around. Then the 53 year old abba arrives surrounded by a halo of mysticism which is characteristic of his religious role. He greets everyone who has come close to kiss his hand and the wooden cross he holds.

According to tradition, Abbot Lebanon was the first monk of the Ethiopian Orthodox Church.
The legend says that when he touched rocks with his cane water would gush out from them.
Abba Kefyalew is a pragmatic Orthodox priest because every day he sees the face of hunger and that of human tragedy.
He does not use a cane, but anyone who looks at his eyes immediately understands that in this country of the descendants of the Queen of Sheba, it takes much more than miracles to redeem human beings from misery.

Xaquin Lopez – Photos : Sonsoles Meana

Thailand. Caffè Bruno: A really nice cup of coffee.

Friday, 1 March 2019 8:00

Love for the people and the youth of ethnic minorities has borne fruit in the form of Caffè Bruno, a new brand of coffee now well known and available throughout Thailand.

Chae Hom is a plateau surrounded by mountains and is located in the province of Lampang in the north of the country. Agriculture is the main industry. Maize is grown on the former woodland slopes while tea and opium are grown on the higher ground. The latter has been replaced for some time now, at the request of the sovereign, by coffee plantations.
Father Bruno Rossi, an Italian missionary, who has spent more than twenty years working in the Land of Smiles, says: “It all began with a simple remark. The farmers were following the correct process: cleaning the harvested coffee beans and preparing them according to the washed Arabic process”. They would sell the coffee beans still in their external skin. With the help of some friends we managed to get a rudimentary coffee roasting machine. Unfortunately, we didn’t know how to use it properly and often burned the coffee beans. I well remember the horrible smell. We then looked for a better machine and eventually found a second-hand roasting machine. Using a demonstration video, we learned how to roast the beans without burning them”.
This was how Caffè Bruno came into existence in 2013. Bruno is a common word among the local people for whom it means ‘colour’ in the Thai language. “We began to buy coffee, paying the producers well and adding no pesticides”, the priest continued. “A young man has been trained to roast the coffee and four employees work in the office and in the packing department; once prepared, the coffee is sold”.

At first things were difficult: the new coffee brand was as yet unknown and the first customers were the priests themselves, their friends and the Catholic schools. There were times when the coffee would just accumulate in the store. This state of affairs went on until, in 2014, the high quality of the coffee was confirmed by the International Institute of Coffee Tasters which awarded it first prize.
«Today we sell seven, eight or nine hundred kilos a month – Father Bruno Rossi explains – and what is special about it? Its single origin and organic cultivation. We roast it to two grades: ‘Espresso’, which is best drunk hot, and then the “Dark” roast, best drunk cold. Here in Thailand, 98 per cent of coffee is drunk cold”.
“The business as such is not our priority – the missionary emphasises – This is a quality product and it improves the quality of life”. The slogan chosen for Café Bruno is ‘The Taste of Life’. Last year we bought 130 tons of unshelled coffee beans, providing a number of people with work; we use the profits to finance scholarships for students”.

Faith is manifested and transmitted by example and the project at Chae Hom has become both testimony and ferment. “Meeting with oriental culture, people of other religions and non-believers, has led me to reflect on my own journey of faith, to question myself deeply on what we normally take for granted, to renew my motivation and confirm me in my vocation », the missionary says. More than four hundred children of the “mountain tribes” will now receive special help for their schooling thanks to the mission of Chae Hom and around half of these board full time at the hostels built and run by the missionaries themselves together with their local collaborators. All of this has been possible due only to the generosity of many people but, for the past four years, the project has been self-sustaining, thanks to the sale and diffusion of “Caffè Bruno”.

There has been a hostel at Chae Hom for some years now, for boys and girls, so that they can stay there during the week and attend secondary school. It would be impossible for them to attend school during the rainy season. There are now 65 students belonging to six different tribes, the majority of whom are Buddhists or Animists; some of the students, while living in the hostel, show interest in the Catholic faith.
There is also a day centre for the disabled, run by the Sisters of Charity of Saint Giovanna Antida Thouret.
On the road opposite the Centre there is a small coffee shop where people like to come and taste the new quality coffee.

The first of two Caffè Bruno coffee shops, Caffè Duomo, was opened three years ago close to the cathedral of Chiang Mai and belongs to the diocese. Other products are also sold there. Profits are used for evangelisation and those of the coffee shop at the Bangkok Sacred Heart Institute are used for education grants.
The great demand for Caffè Bruno has caused it to become a powerful and unforeseen means to make the mission known and, through it, the Gospel. “In recent years, contacts have multiplied – Father Bruno concludes -. Many have shown interest in our methods of organic cultivation and we have an ongoing project in collaboration with the University of Lampang”. (P.L.)

Mexico. Poblano Chili here we come.

When most people think of Mexican food, the first thing that comes to mind may be chili peppers and fiery hot dishes that threaten their taste buds.

Although chilis are essential in Mexican cuisine throughout the country, they are not necessarily added for spiciness. More often than not they are used to enhance flavour. Many kinds of chilis give zest to a dish and each type has its own flavour, aroma and texture. As a matter of fact, cookery in colourful Mexico has been classified into hundreds of regional varieties, and each uses chili in its own special way dating back to the country’s pre-Hispanic roots.
When Columbus arrived in the New World, he took the name ‘chilli’ from the Nahulatl language, but called this peculiar vegetable ‘chili peppers’ since he mistook them for the native Asian peppercorn. Eventually, both the word and the ingredient spread as far as Africa, India and across the seas to China, where varieties of chili are used to this day. Historians today consider chili one of the most import finds that Columbus stumbled on in New Spain, along with vanilla, chocolate and allspice.

Chilis are definitely native to Mesoamerica, and there are records of their being cultivated as early as 7000 B.C. They played an important role in pre-Hispanic times, used not only as food, but also as one of the main forms of tribute paid by the natives to their masters, particularly among the Aztecs, and later to their European conquerors. Friar Bartolome’ de las Casas documented the fact that Mexicans did not consider that they had eaten if their meal did not include chili and, although Mexican cuisine has become quite sophisticated over the years, this is still the case. Chili is important not only in cooking, but also in broader aspects of Mexico’s culture. It is an integral part of local sayings, songs, folk medicine, puns and the like. It continues to be cultivated throughout Mexico, although the largest crops are grown in eight states, with Sinaloa, Chihuahua and Nayarit heading up national production.

There are dozens of varieties, and since each has a local name, they can be very confusing to discuss. Among the most popular is the delicious, bright green Poblano chili pepper. It grows from between two to eight inches long and is shaped like a triangle or a child’s toy top, with a narrow, pointed tip. Its mild taste makes it particularly popular among foreigners. It is versatile enough to be prepared in a wide variety of ways. When stuffed with cheese, beans, chicken, fish, shredded pork, mushrooms, or the more elegant crab or lobster, this simple vegetable becomes a meal in itself. In is commonly stuffed in the Mexican tradition, dredged in flour, coated in a light egg batter, fried until golden brown and served in a tomato-chili sauce.
Around Independence Day in September, poblano chilis take on a festive air. They are dressed up in the colours of the Mexican flag, red, white and green, to make chiles en nogada, filled with a sweet, ground beef scuffing, drenched in an off-white, creamy walnut sauce and garnished with deep red pomegranate seeds.
Poblano chilis are often eaten raw, sliced into strips or rounds, diced or chopped to top a salad, soup or main course. When sliced into thin strips, cooked with onions and cream, they become the perfect taco filling. They are also the basis for a staple in the Mexican diet, green rice. There are other varieties of this same chili, such as a deep orange-red one with a more intense flavour. When dried, the light green poblano chili is known as ancho chili and the dark green one, the mulato chili. They both have a rich, smoky flavour, relatively mild yet zesty.
Both the fresh and dried poblanos are readily available in U.S. supermarkets and grocery stores, due to their mildness and popularity. However, it is confusing to shop for the poblano chili, since its name varies in different regions. For example, they are referred to as pasilla chilis in California, whether dried or fresh.

To prepare the poblano chili pepper and bring out in unique flavour, roast it over the direct flame of a gas range. If you have an electric stove, use a comal griddle or heavy skillet. The traditional procedure is to place the roasted chili in a plastic bag to ‘sweat’ which makes it easier to peel the skin. After removing the charred skin, rinse it in running water. Next comes ‘deveining’. This means removing the thin, light coloured veins inside the chili by slitting it carefully on the side. These veins give chilis their potency. The aroma will fill the air, generally giving you an idea of its piquancy. If you want to tone down the spiciness, soak the chili in salt water, or a mixture of salt water and vinegar for 15 or 20 minutes. This will remove some of the bite without affecting the flavour. If you cannot find poblano chili, safe substitutes are fresh Anaheim or mild New Mexican chilis, mild banana peppers or canned mild green chilis. Also common is the jalapeño, a smaller chili often used as condiment, either pickled as a garnish, or in thin strips added to a stew or main course to give the recipe zing.
Smaller than the jalapeño and often hotter is the serrano chili, frequently referred to as ‘green chili’ (chile verde). These long thin triangular chilis are firm, green, full of seeds and piquant. A favourite among fire eaters! Be careful when handling them. And remember that the chili’s spiciness is usually most concentrated in the veins on the inside and the seeds, so be sure to remove them thoroughly if you want to tone down the chili. They can also be soaked in salted water or a water and vinegar mixture for a milder taste.
Chilaca chilis are long, thin and deep green and can grow up to I2 inches in length. Other fresh chilis common to Mexico are manzano and habanero. Ancho, mulato, pasilla, guajillo, cascabel and catarina are all dried chilis produced in central Mexico. Although it is recommended you remove the skin by roasting, many fresh chilis such as the poblano, or dried chilis like the ancho and mulato are toasted or stir-fried before being added to sauces and stews, skins intact.

All dried chilis must be washed and patted dry before use since they are often dehydrated in unprotected, outdoor environments. Seeds are often removed and saved to temper piquancy of sauces and dishes, since it is always easy to add spiciness and almost impossible to tone it down.
To roast, preheat a tonal or heavy skillet without any oil. Once the comal is medium hot, lightly roast the chili, turning regularly with tongs to ensure evenness. Once roasted, the chili gives off an aroma and is somewhat more pliable. Be careful not to over-roast, or you will wind up with a roasted, burned chili. Only when preparing chilis for a mole sauce can they be roasted longer. You can add the whole roasted or stir-fried chili directly to your dish, or you can crumble it. Many recipes call for pureeing it with other ingredients in a blender or food processor. Of course; the traditional, authentic way is to grind it by hand in a volcanic stone mortar called a molcajete or a flat volcanic stone called a metate in Nahuatl.Ancho and mulato chilis are basic ingredients in most Mexican cuisine. They are the basis for Mexican sauces, like adobo, a common chili sauce prepared with onion, garlic, oregano and vinegar, used to marinate meats, poultry or seafood. They can be combined with chipotle or guajillo chili for a special flavour.Ancho chili peppers are traditionally prepared very much like poblano chilis, stuffed with cheese or avocado, and drenched with a vinaigrette sauce; or combined with onion, garlic, cumin, oregano, cinnamon, cloves, peppercorns and olive oil to be pickled or as a superb enchilada sauce.

They are also the basic ingredient for mole sauces, soups (like tortilla soup), and for flavouring corn tortilla dough. Coloradito, ‘little red mole’, is one of the famous seven mole sauces from the Oaxacan region, made from the dried ancho chili.
Mulato chili can be used like ancho, but its taste, quite different from the ancho, gives most dishes a distinctive flavour. A combination of chilis, plus sesame seed, almonds, plantains and chocolate make the sauce for Oaxaca’s famous black mole sauce. Ancho and mulato chilis can be used interchangeably in recipes. Substitute dried red California chilis or dried red New Mexican chilis if you can’t find the authentic Mexican variety. These are often referred to as pod, ristra, or chimayo chilis.
Chili peppers are rich in vitamins A and C, enhancing even the poor man’s diet with valuable nutrients. They stimulate the appetite and, by increasing salivation, actually aid digestion. Corn, beans and chili, the staple of Mexico’s ancient and modern diet, complement one another. The interdependence of these components balance the overall nutritional value of the Mexican diet.

Patricia Quintana

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