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Myanmar. Paul Sein Twa. Preserving Ancestral Territory.

What we would like to achieve when we talk about peace. Peace means self-determination. Peace means biological conservation. Peace means revitalization of our culture and Indigenous knowledge: our way of life.”  Environmental activist Paul Sein Twa explains to us.

Paul Sein Twa, a Karen environmental activist and executive director of the Karen Environmental and Social Action Network (KESAN), has lived through several periods of political turmoil in Myanmar, passing from one military regime to another, and navigating predatory international development and centralisation reforms under the democratic mandate of former State Counsellor Aung San Suu Kyi.

Out of the devastation caused by teak logging in the Karen areas, an ambitious conservation project known as the Salween Peace Park has emerged, managed in part by KESAN. The Karen-administered park now covers 5,485 square kilometres, including more than 350 villages
and 27 community forests.

According to Paul, the majority of people living in the park itself have been displaced since the military coup in 2021 and the escalation of the civil war. The park continues its conservation mission, working with the revolutionary Karen National Union (KNU) government towards an autonomous Karen state and recognition under Burmese law, despite the ongoing threat of air strikes.

Could you talk about how the Salween Peace Park came about?
 “The Peace Park initiative started during the peace process in early 2012. The armed conflict prevented bigger projects like dams and mining from penetrating this area. But the ceasefire facilitated them – (the government) tried to bring them in as incentives to the resistance Leaders. ‘Development for peace’ or something along those lines. But we very much disagree with that, because the kind of peace that we want is the freedom to be able to govern ourselves, to be able to make our own decisions about our own lives, is not our resources, our land.”

“That kind of autonomy in the context of the federal system has always been our call for political reform.  The ceasefire brought other kinds of threats. It was not only the military government wanted to build hydropower dams along the Salween River. We were also facing foreign investment and other emergent actors like the World Bank, the Asian Development Bank and the Japan International Cooperation Agency.

“Everything was top-down. With the Salween Peace Park, the idea was that we need to have initiatives that show what we want, what our vision is, and what we would like to achieve when we talk about peace.
Peace means self-determination. Peace means biological conservation. Peace means revitalization of our culture and Indigenous knowledge:
our way of life.”

How are colonial forestry practices being replaced by Karen-led forestry?
“The usual way to conserve and manage the forest and the landscape is through a top-down conservation governance model. We have a different model: our Indigenous way of doing. We started to demarcate and map the Indigenous territory called Kaw customary lands. In each unit of land, you have between 10 and 20 villages that you can say own that land maybe own is not the right word to use in Indigenous terms!

So, the land doesn’t belong to you? 
“We belong to the land because when we die, we go back to the land. Everything we use from the land is through a stewardship philosophy, meaning we are not the owners but we are trusted to take of it. We try to recognize each customary territory and make people in that area say yes, this is our territory, this is so valuable, this is so important, so we need to take care of it. That’s why even though the Salween Peace Park is a huge area, it’s not difficult to bring people together because we have the same understanding, concerns and vision.”

“We don’t want to see our land being grabbed or exploited for any extractive activities or other development projects. With forest management, the colonial [form] where everything is decided by the forestry department doesn’t work because the forestry department has very few resources, so they cannot look after big areas. We have proof that after 10 years, we can show improvement compared to a government reserve or national part.”

How have the Salween Peace Park community self-government and the KNU managed the conflicting foreign interests in Myanmar’s natural resources amid the civil war?
“In post-conflict times, usually follow Western governments development models. We need to step up and promote alternatives to the Western or capitalistic way of doing development. The path that we do want is more ecological. In terms of livelihoods, it should be looking at agroecological approaches and food sovereignty, and addressing the issues of farmers who have been impacted by armed conflict and other crises like landlessness because of land grabs.”

“The law of customary land (is that people) should get a fair share, nor that the government seizes all this land, pays a little compensation, and then leases the rest to a company for a hundred years. We want a new model in which communities are involved through all of the development process. We need to be different and not follow the failed pathways
of capitalism.”

Lital Khaikin/NI – Photo: Goldman Environmental Prize)

 

The Philippines. The Cardinal’s Challenges.

Monsignor Pablo Virgilio David, of the diocese of Kalookan, on the outskirts of Manila and president of the Episcopal Conference of the Philippines will be created a cardinal on December 7. A recognition of his tireless commitment to the poorest and most oppressed.

His pastoral and charitable commitment led him to take a stand against all forms of injustice and violence. To the point that, during the presidency of Rodrigo Duterte, he was accused of sedition and threatened with death for having denounced human rights violations and extrajudicial executions.
He says: “I received five charges of sedition and other specious charges from the national police, based on the testimony of an unknown person. They had a clear intimidating purpose. I was defended by my brother, a lawyer. Three other bishops were accused, but then the charges were dropped by the prosecutor before reaching court”.

Police car lights at night in Manila. The executions were no longer carried out by uniformed policemen but by masked vigilantes. Shutterstock/Zag Advertising

And he continues: “I had denounced the fact that the so-called war against drug traffickers was immoral, illegal and essentially against the poor. In the Philippines, the death penalty is not permitted. Certainly, the government must fight crime, but it cannot do so with arbitrary and violent methods to the point of systematically killing supposed criminals. I supported the efforts of courageous journalists who documented the abuses irrefutably. Many of the people killed were not armed and did not resist the police intervention. After our complaints, they changed tactics: the executions were no longer carried out by uniformed policemen but by masked vigilantes and were classified as “cases under investigation”, but in reality, there was no investigation. The government officially declares six thousand “victims of the war on drugs”. But there are many more: we believe that the people killed by vigilantes, and not declared by the government, number more than twenty thousand”.

Bishop Pablo Virgilio David listens to a woman denouncing the wave of extrajudicial killings. Photo: CBCPNEWS

How do you judge the current government of President Ferdinand Marcos Jr? “It is too early to judge, but people are suffering from a difficult economic situation. Inflation is reaching 8.7%. Purchasing power is collapsing, food is expensive and those who live on the minimum wage are having a hard time. Many realize that the government systematically uses social media to misinform and manipulate. This also happened during the election campaign. Those who possess digital technology impose social and political behaviour.”
Monsignor Pablo Virgilio David, 62, was born in Betis, in the province of Pampanga. He studied in Manila, Louvain and Jerusalem and taught biblical theology. In 2006 he became auxiliary bishop of San Fernando and since 2016 he has been bishop of Kalookan. Since 2021 he has been president of the Episcopal Conference of the Philippines.
Speaking about his diocese located on the outskirts of the metropolitan area of Manila, Monsignor Pablo Virgilio says: “The diocese of Kalookan has 1.8 million inhabitants, of whom almost 90% are Catholic. Only 10% are reached by our parishes. When I became bishop, I immediately looked for those who remained on the margins of traditional pastoral care. These are, for the most part, people from other provinces who do not even have residency. They live in slums, without adequate services and housing. I was shocked to learn that many children do not even have a birth certificate. For the State they do not exist and do not go to a school or hospital. Children born at home are not registered to avoid paying the fee, however minimal, for the certificate. The consequences are terrible. I have assigned a full-time Sister to do everything she can to register the undocumented children of the diocese”.

Children on the outskirts of Manila. Many children do not have a birth certificate. For the State, they do not exist. File swm

Reflecting on what Pope Francis says about paying attention to the peripheries, he emphasizes “Pope Francis often repeats ‘Go out, go out! The Church, if it is not missionary, is not Church’. He introduced the word ‘peripheries’ into common parlance, to the point that some had to consult the dictionary! This somehow inspired me. One of my priorities is to create ‘missionary stations’. Today we have 18 and about 120 lay leaders (or chaplains), religious sisters or priests. We create basic communities that are more agile and open than traditional parishes, for which we do not have, in any case, the land, resources or personnel. Lay people and Sisters can be excellent leaders. I am very happy with them. There are also 35 diocesan priests”.
Monsignor Pablo Virgilio David, who has also been president of the Philippine Bishops’ Conference for two years, says: “Being president means promoting the collegiality affirmed by the Council. It is a challenge. It is not easy to build consensus: we Filipino bishops come from very different backgrounds that lead to different points of view. There is a need for a lot of interaction and commitment to converge on common pastoral positions that meet today’s challenges”.
Which ones in particular? “There are so many. The first is to combine faith with social and political life and ethical choices. Catholics, for example, see no connection between faith and political choices. They experience them as two parallel things. This is a failure. We must encourage lay people to engage in politics based upon their faith. We bishops have a spiritual and moral role, but the commitment in politics is for the laity. We must humbly admit that many believers do not make choices based on what they have learned in church. Perhaps also because we are not able to offer everyone valid pastoral care. In the best of cases, we reach 20% of Catholics. And so, it is already a huge challenge. Our priests cannot do more. The Philippines is a country with a Catholic majority, the churches are always full and the Masses are numerous. Yet the majority of Catholics do not participate in any way in ecclesial and social life”.

The Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conference (FABC) held their General Conference in Baan Pu Waan, Bangkok, Thailand from 12 to 30 October 2022, marking the 50th anniversary of FABC’s foundation. Photo: Fabs Office

Monsignor Pablo Virgilio is also very involved at the level of the Federation of Asian Bishops’ Conferences (FABC), and was one of the inspirers of the “Bangkok Document” in October 2022 on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the foundation of the FABC. He says: “It is an important document: it celebrates the 50th anniversary of the FABC and traces its future lines. We have chosen an evangelical icon: the story of the Magi for the five sections. In the first, entitled “Observe” and inspired by the Magi who scrutinize the stars, we describe the realities of Asia, in particular those of the poor, young people and women. The second, “Walking together”, refers to the journey of the Magi who leave their comfort zone to follow a destination. We ask ourselves: what common path? The third, “Discernment”, refers to the reaction to the words of Herod and the high priests. We bishops also have to deal with political and religious authorities and we must practise discernment. The fourth is “Offering one’s gifts”. The last is, “New paths”: like the Magi, blocked by Herod, the Churches of Asia are also called to follow new paths to respond to new obstacles and challenges.” (Photo: Monsignor Pablo Virgilio David. Background: Outskirts of Manila. Swm)

Gianni Criveller/MM

Mexico. The Land and the People. A Common Destiny.

Peasant communities of indigenous origin see the land not as a commodity to be consumed and exploited. But a living being integrated into their history and their identity.

This is how the earth takes on a face with which to establish a relationship as a living being, as a neighbour, an ally and a witness to its history. Divinities, nature, and human beings – living and dead – interact together in this world and the history of these peoples through the elaborate and conflictual social processes they have experienced and which have made the permanence of these cultures possible – cohesive and differentiated in a social context broader and more hegemonic that seeks homologation. Thus, corn, hills, trees, rivers and springs, stones, animals or the sky, far from being valued as inert commodities, are rather central characters in human social life and as a whole – a beating heart that gives vitality to these groups starting from the experience of their vision of the world.

Mayan huts wooden cottage in tropical jungle with palm trees. Arkadijschell/123rf

In this sense, nature as a whole, far from being a repository of lucrative products, is an accumulation of characters who share the history and tradition of these cultural groups. From this point of view, they have a face, which has been repeatedly denied by the pragmatism and mercantilist vision of the hegemonic cultural group in a globalized market economy. Thus, the set of natural entities that inhabit the landscape, experienced and venerated as grandparents, fathers, pastoral life, mothers, brothers, sustenance, bond with the land and ancestors, are valued as people with their faces with whom they interact in an interpersonal relationship of maximum respect, a posture in front of which the objectifying relationship of contemporary mercantilism is decidedly grotesque.There are therefore different cultures, with different ways of relating to the environment. In this context, it can therefore be noted that in indigenous spirituality there are numerous expressions of affection, respect and reverence for the land, the natural environment and natural elements in general, which, as an integral part of the cultural experience of those who practice them, can be traced and are a source of inspiration and suggestive invitations to relate to nature in a way different from that of the market.

Oaxaca. Girl in a traditional dress. File swm

The idea of “asking permission” from the land is a recurring practice in many different regions of the countryside. In this sense, there is no uncultivated or inactive land, everything has an owner, generally protected in the wilderness by the “Dueño del Monte”.
If something is needed to satisfy a need, one must ask permission from the owner of the mountain who requires it. An example of indigenous spirituality can be seen on the feast days of the patron saint. Permission is required for bows, flowers, firewood, logs, etc. This attitude towards nature implies an awareness of otherness, which deserves to be underlined in the face of the impious modern utilitarian concept. Among the ancient Maya, it was expressed by the term “Otzilen”, which means “I’m sorry, but I needed it”, an expression pronounced when hunting, fishing or cutting down a tree. It is a humble recognition that our presence in this world is intrusive and has consequences for other beings besides the land. This conception of the world, present in the various traditional cosmovisions of indigenous origin in Mexico, necessarily leads to an ethical position towards the other (where this otherness integrates non-human otherness).

It involves the recognition of coexistence in the world concerning other beings, as well as an attitude of responsibility towards them about one’s life decisions. The construction of the arch in the church of Uricho in Michoacán for the Holy Souls in November each year, or the pole for the dance of the voladores in Cuetzalan, Puebla, for the feast of the Child God, or the libations of pulque for Mother Earth in some Otomí festivals in Hidalgo, or the apologies to the earth before disturbing and hurting it to start planting in the Huasteca region of Veracruz, or even the Tlaxinqui dance in the festivals of the saints of Xalatlaco, in Mexico, where this character represents the guardian of the forest and people ask his permission to know which trees they can cut down, are examples that illustrate this peculiar relationship: the other inhabitants of the world are there and cannot be ignored, even when we use them for our survival; we do so according to certain guidelines of respect and devotion because this world is shared by the human, the natural
and the divine.

In this same sense, the rituals and offerings to the rain and air deposited in springs, caves, hills, cultivated fields, etc. where human interaction with national entities and sacred beings is recognised by these worldviews, all these expressions indicate an interpersonal relationship that goes beyond the boundaries of these worldviews, where human interaction with natural entities and sacred beings is recognised by these visions of the world, all these expressions indicate an interpersonal relationship that goes beyond the limits of simple human coexistence, integrating nature that manifests itself with different faces and personalities, but ultimately in a social relationship in which they are understood as active participants in a common destiny. (Photo: Mexico, Merida. Monument to the Fatherland at night. 123rf)

Ramiro A. G. Arzapalo/VP

 

The Vietnamese paradox.

The middle class grows, but inequality increases. Galloping corruption, total party control over the people, an ambiguous relationship with China. Bamboo diplomacy.

Vietnam’s first impression is of spectacular economic development: modern districts of high-rise residential buildings, vast shopping malls, heavy urban traffic where cars now compete with myriads of motorcycles and where the bicycles of the past have disappeared, frequently updated transport infrastructure, electronic products, clothing, coffee, and rice dominating exports, and a continuously growing middle class.
Vietnam is now a lower-middle-income country. Its ambition to move to the next category in 2030 is realistic. The national goal is to become a “market economy with socialist orientation” by 2045.

Vietnam, Ho Chi Minh. Bitexco financial tower. Pixabay

It was the economic opening that began in 1986 with the policy of Döi Moi (renewal) that allowed Vietnam’s economic progress by implementing the official slogan of “market economy with socialist orientation”. This real break from the previous Marxist – but not Leninist – orthodoxy was necessary to put an end to widespread poverty, the crisis created by the devastation of twenty years of war and the inefficiency of the socialist model of state ownership of the means of production. Replacing Soviet aid and that of brother countries with a new development policy.Vietnam has thus become a showcase for development aid policy, a showcase that is not very common. As a result of its success, the country has attracted foreign investment. Occupying a central place in the economic dynamism of the country, first Asian (South Korea, Singapore, Japan, China, Taiwan) and only later Western. Vietnam also attracts foreign capital that has become wary of China. Large national public groups still powerful, private consortia close to the government and countless small and medium-sized private companies support this dynamic, not to mention financial transfers
from the Vietnamese diaspora.

Pham ngu lao, city centre. The country has attracted foreign investment. Occupying a central place in the economic dynamism of the country. Pixabay

The “socialist-oriented economy” means that the Communist Party respects and guarantees the functioning of the mechanisms of the market economy, but under its control and while maintaining a monopoly on political power. Party cells operate in public and private companies above a certain size. Any challenge to the system is banned and repressed. Opponents who dare to challenge the system pay with their freedom. The population does not challenge the political system, or, in any case, cannot challenge it. They lead their lives quite freely to the extent that they accept the control of the party-state. This control, which is reinforced by propaganda, is very real without assuming the intensity of Chinese totalitarian methods.
Political stability, freedom of enterprise, modest wages given the absence of freedom of association, and openness to the world are the ingredients of success, starting from a low level of development. ‘Doi Moi’ has released the energies and highlighted the qualities of the Vietnamese people: hard work, tenacity, and a positive spirit looking to the future that contrasts with the victim mentality found in some formerly colonized countries.

Prime Minister of Vietnam, Phạm Minh Chính. PM Office

The culture of ancient Vietnam persists with its deep-rooted traditions, such as ancestor worship and traditional values: of family, work, success, and nationalism, despite the profound and not always positive effects of the consumer society. The government strictly regulates recognized religions or beliefs, including Buddhism, Confucianism and Catholicism. Christians, mostly Catholics, represent almost a tenth of the population.While economic progress and stability are evident, there are also grey areas. Thus, two presidents of the Republic were successively dismissed, in 2023 and 2024, by order of the party’s general secretary, for corruption-related cases. The current head of state since May 2024 is Tô Lâm, the general secretary of the Communist Party of Vietnam is Nguyễn Phú Trọng, while the prime minister is Phạm Minh Chính.
In a system without freedom of the press and expression, corruption is even more rampant than elsewhere. As a result, corrupt officials are among the new rich. Under these conditions, the “socialist rule of law” can only remain a theoretical goal. In the new Vietnam, the increase in inequality is striking with the appearance of a new bourgeoisie more or less tied to the party.
As in China, the Marxist dogma of class struggle has been abandoned while maintaining the domination of the Communist Party. A fairly basic social security system makes it possible to remedy, to a certain extent, the difficulties of life for the working classes.

The culture of ancient Vietnam persists with its deep-rooted traditions. Illustration Pixabay

Poverty is even more widespread among ethnic minorities. Family solidarity, which is real in a society marked by Confucianism, makes up for these inadequacies. In order to raise the level of primary and secondary education, the country has opened education, with questionable results, to foreign private schools, mainly English-speaking. The state has authorized the establishment of a single private Vietnamese university, an initiative of a private group. Rapid growth has led to a steady and significant increase in the middle class. The United Nations Human Development Index, which combines criteria based on GDP per capita, life expectancy and education, places Vietnam on par (115th out of 191) with Indonesia and the Philippines. Vietnam’s economy has recently become the third largest country in the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), just behind these two most populous countries. Less rigid than China in its birth control policy, the country has succeeded in its demographic transition. In 2024, it will have more than one hundred million inhabitants. Its modern lifestyle could influence the birth rate.

Vietnamese students. The country has opened education, to foreign private schools. Photo Viet Tuan Tran/ADB

China has had a strong influence on the entire history and culture of the country since the time – the first millennium – when it occupied the northern cradle of the country. The centre of today’s Vietnam was Hindu Champa, defeated and occupied in the second millennium by the Dai Viet (the ancient name of Vietnam); the South was Khmer. This strong Chinese imprint persisted, even after the liberation from occupation by the Middle Kingdom, of which it remained a tributary state. It was the French who ended this link to colonize the country and leave their mark on it.The Vietnamese have regularly repelled invaders from the Central Country (this is how China is translated in both Vietnamese and Chinese), the last time in 1979. Vietnam is therefore the only state in the world to have been occupied by three members of the Security Council: France, the United States and China.
Whatever the ties between China and Vietnam, now governed by the world’s two largest communist parties, the powerful neighbour inspires distrust. Vietnam faces Beijing’s stranglehold on the atolls of the East Sea, over which it also claims sovereignty. It is doubtful that the country’s development will be of such a nature as to remove Chinese power. Hanoi’s foreign policy consists of not forming any alliances while modulating its relations to resist pressure: this is bamboo diplomacy, both solid and flexible. In 2023, Xi Jinping’s visit was soon followed by Joe Biden’s visit to Vietnam for a “broad strategic partnership”. The European Union has concluded a free trade agreement with Hanoi, which is almost unique in the region.

Whatever the ties between China and Vietnam, now governed by the world’s two largest communist parties, the powerful neighbour inspires distrust. 123rf

Is the new Vietnam a model? The pragmatism it has shown, in contradiction to Marxist dogma, by opening its economy to the private sector and the world, is an example. It allows the raising of the standard of living of a growing part of the population and economic modernization. The commitment of its leaders to the development of the country could be a source of inspiration elsewhere, even if it is the result of a particular history. To this success must be added the stability and security that reign in the country. On the other hand, the shortcomings noted above – widespread corruption, inequality and lack of political freedom – cloud the ranking. Political pluralism, characteristic of the modernity that emerged from the Enlightenment, is and will remain excluded in Vietnam for the foreseeable future. Its absence, as we have seen, hinders the fight against corruption and the establishment of a genuine rule of law. Perestroika without glasnost, to use Gorbachev’s terminology, is the model followed by both Hanoi and Beijing with the economic success we are witnessing. Even if “bamboo diplomacy” will allow Vietnam to maintain its independence, the future of its political regime cannot be read independently of that of China. During Xi Jinping’s visit in 2023, the two countries declared that they share a “communion of destinies” (“a common future” in the Vietnamese text) and committed to fighting “political evolution” and the “colour revolution” concerning the democratic changes in Georgia and Ukraine some twenty years ago. (Photo: Salt field. Pixabay)
Philippe Jottard/ME

Algeria. The economy. A state of dependence.

It is the fourth largest economy on the continent but it is too closely tied to the fluctuations of the gas and oil markets. It remains a fragile structure compared to population growth. The new front with Morocco is called a gas pipeline.

The economy of the largest African country occupies fourth place on the continent in terms of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) after Egypt, Nigeria and South Africa. The African giant bases its economy on hydrocarbons, starting with gas. A fifth of the GDP and 93% of the value of exports are represented by gas and oil.
The war in Ukraine and the suspension of Russian gas imports by Europe have placed the country at the centre of an intriguing geostrategic game at a global level, but also at an African level.

Factory worker in plant production drilling at metal machine. Algerian industry currently accounts for only 4.1% of GDP. 123rf

Yet the Algerian economy remains fragile compared to population growth, needs and internal consumption. In the 2000s, Algeria was Africa’s leading importer of foodstuffs, mainly cereals. Gas and oil, with their cyclical trend on international markets, remain a point of strength and weakness. The collapse of hydrocarbon prices starting from the end of 2022 and the increase in the value of imports have had an impact on the deficit/GDP ratio (5.2%) and have put the Algerian economy in serious difficulty. The fluctuations in the price of oil have then continued to trend downwards.

Diversifying the economy
Hence the need to diversify the economy and regain a leading role in diplomacy and especially international cooperation. Among the four African countries with the highest GDP, Algeria’s per capita income ($4,342) is second only to that of South Africa ($6,766), which also has the highest inequality index in the world.
In the Algerian case, however, the situation is less dramatic. According to the World Inequality Report, the richest 10% of Algerians take in 38% of the national income and own 10 times more than the poorest half of the population, who only have 19% of the national income.

View of the Algeri Port. The government has tried to make the Algerian economy more competitive and attractive to foreign investment. Wosunan/123rf

The incomes of the poorest part of the population have been stagnant for about fifteen years at very low levels, and raise the question of social justice in the country.In addition to social inequality, there is also gender inequality, as Algeria stands out as one of the countries with the lowest female share of income from work, only 12.5%; in neighbouring Morocco it is 14%, in Nigeria 28%, in Europe it is around 38-40%.
Unemployment has also decreased after the peaks of the years around 2000 when it exceeded 30% of the working-age population. After a brief increase around 2010, the unemployment rate fell to 12.3% last year. Youth unemployment remains very high, at 31.3%. Women are also significantly discriminated against in the labour market with an unemployment rate of 21.5%. Inflation, which reached 9.3% last year, is expected to decrease by the end of this year: according to World Bank estimates up to 5%.
In this picture of light and shadow, since 2020 the government has tried to make the Algerian economy more competitive and attractive for foreign investment. A new law on hydrocarbons has been adopted and some restrictions on foreign ownership and national companies have been eliminated. The government is aiming for a growth model driven by the private sector, which was severely affected in the past by the post-Bouteflika purges (2019).

Workers in a warehouse. Women face significant discrimination in the labour market. Wosunan/123rf

Algerian industry currently accounts for only 4.1% of GDP. It is therefore not surprising that, within this ambitious plan to redesign the economic system, the government is counting on finding once again in gas the resources necessary for its policy. In the context of successive reductions in OPEC quotas, Algerian oil production fell by 3.8% in 2023 compared to the previous year, while domestic consumption of petroleum products increased. A further reduction was decided by Algiers at the beginning of this year. All this resulted in a significant reduction in oil exports, only partially offset by the increase in gas exports. It should be noted, however, that gas exports decreased through pipelines, while those of liquefied natural gas increased. Italy, Spain and France are the main customers of Algerian gas, and Europe remains an important outlet market.

The gas pipeline war
Faced with this outlook, Algeria has decided to lead the strategic battle to become a gas distribution hub to Europe and beyond. This decisive battle involves the two eternal rivals, Algeria and Morocco, competing for the gas pipeline that will bring Nigerian gas to the Mediterranean. What is at stake is not backed up by data. Nigeria is in first place for gas reserves in Africa (eighth in the world), while Algeria is in second place in Africa and tenth in the world. Algeria is the main gas producer in Africa and tenth in the world; on the continent, it precedes Egypt and Nigeria.
Two alternative gas pipelines have been competing for some time: a trans-Saharan one that brings gas from Nigeria to Algeria through Niger. The other is from Nigeria to Morocco along the coast of West Africa. The historic rivalry between Morocco and Algeria has thus revived. The first to relaunch the two projects was Algeria with the breaking of diplomatic relations with Morocco in August 2021 and the subsequent suspension of the supply of Algerian gas to its neighbour; then, in February 2022, the Russian invasion of Ukraine put the gas market at the centre of Europe’s interests. Now the two gas pipelines are in open competition, also in terms of propaganda and communication.

The pipe and valve oil fields. 123rf

Algeria claims the lower cost of the project (about 1,500 km shorter), the greater speed of execution, the lower cost and the lower risks since it involves only one additional transit country, Niger. Morocco, on the other hand, supports the various opportunities offered to the development of West African countries with the extension of the existing connection between Nigeria and Ghana with the possibility of exporting additional gas as this part of Africa confirms the presence of offshore gas, as in Senegal and Mauritania. However, the environmental impact, the longer times and the complexity of the work are overlooked.
Adding to the uncertainty is the fact that both countries are asserting the signing of agreements with Nigeria, which skillfully plays both tables. Announcements follow one another, as does the approaching of the final decision, without anything decisive actually happening. The coup in Niger last year has renewed doubts about the trans-Saharan route and everything suggests that the two pipelines are destined to accompany one of the longest and most enduring conflicts in Africa. (Pumpjack oil extraction and cloudy sky in the sunset with the Algeria flag.123rf)

Luciano Ardesi

 

Indonesia. Challenges and Opportunities for Christians and Muslims.

A complex history has shaped relations between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia. While challenges remain, there are opportunities to strengthen ties through interfaith dialogue and cooperation. Pope Francis’ visit to Indonesia has had a positive impact, reinforcing the message of peace and unity and encouraging efforts to build stronger relationships.

Indonesia, the world’s largest Muslim-majority country, is home to a rich mosaic of religious diversity, with Christianity being the second-largest religion. According to the 2020 census, about 87% of Indonesians identify as Muslim, while Christians – Protestants and Catholics – make up about 10% of the population. Relations between Muslims and Christians have shaped the country’s history, politics and society. They have been characterised by cooperation and conflict, unity and division, peace and tension.However, this complex relationship presents significant challenges and opportunities as Indonesia strives to preserve national unity while encouraging religious harmony. With the recent visit of Pope Francis, a new chapter in this relationship is emerging, which could reshape the religious landscape and pave the way for deeper collaboration to build a more inclusive and peaceful Indonesia.

Jakarta. Neo-Gothic style “The Church of Our Lady of the Assumption”. Catholic Cathedral. CC BY-SA 3.0/Gunawan Kartapranata

One of the key challenges for Muslim-Christian relations in Indonesia is religious tension, which has sometimes led to conflict. Cases of interfaith violence, particularly in the early 2000s in areas such as Maluku and Central Sulawesi, have left scars on both communities. These conflicts were motivated by a combination of religious, economic and political factors. The resurgence of religious conservatism and intolerance in some parts of Indonesia has at times strained relations between the two groups.
Indonesia’s blasphemy laws have also been controversial, as they are sometimes seen as disproportionately affecting religious minorities, including Christians. The case of former Jakarta governor Basuki Tjahaja Purnama (Ahok), a Christian, highlighted concerns about the politicisation of religion and its impact on religious relations. Ahok’s imprisonment for blasphemy in 2017 highlighted the sensitivity of religious discourse in Indonesia and revealed underlying divisions.
Although the Indonesian constitution guarantees religious freedom, there are still clear challenges; for example, Christians face difficulties in obtaining permits to build churches, particularly in Muslim-majority areas. These challenges are not unique to Christians; other minority religious groups also face similar problems. However, these incidents sometimes contribute to a sense of alienation and inequality, hindering efforts to build a more harmonious society.

Indonesia. A Muslim woman and a catholic sister are happy together in Monastery Saint Franciscus in Semarang, Central. Shutterstock/INTREEGUE

Despite the challenges, considerable efforts have been made to bridge the gap between Muslim and Christian communities. Interfaith dialogue, promoted by religious organizations and civil society, has played a key role in promoting mutual understanding. Forums such as the National Interfaith Council and Initiatives led by religious leaders have contributed to peacebuilding efforts and encouraged religious tolerance.
Joint efforts in social justice and humanitarian action are another avenue for collaboration between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia. Both faith groups have a long tradition of community service, and working together on issues such as poverty alleviation, disaster relief, and education has fostered a sense of unity. Emphasizing shared values of compassion, charity, and social justice paves the way for closer collaboration.

Interfaith meeting at the Istiqlal Mosque, where the Declaration of Istiqlal was signed. Vatican Media

Pope Francis’s visit to Indonesia in September 2024 marked a historic moment in Muslim-Christian relations in the country. As a global religious leader who advocates for peace, dialogue, and inclusion, his presence and message resonated with Indonesia’s Christian and Muslim communities. During his visit, Pope Francis emphasized the importance of interfaith dialogue and the need for religious communities to work together for the common good. His call for mutual respect and cooperation touched the hearts of many Indonesians.
The Pope’s visit also gave impetus to grassroots movements for reconciliation between religious communities. Religious organisations and local leaders used the visit to launch initiatives for tolerance and understanding. The Pope’s message of peace and unity resonated with many Indonesians who want a future where religious differences are celebrated rather than feared.

Muslim Woman in a hijab is enveloped in a serene ambience as she prays among candles. 123rf

Younger generations in Indonesia are playing an increasingly important role in shaping the future of interfaith relations. Born amid the digital boom, they are more open to global perspectives on tolerance and religious diversity. Social media and online platforms offer young people from different religious backgrounds the opportunity to engage in dialogue and work together on common causes. The challenge will be to ensure that these platforms are used to build bridges rather than exacerbate divisions.
The future of Muslim-Christian relations in Indonesia will depend on the ability of both communities to build on the shared values of compassion, justice and service to humanity. By focusing on what unites rather than what divides them, Indonesian Muslims and Christians can continue to work together to build a more peaceful and harmonious future. (Jakarta. Catholics flock to Gelora Bung Karno for the Mass with Pope Francis.  Shutterstock/Wulandari Wulandari)

Ferdinand Rondong/Ad Extra

African American Pastoral. Giving Dignity.

The Comboni missionary, Father Rafaello Savoia is one of the main pioneers of Afro-Latin American pastoral care. Starting from the Gospel, he has made his commitment to the dignity, development and evangelization of black people the commitment of his entire missionary life.

He arrived in Ecuador in 1968 and his first appointment as a 26-year-old missionary was to Limones, in the coastal region of Esmeraldas, in the north of the country. His first impression was that he was in “Africa”. Surrounded by many blacks, he immediately got involved in pastoral work by visiting Christian communities along the river. The daily contact with so many people slowly led him to understand the reality of blacks. He recalls that “I saw clearly that the Afro world is different from that of the indigenous or mixed-race people”. And he continues: “As time passed, something was changing in me in my way of thinking and acting.” One day, Bishop Enrico Bartolucci asked him to take on the secretariat of the Vicariate’s catechesis. “That was the turning point for me and I began to work in the field with the black communities to adapt the catechesis to their particular needs and beliefs.”Father Savoia explains that the work consisted of listening. In the beginning, the work with blacks focused on the black communities of Esmeraldas, which were the most traditional and so best able to preserve the memory of the past. The missionary remembers how interesting the discussions with black communities were on the meaning of life and death, the afterlife, suffering, God or the relationships between men and women.

Father Rafaello Savoia (third from left) with some Afro-American leaders during a meeting of the Afro-American Pastoral Ministry. File swm

In August 1968, a meeting on missionary pastoral care was held in Melger (Colombia). And from that meeting, indigenous pastoral care would be created. With a group of priests of African origin, Father Savoia wondered if it was not possible to consider also an African pastoral care method. With the permission of the bishop, Father Savoia travelled to find out if there were experiences of African pastoral care in the Latin American continent. He went to Brazil where he met Father João Lima, a black priest who had written a thesis on the evangelization of blacks in the colonies, and also the Dominican Father Raimundo Cintra, as well as the Jesuit Father Valdelí, who was very familiar with traditional religions of African origin such as Umbanda or Candomblé. He later visited Colombia to learn about the work done by the Instituto Afro Matias Lumumba in Buenaventura, then directed by Father Miguel Ángel Mejía. Upon his return to Ecuador, he proposes to Bishop Bartolucci to bring together several pastoral workers to see how to work in an Afro environment. With the support of Father Mejía and the agreement of the Bishop of Buenaventura, the first Encuentro de Pastoral Afroamericana (EPA) was organized in Buenaventura. It took place from March 19 to 21, 1980. What had happened in Melgar with the indigenous people was happening in Buenaventura with the birth of a method of pastoral care for African Americans.

The Afro-American pastoral meeting. More than 134 million people of African descent living in Latin America cannot be forgotten. File swm

Father Savoia recalls the meeting: “There were about 50 participants from Ecuador, Colombia and Panama, of whom only about fifteen were black. Some personalities from the Afro-American world were present, such as the poet Helcías Martán Góngora, and also Father Rafael Arboleda, a Jesuit from the Xaverian University in Bogota, and Father Urrea, who represented the Latin American and Caribbean Episcopal Council (Celam). There was a reflection on Afro-religiousness and pastoral care, and I remember that there was a lot of talk about the work done with Afro-Americans by Bishop Gerardo Válencia Cano of Buenaventura, but the most important thing was that there was the desire and the will to give continuity to this type of meeting. It was decided to schedule them every three years.”
The second Afro-American pastoral meeting took place in Esmeraldas in September 1983. This time the majority of the people at the meeting were Afro-Americans. Father Savoia comments: “There were many discussions because some did not see the point of a specific Afro pastoral care, but in the end, it was the black people present who decided. That is how it began.” Since then, in fact, blacks have been in the majority, without excluding other people.
The sixteenth meeting is scheduled for next year at the national shrine of the Virgin of Luján (Argentina).

An Afro priest celebrates Mass. Photo: Consolata

Looking back, Father Savoia says: “Significant steps have been taken, but I believe that Afro pastoral care has not yet been received as it should. At the assembly in Mexico in 2021, preparatory to the Synod of Synodality, indigenous peoples were discussed and only at the last moment was it agreed to include “indigenous peoples and Afro-descendants”. This indicates that Afro-descendants are neither a priority nor at the centre, while the Church should always start from the last. Some bishops know nothing about the Afro world, nor do they want to know anything about it and make practically no reference to it. They may also consider it as something secondary, but 134 million people of African descent living in Latin America cannot be forgotten. That is the problem, and that is
why we are still fighting.”
In 2011, the International Year for People of African Descent was celebrated, and from 2015 to 2024, the International Decade for People of African Descent was celebrated. In this context, the United Nations General Assembly created the Permanent Forum for People of African Descent, led by the former Vice President of Costa Rica, Epsy Campbell Barr, an organization that has among its objectives the defence of the rights of people of African descent, perhaps the most neglected group in American societies. “I believe that we must not stop. We must continue to reflect and act so that even in the church, Afro-American peoples have their rightful place.”

A group of Afro-American pastoral leaders. The question is: “Why are we still fighting? File swm

Today Father Rafaello Savoia lives in Bogota where he directs the Afro-Colombian Centre for Spirituality and Integral Development (CAEDI), with a very extensive documentation on the history, culture and other aspects of the Afro-Colombian world.
He concludes: “In addition to directing the Centre, I continue to do what I have always done, that is, the work of visiting the neighbourhoods of Bogotá where Afro families live. This is the basis of all Afro pastoral work, direct contact with people, listening and building relationships of trust. Indeed, I am already old, I turned 82 in August, and I have some health problems, but I continue to do the same thing I began to do in 1968, accompanying these people. I owe them a lot and, without a doubt, they have marked my missionary life.” (Photo: Eucharistic Celebration in Bogota. Consolata)

Enrique Bayo

Colombia. The difficult change.

The new progressive executive is the spokesperson of ‘los nadies’, the marginalized, the “nobodies”, including Afro-Colombians. Many reforms are designed to create greater social justice. But they clash with a parliament in the hands of the opposition.

After more than two hundred years of republican history characterized by political violence and conservative and oligarchic governments, Colombia has for the first time a progressive government, led by President Gustavo Petro, a former guerrilla fighter of the M-19 Movement.This rebel group was the one that in the late 1980s chose to negotiate the end of the armed struggle in exchange for a Constituent Assembly from which the current Constitution was born in 1991.

President Gustavo Petro. Photo: Pres Office.

On that occasion, the former guerrilla fighters elected to draft the new Fundamental Charter, in addition to having a relative majority, were the spokespersons of the Afro-descendant communities, because no “ethnic” delegate managed to be elected.
Although the Afro-Colombian population has historically fluctuated between 10 and 20% of the total (between 4 and 10 million people), the state has systematically denied the cultural and socio-economic value of the African heritage in the construction of the nation, often inspired by European colonialist and mixed-race ideologies that have systematically ended up overshadowing the recognition of the contributions of the African population.

Nieto and that failed portrait
The case of the only Afro-Colombian head of state in the history of the country, José Nieto (1861), was emblematic. His image was censored for decades from the presidential palace of “Nariño”, in Bogotá, in the hall of portraits of the presidents of the republic. It was only in 2018 that the then-president, Juan Manuel Santos, had Nieto’s portrait added.
The current government finds itself with the enormous responsibility of finally being the spokesperson of los nadies (“nobodies”).

Juan José Nieto Gil, the first president of African descent in Colombia, 1861. Archive

They represent the majority of the Latin American population, the marginalized, forgotten or exploited by the state and capital, fuelled by large estates and the primary and extractive industry. Eduardo Galeano masterfully described it in The Open Veins of Latin America. It was the current vice president of the republic and minister of equality, Francia Márquez, herself of African descent, who revived the idea on August 6, 2022, at the end of the electoral campaign and immediately after the electoral triumph: “After 214 years we have a government of the people, those with calloused hands—the government of the common people, of los nadies of Colombia (…). We are going for the rights of our Mother Earth, of the Great Home (…). We are going together to eradicate structural racism.”

Socio-economic indicators
According to socio-economic indicators, between 2021 and 2022, los nadies represented 36% of the population living below the extreme poverty line (less than 2.5 dollars a day), 60% of workers without a formal contract and more than 8 million people registered as victims of the armed civil conflict. According to the report of the United Nations Economic Commission for Latin America and the Caribbean (Epal, 2020), 40.8% of the Afro-Colombian population lives in poverty.
In this sense, the expansionary fiscal policy of the current government aims to reduce this unequal gap between the various segments of the population. It is no coincidence that the current executive has among its ministers, in addition to Francia Márquez – an Afro-Pacific woman, social leader and former Goldman Prize winner in 2018 (the Nobel Prize for environmental protection) -, also other people of African descent, such as Luis Gilberto Murillo for Foreign Affairs and Yesenia Olaya for Science, Technology and Innovation. Then there are the former ministers of Education, Aurora Vergara, and Sports, Maria Isabel Urrutia. The desire for a radical change in social justice policies is running aground, however, in a continual clash between the government and Congress.

About 40.8% of the Afro-Colombian population lives in poverty. File swm

The legislative power has a consistent majority in favour of the opposition, reluctant to support the profound reforms, especially in the health and agricultural sectors (redistribution of abandoned lands and purchase of large estates by the government).
Despite the adverse path, after two years the executive has managed to approve a tax reform, on average progressive, and that of pensions. The latter, although it is being examined by the Constitutional Court, will offer a universal allowance of about 55 dollars a month, compared to the current 19, to 2.5 million people who have not paid contributions. A policy aimed at expanding the recognition of peasant communities, often composed of Afro-descendants and indigenous people. In addition, specific allocations of about 12.5 million dollars have been approved for rural infrastructure on both coasts of the Pacific and the Caribbean, in municipalities and territories of African descent. Even in the educational sector, maintaining the “zero enrolment” for public universities has broadened the basis for access to higher education.
The debate on the reform is not yet over, as there is on the table a possible massive intervention of public investments in new educational structures that can effectively guarantee access to new students in a country where there is still a limited number of places for all degree courses and compulsory attendance.

Cartagena. Student with paperwork. There will be a possible massive intervention of public investments in new educational structures. Kadettmann/123rf

As for research, development and innovation initiatives, although the corresponding ministry is last in terms of available resources, the initiatives for funding doctoral scholarships and research grants are directed towards projects in favour of historically disadvantaged populations, including African-descendants. Approximately 26 million dollars have thus been allocated to topics of interest to the communities mentioned, involving researchers belonging to the same.
The path of deep reforms, however, remains complex not only because Congress is opposed to the executive’s proposals, but also because of the obstacles that the Constitutional Court has placed in the collection of new taxes related to the non-deduction of royalties that companies in the primary sector should have paid to the state.
Finally, the attempts at reform are complicated by the decline in collections by the Revenue Agency and the desire to gradually eliminate the fuel subsidy. These factors resulted in a total deficit of about $4.9 billion, or about 50% of what the government expected to collect after the last tax reform in 2022. (Photo: Women wearing traditional costumes sell fruits in the centre of Cartagena. 123rf)

J.A.T & D.R.

Music. Cape Verde. The Cimboa Soldier.

Pascoal was a soldier for 30 years and now leads the “Ano Nobo” quartet, with which he also carries on a tradition that is disappearing. We talked with him.

After the military missions came the musical missions. Born in 1960, Domingos da Resurreição Andrade da Silva Fernandes, aka simply as Pascoal, his family nickname, was for thirty years, from 1978, a soldier in the Cape Verdean army: part of the FARP, the Forças Armadas Revolucionarias do Povo, who from independence in ’75 until ’90 maintained the name they had as the armed wing of the African Party for the Independence of Guinea and Cape Verde (PAIGC) – the organization which under the leadership of Amilcar Cabral fought for the liberation of the two countries from Portuguese colonial rule – to be later renamed the Cape Verdean Armed Forces.

Pascoal with friends and family in Cape Verde, 1980s. Photo: PAM

“In ’79-80 I went for military training in Cuba – says Pascoal -. As a boy, I had learned to play the guitar, and in Cuba, where we were about thirty soldiers from Cape Verde and São Tomé, we also made music, we had electric instruments at our disposal, and I was part of a musical group that included ten different nationalities. Later I was sent for four years to Crimea, which was then part of the Soviet Union, and there was a musical band with soldiers of twenty-one nationalities; I remember that we had also formed a group with a choir of South Africans and two guitars, the guitarists were myself and a soldier from Madagascar. In the USSR, where I received training as a truck and car technician, I participated in festivals in Odessa and Kyiv; but I have also been to other parts of the world Brazil, for example, at a choir festival. Since in my first years as a soldier in Cape Verde, there was a single party, there were many political-cultural activities within the armed forces. It was a great experience, apart from the homesickness when I was far from home“. Ano Nobo is the musical formation with which Pascoal recorded the album The Strings of São Domingos, released in 2022 by the New York label Ostinato Records. Ano Nobo is a quintet, four guitars plus a cavaquinho (a small guitar coming from Portuguese popular music which, perhaps via Brazil, has taken root in Cape Verdean music) or a bass guitar, with Pascoal as the main vocalist: acoustic music, but above all live, it exhibits a lush, enveloping, galvanising sound.

Cimboa is a bowed instrument from Cape Verde. Photo: Xandu/Pentagrama Music

The name of the group is a tribute to the musician from whom Pascoal learned to play the guitar, and with whom he then collaborated when he was not travelling around the world as a soldier: Fulgêncio da Circuncisão Lopes Tavares, born in 1933 in São Domingos, the city of Pascoal, on the island of Santiago, like Praia, died in 2004. “Both his grandfather and father were musicians; his father was a composer of morna pieces and the teacher of the municipal band of Praia. Ano Nobo was born in the early hours of January 1st, and for this reason, he was nicknamed “New Year”.
As a boy, he began playing the cavaquinho and the guitar. After primary school, he attended high school in Praia, where he met great musicians of that era, such as Franck Mimita and Bilocas, and began composing. When he returned to São Domingos, he missed the group of musicians with whom he was used to playing and serenading. So, he began to teach others, to recreate the same type of situation he had experienced in Praia. His legacy is represented by several generations of musicians who were his students, starting with those who were children and are now eighty years old or older. Ano Nobo was one of the greatest masters of Cape Verdean music, and starting from him there came a fundamental transmission of knowledge of stringed instruments and musical traditions”.

Playing Cimboa. Observatório da Língua Portuguesa

A prolific composer, Ano Nobo was renowned above all for his talent in the coladera genre, and several of his songs became hits, particularly in the 1960s and early 1970s; but, though very busy as a teacher, musician and author, Ano Nobo also found the time to bring eighteen children into the world. Three, Fany, Afrikanu and Nonó, are part of the group named after him, while Kim di Nanda was, like Pascoal, his student. “With our group, we offer traditional Cape Verdean music in its most genuine form – genres such as morna, coladera, batuque, funaná – with an influence of the tradition of music played with stringed instruments in São Domingos: the idea is to convey this type of heritage to the new generations”. A heritage that Pascoal also transmits by teaching in a school in São Domingos.

A Living Tradition
Sometimes Pascoal abandons the guitar to switch to the cimboa, a single-string violin with a sound box made of a calebasse or a coconut and goatskin. “In 2006, by chance, I was at an event in Praia, and I heard that Manu Mendes, the last cimboa expert, had died. Then I discovered that Manu Mendes was actually still alive, but this made me think that something had to be done to preserve the memory of the cimboa. So, I did a week of apprenticeship with Manu Mendes. In fact, there were two other masters of the instrument who were still alive. In 2007 I spent a few days in Terrafal with Eugenio Mendes, and I also learned the cimboa construction technique from him. So, in 2009 I went to Santa Cruz from Roque Sanches (both Terrafal and Santa Cruz are on the island of Santiago, ed.)”.Manu Mendes died in 2008 at eighty-two and Roque Sanches died in 2023 at the age of ninety-two; only Eugenio Mendes remains he is over eighty and is undergoing treatment in Portugal.

Cape Verde. Harbor at sunset in Santo Antao island. Daboost/123rf

“The cimboa is on the verge of extinction, and this is the reason why I conceived its valorisation as a second motivation for our Ano Nobo quartet: the preservation of its memory, diffusion and also insertion of the instrument into other musical genres because traditionally the cimboa was used almost exclusively for the accompaniment of the batuque. It is the first Cape Verde stringed instrument that was not brought from Europe or the Americas, it is the only instrument from the archipelago that came from Africa, where instruments of this type exist throughout the continent, as well as in the Middle East and Asia: the cimboa is also a testimony of the transit of slaves to Cape Verde. Nowadays it is difficult for the cimboa to fit into the context of the batuque, so we need to be able to reawaken the interest of young people in this instrument, which brings with it many implications, and requires a lot of patience and a lot of application”.

Marcello Lorrai

 

Israel – Africa. Relationship at risk.

With the conflict in Gaza, relations between Israel and African countries, particularly Algeria and South Africa, have reached a critical point. Everything depends on whether the conflict spreads to other areas of the Middle East.

In recent decades, relations between Israel and African countries have undergone a continuous evolution, characterised by a complex mix of strategic cooperation and diplomatic tensions. Israel, which has always seen Africa as a region of primary geopolitical importance, has sought to cultivate ties with the continent’s governments, especially in the fields of security, agriculture and technology, including military technology. However, these relations have been put to the test by global geopolitical events and regional conflicts, in particular the 2023 Gaza war, which has sharpened criticism of Tel Aviv by some African countries.
Since the 2000s, Israel has undertaken a new diplomatic strategy with Africa, to rebuild relations that, in previous decades, had been strained by the Arab-Israeli conflict. One of the key points of this strategy has been the strengthening of cooperation in sectors such as security and agriculture. Areas in which Israel has been able to offer its expertise to African countries that have to face terrorist threats and challenges related to food and water security.

Palestinians inspect their destroyed house after an Israeli air strike in the city of Rafah in the southern Gaza Strip. Shutterstock/Anas-Mohammed

In this context, the Israeli agency for international cooperation, Mashav, has played a key role. Through its agricultural training programs, it has helped several nations develop technical skills essential to improving agricultural productivity and natural resource management. This type of assistance has not only improved the economic conditions of local communities but has also helped strengthen diplomatic ties between Israel and many African governments.
Another example of the growing collaboration between Israel and Africa is the work of Israeli NGOs, such as IsraAid, which operate on the continent, providing humanitarian relief in response to natural disasters and humanitarian crises. IsraAid has worked in countries such as South Sudan, Ethiopia and Kenya, implementing social and health development projects. This type of engagement illustrates the importance of humanitarian relations in strengthening ties with Africa.

The accusation of genocide
However, despite this progress, the landscape of relations between Tel Aviv and Africa remains complex and unstable, especially due to tensions related to the Palestinian question. The 2023 Gaza war, which occurred after the Hamas attack, represented a turning point, provoking an increasingly critical reaction from several African countries towards the Israeli response.

Application of the Convention on the Prevention and Punishment of the Crime of Genocide in the Gaza Strip (South Africa v. Israel). Photo ICJ Office

A case in point is that of South Africa, which in November 2023 filed a genocide charge against Israel at the International Court of Justice. Although the charge was formally rejected, the Court recognized that some actions of the Israeli government in Gaza, if prolonged over time, could have fallen into practices comparable to genocide. This initiative has put the spotlight on the difficult relations between Israel and the continent, highlighting how the Palestinian question continues to exert a strong influence on these relations.
South Africa, with its history of fighting against apartheid, has taken a leading position in denouncing Israel, drawing parallels between its own experience and the Palestinian situation. Pretoria has pushed for the African Union (AU) and African countries to stand against Tel Aviv and sever diplomatic relations. These actions for the Pretoria government are not only linked to the war on Gaza but are supported by the idea that Israel acts as a colonial power and by the accusation that Tel Aviv is pursuing apartheid policies in the occupied territories.

The question of observer status in the African Union
Israel’s admission as an observer member to the African Union in 2021 was a major diplomatic victory for Tel Aviv. This status allowed Israel to participate in the organization’s forums and interact directly with representatives of the 55 member countries. However, the granting of this status was immediately met with opposition from some member states, primarily Pretoria and Algiers, historical supporters of the Palestinian cause. The criticism did not stop at the Palestinian issue. Many African leaders have expressed concerns about what they see as an attempt by Israel to influence African politics and use the AU to legitimize its actions in the occupied territories. Pressure from South Africa and other countries led to the suspension of observer status in February this year, although Tel Aviv continues to maintain diplomatic ties with many member states.

Security, technology and agriculture
While international politics and tensions continue to negatively impact relations between Israel and some African countries, other nations see Israel as a strategic partner, especially in the areas of security, intelligence and technological innovation. Israel has established important partnerships with countries such as Chad, Senegal and Tanzania to counter terrorist threats that affect areas
within their countries.

Ordinary Session of the African Union, Addis Ababa, Ethiopia. (Photo: AU Office)

Thanks to its expertise in the field of intelligence, Israel has become a key partner with African countries seeking to strengthen their defence capabilities and protect critical infrastructure. Over the past decade, Israeli military exports to the continent have increased by 306%. In recent years, several African authoritarian regimes have also used Israeli spy software.In addition to security, another area of strong cooperation is agriculture. Israel, a global leader in agricultural innovation, has provided African countries with advanced technologies for water management, arid areas cultivation and the fight against desertification. Collaborative projects in the agricultural field have been launched, for example, with Kenya and Ethiopia.

The geopolitical challenges
In the African geopolitical context, Israel finds itself competing with other global powers that have long established a strong presence on the continent. Countries such as China, Turkey, and Saudi Arabia offer strong economic incentives and investments in infrastructure, resources that Israel cannot match in quantity.
Another destabilizing factor for Israel is the presence of Iran in some strategic African countries, such as Sudan and Eritrea, which Tehran uses as a hub for its military and intelligence activities in the region. Israel has seen this presence as a direct threat to its security, as Tehran has historically supported groups such as Hamas in the Gaza Strip. This has pushed Israel to intensify its collaboration with African governments to limit Iranian influence.

Spy cam with optic fibre. Several African authoritarian regimes have also used Israeli spy software. 123rf

Looking ahead, Israel-Africa relations will likely be shaped by a combination of cooperation and diplomatic challenges. Tel Aviv’s ability to maintain and strengthen its alliances on the continent will depend on its ability to balance cooperation in areas such as security and agriculture with growing criticism over the Palestinian issue. The Gaza war has shown how fragile Israel’s relationship with some African countries is. Although Tel Aviv may have strong alliances, countries such as South Africa may push the AU and other international institutions to take a tougher line, including the possibility of economic and diplomatic sanctions. In this scenario, Israel will face a dual challenge: on the one hand, maintaining its strategic ties with those who actively cooperate with Tel Aviv; on the other, trying to mitigate the growing criticism related to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and its expansion in the Middle East, which could further undermine its diplomatic position in Africa. (Illustration: African Union and Israel flag. Shutterstock/patrice6000)

Matteo D’Avanzo

Consistory. To the new cardinals: “Eyes raised, hands joined and barefoot”.

On December 7, the Pope will create 21 new cardinals. Between Iran and Indonesia, Japan and the Philippines, Ivory Coast and Algeria, Francis confirms the universality of the Church.

Once again, Pope Francis favours remote corners of the world, realities of high symbolic value, places where Catholic minorities represent processes of peaceful coexistence and development for their countries, but there are also metropolises or difficult political and social contexts, where “the periphery becomes the centre”.
The new cardinals: ten are European, six from the American continent, of which five are South Americans and one from Canada, four Asians, one African. With an average age between sixty and seventy. During his pontificate, Pope Francis tried to rebalance the forces of the College by designing it on the size and face of the world, reducing the number of Europeans and distributing appointments in other continents.

Monsignor Jean-Paul Vesco, O.P., Archbishop of Algiers (Algeria). Photo: O.P.

Now the College of Cardinals will be composed of a total of 256 members, of which 141 will be electors and 115 non-electors, a figure that sees the ceiling of 120 cardinal electors, according to the norms established by Paul VI for the Conclave, broken through not for the first time. With this Consistory, however, Francis, as he did with the first in 2014, wants to leave a lasting mark on the future. The cardinals he has created will thus make up eighty per cent of the electors in a possible Conclave. Many are relatively young.
Africa will have two new cardinals. Monsignor Jean-Paul Vesco, O.P., Archbishop of Algiers (Algeria) of French origin and Monsignor Ignace Bessi Dogbo, Archbishop of Abidjan (Ivory Coast).
Monsignor Vesco says: “This appointment is a commitment of my entire episcopate in favour of synodality, in favour of greater space given to the laity and to women in the Church… I therefore see these two faces: on the one hand the periphery, Algeria and dialogue with Muslims. On the other hand, a commitment to a vision within the universal Church. The Pope is leading us toward a change in the relationship of the Church with the world.” Speaking of the church in Algeria: “We are a fragile church, small and at the same time in dialogue with the Muslim world. It is a bit like the choice of countries that the Pope visits on his travels. There has been a profound coherence since the beginning of his pontificate, in this sense. Our reference text, the most important one, the one that touched me the most, is the Declaration on Human Fraternity, signed together with the Grand Imam of Al Azhar because it places friendship at the centre of interreligious and Islamic-Christian dialogue. This is exactly what we try to live because I think there is no other way.”

Monsignor Ignace Bessi Dogbo, Archbishop of Abidjan (Ivory Coast). Archive

There is only one African in the list of new cardinals: Mons. Ignace Bessi Dogbo, current Archbishop of Abidjan. His appointment as a cardinal came completely unexpectedly but it is an important sign for the whole of Ivory Coast. The bishop’s hope is to be able to put the African regions affected by terrorism, particularly West Africa, back at the centre of the agenda and international attention. Cardinal Fridolin Ambongo, president of the Symposium of Episcopal Conferences of Africa and Madagascar (SECAM), sent a congratulatory message to the new cardinals from Africa, on behalf of the Cardinals, Archbishops and Bishops members of SECAM. “I offer you my sincere congratulations on the elevation of each of you to the dignity of Cardinal and wish you a fruitful ministry and full success in your mission to serve the Universal Church and the people of Africa”, wrote Cardinal Ambongo, Archbishop of Kinshasa.He then expressed his “Deep gratitude to the Holy Father for his solicitude towards the Catholic Church on the African Continent” and prayed that the Lord may send them his Spirit, making them “tireless witnesses of the Risen Christ and bearers of messages of hope, peace and brotherhood in our Continent which is faced with the horrors of war and poverty”.

“Bare feet, touching the harshness of the reality of so many corners of the world” (Pope Francis). Pixabay

In the meantime, while waiting for the consistory, Pope Francis sent a letter to the future cardinals in which he told them to pray that the title of “servants” overshadows that of “eminences”.
The Pope writes: “When you are created a cardinal, you will become part of the clergy of Rome. Welcome! A membership that expresses the unity of the Church and the bond of all the Churches with this one of Rome. I encourage you to ensure that your cardinalate embodies those three attitudes with which an Argentine poet (Francisco Luis Bernárdez) described Saint John of the Cross, but which are also appropriate for us: “Eyes up, hands joined, feet bare”.
The Pope specifies: “Eyes raised because your service will require you to broaden your gaze and dilate your heart, to be able to look further and love more universally with greater intensity. Enter the school of His gaze (Benedict XVI) which is the open side of Christ.”
The Pontiff continues: “Hands clasped, because what the Church needs most – together with the announcement – is your prayer to shepherd Christ’s flock well. Prayer, is the scope of discernment to help me seek and find God’s will for our people, and follow it.
And finally: “Bare feet, touching the harshness of the reality of so many corners of the world stunned by pain and suffering due to war, discrimination, persecution, hunger and many forms of poverty that will demand so much compassion and mercy from you. (Cardinals and bishops in St. Peter’s Basilica in the Vatican. Shutterstock/Marco Iacobucci Epp) – (C.C.)

 

 

 

 

Inca. The Island of the Sun.

At that time Viracocha, the creator God, looked down upon the earth. He saw it was bare, shrouded in impenetrable darkness, for daylight did not yet exist.

Taguapac, his woman, and her children, the only human creatures, had found refuge under a rock in the heart of the Andes. They led a life of hardship, because the land, plunged into endless night, produced no fruit. Viracocha’s heart moved with compassion as he saw the hardship in which his creatures lived and decided to intervene.

He called Inti, the sacred bird, and Titi, the puma with piercing eyes, to his side. Viracocha said to Inti, who had perched himself on his right: “Turn your gaze towards the earth and let darkness and light come upon it at regular intervals.”

Obeying its God, the sacred bird opened its eyes wide: the pupils shone half with a golden light, half with a deep blue. Suddenly one side of the earth was bathed in a vivid light, while the other side remained immersed in darkness.

The creator God spoke again. He turned to Titi, the puma, and commanded him: “Aim your gaze towards the dark part of the earth and set fire to the stars hanging in the sky.”

Immediately Titi turned his gaze towards the stars scattered across the sky. And they lit up and shone; they seemed to throb with joy as if they wanted to dance before their Creator.

Caressed by the sun’s rays, the earth began to produce flowers and fruit. Taguapac, his wife, and his children no longer wandered here and there in search of food and shelter. The light of God had reached them and given them souls. Now they knew how to provide for themselves, while from the bottom of their hearts, for the very first time, a sense of gratitude to the Creator and the need to raise a prayer of thanksgiving
to him rose up.

Even God was moved by this transformation of his creatures and wept with tenderness. His tears, which fell copiously on the mountain peaks, formed a small lake at the bottom of the valley, which was given the name Titicaca. Its waters were a beautiful colour, a deep turquoise blue.

Years passed, and men multiplied on the face of the earth. With the passing of time, distracted by a thousand interests, they gradually forgot God’s tenderness. The nights were still animated by dancing and singing, but no longer were hymns of praise and prayers heard, but music and wild dancing that certainly did not help souls rise up
to their Creator.

Only the shamans, here and there, tried to draw the attention of men to a more ordered life. They passed through towns and villages proclaiming: “Brothers, your way of life offends the gods. Convert, if you do not wish to be destroyed by fire and water.”

But no one paid attention to them. On the contrary, they were often mocked and driven away with whips and sticks. Only a few, deeply moved by the shamans’ message, decided to change their lives and withdrew to the mountain whose summit rose in Lake Titicaca. This decision was much criticised by those who remained in the towns and villages. “How stupid they are – people said – It is well known that if lightning strikes the earth, they will be the first to be struck”.

One day, towards sunset, the shadow of a small red cloud obscured the sun. At first, no one worried; but little by little the whole sky was covered by a blanket of ominous red clouds. The sun had long since dropped below the horizon line, but a sinister light continued to illuminate the houses and the countryside. Terror was painted on the faces of the people: the gods were about to take revenge for the lack of mercy
shown by men.

Suddenly the earth shook fearfully; many houses collapsed. The echo of the cries had not yet died away when a second interminable tremor caused even the strongest walls to collapse. There were violent downpours mixed with a rain of fire. They crashed down upon the earth, destroying everything.

The following day, a vivid dawn lit up the destruction and ruins. The small Lake Titicaca had swollen out of proportion: in the valley, its length now reached almost a hundred kilometres, and an island emerged in the middle. When the first rays of the sun reached the highest point of the island, those who had found refuge there came out of hiding.

With dismay, they observed from above what the earthquake, the rains of fire and the flood had accomplished: on the shores of the lake and in the vast plain they could no longer see any sign of life. On the island, the survivors of the disaster congratulated each other on having survived. They soon felt the need to thank the Creator who had spared them from the fury of his wrath. They gathered in a clearing and raised to the god Viracocha and the other gods the prayer of thanksgiving and hymns of praise. All agreed to call their refuge ‘the Island of the Sun’.

It was now a matter of choosing the most suitable place to rebuild the dwellings and start cultivating the fields again. Once again it was the mercy of the God Viracocha that came to them. As the survivors were gathered in prayer under a large hule plant, a golden staff appeared, surrounded by a radiant glow. From above, a voice announced: “Receive from God Viracocha this staff; try to thrust it into the ground. Where the stick penetrates the ground, stop: that is the fertile land that your God has destined for you.”

The small group of men and women set out. The day was clear, the air of incredible purity. Below, the water of the lake reflected the colour of the sky, deep blue. Every now and then, the pilgrims stopped, and the older shaman grabbed the golden staff, pointing it at the ground; but the earth seemed reluctant to receive the staff.

Finally, the group came to a vast valley and there they stopped to rest. When the shaman planted the stick in the ground, he saw that the stick penetrated the ground. A spontaneous cry of joy went up from those present: the God Viracocha had answered their prayers.

Thus, the first houses sprang up. Soon cultivated and fertile fields appeared on the plains and along the shores of the lake; the first shoots of maize and beans sprouted, while fruit plants became more and more robust with each season.

In the valley, a city was emerging: Cuzco, the ‘Navel of the Inca world’. Irrigation canals and brick and shoe factories were built; men tamed llamas, while women became increasingly skilled in the art of weaving. Improvised artists modelled vases and bowls, painted in garish colours.

Remembering the faults of the past, people lived in fear of offending the gods. To them they offered the first fruits of the fields and all sorts of sacrifices; children were brought up to worship the sun, the moon and the gods of storms and crops. With a calendar spanning the four seasons, commemorations and festivals were fixed. The ‘Descendants of the Sun’, the ‘People of the Hot Valley’, thus expressed their gratitude to the Creator, the God Viracocha. (Photo: at sunset, Lake Titicaca, Peru. 123rf)

A legend from the Inca people

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