Seven years have passed since the protests against the regime. Assassinations, desaparecidos, incarcerations and deportations have marked the life of this country during those years. The Ortega-Murillo dictatorship continues its repressive action undaunted.

At the entrance to the habitation of Niquinohomo, a small village not far from Masaya, stands the statue of General Augusto César Sandino, a national hero. As I look at it carefully, an old man approaches, struggling to walk, and he says: “I fought in the northern jungle against Somoza, proud to be a Sandinista. On that day, July 19, 1979, I entered Managua with my rifle on my shoulder. Years of struggle. I saw so many of my young friends die for freedom. And now, 46 years later, what is left? Another dictatorship.” And he continues: “Sandinism no longer exists, Orteguism (from the name of the co-president Ortega) exists, but also Murilloism (from the co-president Murillo). A woman who has never fought. She doesn’t know what it means to fight and believe in freedom. And yet, she got herself elected co-president. I can’t imagine another ascent to power like this anywhere else in the world.”

The statue of General Augusto César Sandino in Niquinohomo. “Sandinism no longer exists”. File swm

He rolls his eyes and stares at the statue of Sandino, shaking his head. “I think of my grandchildren who had to flee to Costa Rica after the riots of 2018 and another grandchild of mine who went to live in the United States. They are the ones who enable me to live. Every month they send me money so I can eat. I don’t know if I’ll see them again. These grandchildren of mine fought because they believed in democracy and freedom, like their grandfather. When they were little, I told them about my battles in the jungle. Now we live in a regime that imprisons, kills and destroys the lives of so many Nicaraguans.” He stops, breathes heavily, turns and slowly shuffles away with his walking stick.

April 2018
For years, the country had been experiencing considerable social tension due to the excessive centralisation of power, blatant corruption at the top of government and the constant erosion of democratic spaces. But the straw that broke the camel’s back was the decision to reform the Nicaraguan Social Security Institute (INSS).
On April 18, 2018, some pensioners took to the streets to protest against the reform and were attacked by supporters of the Ortega government. This episode unleashed a wave of indignation that inflamed spirits, especially in universities. That same night, the student mobilisation began, which became the centre of the civic insurrection. Between April 19, 20, and 21, the capital Managua and other cities in the country, such as León, became the scene of unprecedented repression. The riot police, supported by paramilitaries, opened fire at chest height with the aim of killing. The young people defended themselves by putting up barricades. To defend themselves, they threw stones and fell riddled by the bullets of the police and paramilitaries.

Crowd fills the street at a protest in May 2018. CC BY-SA 2.0 /Jorge Mejía Peralta

One of them was fifteen-year-old Álvaro Manuel Conrado Dávila (Alvarito), who died after being hit in the throat by a bullet. Alvarito was a high school student who on the morning of April 20, decided to give his support to the students of the Universidad Nacional de Ingeniería (Uni), who were expressing their dissent against those who were taking away their future. Too young to be on the front lines of the clash, he was in charge of bringing water to the older ones who were facing the police charges.Just as he was trying to bring some water, he was suddenly hit by a bullet from a sniper stationed in the Denis Martínez National Stadium. “It hurts to breathe,” he managed to say before being taken to the medical tent and then transported by volunteers to the Croce Azzurra hospital in the capital. But Alvarito was not allowed to pass through the hospital medical centre. The order that reached the country’s public health facilities from the then health minister of Daniel Ortega’s regime, Sonia Castro, was clear and peremptory: no medical attention was to be given to the protesters.
Thus, amid general dismay and anger, Alvarito was taken to another private hospital, Bautista, where, after a desperate attempt to save him with a 4-hour surgical operation, he was declared dead. He had lost too much blood, doctors said: if he had received immediate medical attention, he could have been saved. The violent repression continued.

Demonstrations and protests in Masaya against Ortega government. CC BY-SA 2.0 /Jorge Mejía Peralta

After the events of April, a system of repression and terror was inaugurated aimed at dismantling and nipping in the bud any possible opposition to the regime. The “cleanup operation”, launched in July of the same year by Ortega, aimed to eliminate the barricades in the main cities. Hundreds of arbitrary imprisonments followed, as well as the persecution of those who had participated in the protests. Civil and democratic liberties were suspended, preventing free movement and the right to demonstrate and limiting the constitutional rights of the population. Finally, the final was attack against NGOs and the press.
On September 24, 2018, the Nicaraguan Association for Human Rights (ANPDH) was already speaking of 1,300 desaparecidos, 512 dead and over 4,000 injured.

Panic and Fear
Since 2018, at least 800,000 Nicaraguans, 11.8% of the estimated 6.8 million inhabitants, have been forced to leave the country. This is the “largest exodus in the history” of the country.
“Panic and fear,” says a political analyst who prefers to remain anonymous for fear of repression by the regime. “We live in a condition of generalized illegality. People are being charged with crimes that were never committed or that should not be considered as such. More than 40 methods of torture are practised in Nicaraguan prisons and prisoners are subjected to cruel, inhuman and degrading treatment: they are subjected to violence, they are not given food and they do not have access to sunlight.” And he continues: “In the country, there is total control of social networks. There is a law, the “Ley de Ciberdelitos”, through which the dictatorship can imprison you on a discretionary basis: for example, if a person posts a blue and white flag and writes “Viva Nicaragua”, this can be identified as a crime. People are now afraid even to take part in WhatsApp groups: the fear has increased with the new reform of the law, which came into force last September.”

The riot police fired at chest height, intending to kill. Shutterstock/Jeiner Huete_P

Ortega-Murillo strength lies in repression with the help of the police and the army. According to Javier Meléndez, an analyst of Defence and Security, “the relationship between the military leadership and the Ortega regime began as a political pact, in which the army was given the green light to develop its own business, without entering politics. Ortega undoubtedly depends on the army to be in power and the institution is so compromised in terms of human rights violations, corruption and commercial economic operations that both need each other to survive.”
On February 21, 2025, General Julio César Avilés, Commander in Chief of the Army, was sworn in for the fourth consecutive term.
The analyst continues: “The participation of the army in the repression, through the supply of weapons of war to pro-government gangs, which has caused hundreds of deaths, imprisonments, disappearances and thousands of injured, and the refusal of the military hierarchies to disarm the paramilitary gangs as requested by jurists and civil society organisations, puts in doubt the very survival of the institution on the day that an acceptable form of rule of law is restored.”

In the country, there is total control of social networks. 123rf

With a new law, the Daniele Ortega – Rosario Murillo “Volunteer Police” was created, composed of civilians, as an “auxiliary and support body” to the security forces. For poet Gioconda Belli, who was forced into exile in Spain and stripped of her Nicaraguan nationality, it is “a repressive and lawless army that has been given constitutional status.” The fact that these “Volunteer Police” wear balaclavas, a practice previously reserved for special units, is generating controversy, as many fear that anonymity gives them a “license to commit crimes.” Last February 17, Police Inspector General Jaime Vanegas revealed that there are more than 50,000 sworn paramilitaries across the country.
Since 2022, more than six hundred people have been deported and stripped of their citizenship. Not only that but their assets have been seized by the regime.
A report by Monitoreo Azul y Blando details that, between January 2024 and February 2025, at least 349 Nicaraguans have been victims of “migratory repression” by the Ortega regime. Actions against these citizens include exile, refusal to renew passports, and prohibition from leaving or entering Nicaragua.
Last February 26, a new report by the UN Group of Experts on Human Rights accused the Nicaraguan government of dismantling the last remaining checks on its power and systematically implementing a strategy to consolidate total control over the country through serious human rights violations.

A view of a session at the UN Human Rights Council. Nicaragua withdraws from the UN Human Rights Council. Photo: UN

The experts found that the regime of President Daniel Ortega and Rosario Murillo has deliberately transformed the country into an authoritarian state in which independent institutions have disappeared, opposition voices have been silenced and the population – both inside and outside Nicaragua – has been subjected to persecution, forced exile and economic reprisals. The experts called for decisive international action to address these violations.
President Daniel Ortega’s government announced its withdrawal from the UN Human Rights Council after the UN report.  Co-President and First Lady Rosario Murillo called the decision “sovereign and irrevocable”. They said Nicaragua would cease participation in all activities related to the Human Rights Council and its “satellite mechanisms”.
Seven years have passed and resignation and desperation are apparent among the people we met. An uncertain future. Every family in Nicaragua has a child or a parent who has had to flee due to repression. Silence is mandatory.  (Open Photo: Flag of Nicaragua.123rf)
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Change of the constitution. The introduction of a co-presidency. Total control over legislative and judicial power. Establishing a voluntary police force as an auxiliary and support to the National Police. Towards a “family dictatorship”.

On January 30, 2025, the National Assembly of Nicaragua approved a constitutional reform that significantly strengthened the power of President Daniel Ortega and his wife, Vice President Rosario Murillo.
The changes introduced completely transformed the country’s political system, strengthening the influence of the executive over other state bodies. This constitutional change institutionalises a true “family dictatorship”.The heart of the reform lies in the modification of Article 132 of the Constitutional Charter which, as reformed, attributes to the President of the Republic the coordination of the legislative, judicial, and electoral branches, as well as the control of the regions and municipalities. In addition, by virtue of the same provision, the Presidency of the Republic is placed at the head not only of the Nicaraguan Army but also of the Ministry of the Interior
and the National Police.

View of the FSLN-dominated National Assembly plenary. Photo: Office of Asamblea Nacional

The second novelty introduced by the reform is the introduction of a co-presidency. In fact, the reformed article 133 provides that the Presidency of the Republic will be made up of two Co-Presidents, both holding equal parts of presidential power, elected by an absolute majority through universal, free and direct suffrage.
At the same time, article 135 extends the presidential mandate from 5 to 6 years, moving the next elections from 2026 to 2027.
Article 136 establishes that the Presidency of the Republic is the only body authorised to propose candidates for the Supreme Court of Justice, to appoint vice-presidents and to veto all or part of bills.
To further centralise the powers in the hands of the Executive, the new text of Article 137 has also given the two co-presidents the power not only to appoint any number of vice-presidents without them being chosen by popular vote but also the power to appoint and dismiss ministers and vice-ministers, the Attorney General and Deputy Attorney General of the Republic, the directors of autonomous and government entities, the heads of diplomatic missions and the heads of special missions.The reform of Article 97, on the other hand, establishes an “auxiliary body” of Nicaraguan citizens charged with supporting the National Police on a voluntary basis.
This new body, called the “Volunteer Police”, closely resembles the paramilitary formations that repressed anti-government protests in 2018, resulting in over 600 deaths and thousands of injuries.

The new reform elevated the flag of the Sandinista National Liberation Front – FSLN (red and black) to the official symbol of the nation, equating it with the white and blue flag. Shutterstock/Riderfoot

Another novelty is the reform of Article 13, which elevates the flag of the Sandinista National Liberation Front – FSLN (red and black) to the official symbol of the Nation, equating it to the white and blue flag and the national anthem of Nicaragua. This choice constitutes a symbolic operation of strong impact, since it inserts the emblem of the party in power directly into the institutional sphere, cancelling any distinction between the identity of the Republic and the political identity of the FSLN. The decision to include the flag of the FSLN among the official symbols of the Country represents a further step towards the fusion between Government and party, reducing the space for political pluralism and recognition of the other forces present in Nicaragua.

OAS Main Building. The General Secretariat of the Organization of American States has condemned the constitutional reforms. The “reform” is illegitimate in form and content. Photo: Juan Manuel Herrera/OAS

The United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (UNHCR), already in the preliminary approval phase of the text in November 2024, had stated that the approved constitutional reform “violates the international obligations undertaken by Nicaragua” and therefore urged the State to review it to guarantee the separation of powers, political pluralism and fundamental freedoms, in line with the international commitments undertaken by the country.
The general secretariat of the Organization of American States condemned the constitutional reforms. The “reform” is illegitimate in form and content, it simply constitutes an aberrant form of institutionalisation of the matrimonial dictatorship in the Central American country and represents a definitive attack on the democratic rule of law”, it declared in a statement. (Illustration: PxMolinA)

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Modest growth. A dramatic increase in remittances. Over a million people undernourished. Chinese domination. Political indoctrination in schools.

The Oriental Market in the capital Managua is the largest market in Central America. A large labyrinth where you can find everything. In one of the shops I met Dona Elvira Arua Pimeda, she has been working there for 25 years. She started when her mother owned the shop and now she owns it herself. But she doesn’t want her daughter to continue this tradition. She is selling 2 pounds of rice. “Before, people came and bought 20, 30 pounds, now, with the crisis we are experiencing, people are spending less and less and hunger is increasing. People are desperate, they don’t know what to do anymore. But the saddest thing is that there is no way out.” Dona Elvira shakes her head and sits down, waiting for a new customer.

Street children in the capital of Managua. More than 1.3 million people suffer from hunger in Nicaragua. File swm

What she says is also confirmed by the FAO. A reality that the Ortega-Murillo regime does not accept. Last February, the Government of Nicaragua announced its withdrawal from the Food and Agriculture Organization of the United Nations (FAO), ordering the “immediate” closure of its representation and offices in Managua. The decision followed the publication of the report “The State of Food Security and Nutrition in the World 2024“, which revealed that more than 1.3 million people suffer from hunger in Nicaragua. According to what was revealed, 19.6% of the Central American country’s total population suffer from this problem, with 15% of children under five experiencing growth retardation due to nutritional deficiencies. A situation that worsened from 2018 to 2020, when the UN body estimated that 17.8% of the population – 1.1 million inhabitants – were undernourished in Nicaragua.
From an economic point of view, according to economist Manuel Orozco, “Nicaragua continues to prove itself as a lagging economy, with a government determined to navigate between poverty and populism. Despite the propaganda of the Chinese buses, the country continues to live in a highly unequal economy.
This year it will register a rate of 3.8%.” Nicaragua’s economic growth is the result of a significant increase in remittances.

In 2024, Nicaragua received $5.243 billion in family remittances from abroad, equivalent to 29.4% of its gross domestic product (GDP). File swm

In 2024, Nicaragua received $5.243 billion in family remittances from abroad, equivalent to 29.4% of its Gross Domestic Product (GDP): an all-time record for the Central American country, according to the Nicaraguan Central Bank, and an increase of 12.5% compared to 2023.
Of this, $4.34 billion came last year from the United States, equivalent to 82.8% of the total, followed by Costa Rica with 7.5% and Spain with 5.8%. Remittances from these three countries represent 96.1% of the total.
Another economist who prefers to remain anonymous confirms: “Thanks to remittances coming mainly from the United States, Costa Rica and Spain, but also through drug trafficking and loans that financial institutions grant to the State and are used for repression and not for social projects. The international community has played an important role in helping to free a large number of political prisoners, but on the other hand, I think it has made a mistake because it continues to provide loans to the dictatorship. To repay these loans, the State dips into the pockets of Nicaraguans: it is as if they were paying to be tortured. I think the international community must also adopt more drastic measures against the army and the police: the apparatuses that support the dictatorship in power through murders, sieges and persecutions.”

China Mall, in Managua. Nicaraguan entrepreneurs and traders are suffering the most from this Chinese expansion. Photo from Social Media

China in Nicaragua
 The free trade agreement between China and Nicaragua came into force on January 1, 2024, two years after the reestablishment of diplomatic relations between the two countries and the end of the Managua government’s relations with Taiwan. The agreement provides preferential tariffs for trade and promotes cooperation in some sectors, such as agriculture, textiles, tourism and logistics. According to data from the Nicaraguan Ministry of Industry and Trade, between January and October 2024, exports to China were only 1.05 percent of those to the United States, which is still the main trading partner of the authoritarian regime of President Daniel Ortega.
After this free trade agreement, there has been an expansion of a large number of Chinese retail stores, such as China Mall, China House, China Bazaar, The Star, Chinese Supermertain, and in the eastern market there are also plans to expand with Chinese capital. Nicaraguan entrepreneurs and traders are suffering the most from this Chinese expansion.

The former UCA University. Since 2021, 27 universities have been closed and confiscated. File swm

The crisis that is sinking Managua is not only political and economic but also cultural. Since 2021, 27 universities have been closed and confiscated. Hundreds of teachers have been fired and the students themselves denounce the poor qualifications of the new teaching staff. There is now a lack of concern about a trend of political indoctrination inside the classroom and attempts to limit freedom of thought. In the great prison that the country has become, any form of resistance is useful, even silence. (Open Photo: Carrying wood in the village. Shutterstock /Martin Corr)

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