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Madagascar. The mission with the monk’s habit.

How can a monk be “missionary” if, by vocation, he is called to withdraw from the world and therefore is not in direct contact with the population? Father Christophe Vuillaume, a Benedictine of the Mahitsy monastery in Madagascar, answers.

In a precise sense, the two terms “monk” and “missionary” seem to contradict each other. But the mission is not limited to teaching, the celebration of the sacraments or pastoral initiatives of all kinds, in which the monks obviously do not participate or rarely participate. Perhaps we should ask ourselves: in what sense can the monastic community take its place in the mission of the Church? As the Second Vatican Council clearly understood, the monastery must first of all be what it is, and this is what the local Church asks of us. Because being monks in truth is already
a form of “mission”.

“The monastery must be a spiritual centre for everyone, in search of God”. Facebook

If the monastic community is faithful to its call to seek God in prayer, silence and solitude, but also in fraternal communion, work and sharing, it will in itself be a luminous focus of evangelical life. This applies not only to those who come to the monastery on a daily basis: the poor, the neighbours, the workers, but also to those who come to celebrate the Sunday Eucharist – some of whom do not hesitate to travel 60 km to do so – for the guests and retreatants that Saint Benedict asks us to welcome “like Christ” to benefit from the silence and atmosphere of prayer, but also to receive spiritual teaching, personal advice or even the sacrament of reconciliation. In this sense, as the Council teaches, the monastery must be a spiritual centre for everyone, Christians and non-Christians, in search of God, who perhaps they do not yet know.

Apostle monks
We received an intuition from Father Jean-Baptiste Muard (1809-1854), founder of the Abbey of La Pierre-qui-Vire, our motherhouse. Inspired by his patron, the Baptist, he realized that only the “apostle monks” could work on the new evangelization of France. To do so, he had to send a strong signal to the people: that of a life entirely dedicated to God in the radical following of Christ, as understood by the monastic tradition.His intuition could be summed up in these words: “Make a sign first of all with your life”.

“No other purpose than to “seek God”, in the words of Saint Benedict”. Facebook

Therefore, contrary to what one might think, anchorism, this “distance” from the world, which is essential for the monastic vocation, is also what allows the community to give a strong and radical testimony and, in doing so, to exercise a certain attraction on those who live “in the hearts of the people”. In fact, in the radical nature of their choices, expressed in the practice of the three monastic vows: obedience, the conversion of customs – which include poverty and chastity – and stability, the monks bear witness to the absoluteness of the Kingdom of God. In fact, this is the only justification that Jesus gave for consecrated celibacy: in view (or for love) of the kingdom of heaven (Mt 19.12).Visitors to the monastery often wonder: why do these men and women, who could have done anything else, freely decide to spend their entire lives away from the world, with no other purpose than to “seek God”, in the words of Saint Benedict? This question is already healthy in itself. It will silently make its way into the hearts of every man and woman of good will, especially young people who question the meaning of their life.

 The apostolate of prayer
The monk or nun also learns to live ever more deeply what is called the “apostolate of prayer”, uniting every day, in the gift of self and in personal or common prayer, with brothers and sisters who work in the world. A mysterious reality, but a reality. For this to be true, the monk must obviously be as authentic as possible in his vocation. In our so-called “recent mission” countries, this authenticity is going through a delicate phase in all forms of religious life. The values ​​transmitted by the founders must be recognized as such before they can be adopted and embodied by brothers and sisters whose culture is still far from fully embracing the ideals of the Gospel.

“The monks bear witness to the absoluteness of the Kingdom of God”. Facebook

The last transmitters of the charism, coming from Europe, are sometimes disconcerted by the apparent withdrawal from the values ​​they believed they had transmitted with all their heart and above all by living them firsthand. But is it a real retreat, or the testing, but necessary and always purifying, process of authentic inculturation? Honest and rigorous discernment is needed here. It is the whole task of an intelligent understanding of Tradition that transmitters must carry out “to enable those who follow them to inherit not the practices, but the values ​​which they themselves will have to embody where they are, in their time, before transmitting them to others in their turn”. But how can we give to others what we have not received and assimilated ourselves?

Particular aspects of monastic life in Madagascar
The liturgy. Father Gilles Gaide, a monk from Mahitsy, was one of the main protagonists of the inculturation with his team Ankalazao ny Tompo (“Praise the Lord”). This led not only to the composition of a Malagasy “prayer for the present time”: Vavaka isan’andro, but also to a considerable repertoire of hymns and canticles known almost by heart and widely used throughout the island, even in parishes. While using this collection on some occasions, the monastic communities each composed their own prayer book, according to their own traditions. Today, some continue to recite some offices in French, while others celebrate the entire liturgy in Malagasy.

“We live in Madagascar at a crucial time when our vocation to “seek God” in monastic life will have to be fully expressed, in and through the local culture”. Facebook

Formation. In the 2000s a great effort was made to create a monastic studium, common to our six monasteries and the Poor Clares. After a period of hiatus, it was recently relaunched. Several monks and nuns teach there, as well as some seminary professors. Mahitsy Monastery has been fortunate to have been able to maintain its own theology studium since the 1990s. Some brothers are sent to study in France and at the Catholic Institute of Madagascar.
Integration into the local Church. In Madagascar, we are certainly more aware of this connection than in Europe. This is demonstrated by our mutual participation in some diocesan celebrations or meetings and the cordial relationship with our pastors, who usually understand and respect our monastic charism. Our guesthouses are well frequented, especially on the occasion of the main liturgical celebrations. Also noteworthy is the existence of an assembly of the island’s monastic superiors, which is held every year and which, in addition to exchanges between leaders, includes a training period. A final point to mention is the temptation of an insular population to the detriment of fruitful exchanges and therefore cultural and economic progress. On the other hand, the stay of some brothers and sisters in our French monasteries for study purposes or to complete their monastic training, as well as the sessions organised in Europe, are helping to change things.

“Make a sign first of all with your life”. Facebook

The seed thrown into the soil
We live in Madagascar at a crucial time when our vocation to “seek God” in monastic life will have to be fully expressed, and undoubtedly also enriched, in and through the local culture. The most precise image of this mysterious process is that of the seed thrown into the earth. Fertilised by a soil unique in its characteristics, the plant that germinates, then produces its flower and, finally, its fruit will be at the same time similar to the seed, of the same nature, and legitimately different, marked by its specific components. It is a natural law desired by the Creator to give rise to an infinite number of varieties, not only of shapes and colours, one more beautiful than the other, but also of flavours, aromas and qualities of infinite richness. In reality, this surprising metamorphosis takes us back to the heart of the Paschal Mystery, because nothing about this birth, which will ultimately give glory to God and save the world, can happen if the grain does not die first. (swm)

Bolivia. The Ayoreos. The Wedding, Celebration full of cultural symbols.

The Ayoreos are an ethnic group that live in the eastern part of Bolivia. They number about 4,000 and live distributed in 29 communities. The name “Ayoreo” means “true men”. It refers to their way of life as hunters and gatherers. A glance at their wedding celebration.

The celebration of marriage is not as rigidly established as in other cultures. It is, above all, a spontaneous ritual celebration based on daily life. For this reason, it is a celebration full of cultural symbolic signs.
The first step towards marriage for the Ayoreo begins with the process of falling in love. The meeting place is the rivers where they fish or bathe. This is where the new couples meet and enjoy themselves. Another meeting place is the jungle, where they meet intimately and declare their love for each other.

One of the places where new couple meet and have fun is in the jungle, where they declare their love for each other. Photo: Pixabay

The next step is the formalization of the intention to live together, for which the young couple makes known their situation and their intentions for their future life. It is said that in many cases of Ayoreo, it is the child that unites the couple. For this reason, when the parents oppose the couple but the couple already have their first child, they are considered married and the parents must accept them and let them live together. But out of respect, the children must communicate with their parents to let them live as a couple.Once the agreement is reached, the time when the wedding will take place is set. On the day of the ceremony, the two prepare themselves with all their cultural elements. The groom and his friends go hunting in the jungle and the bride and her friends prepare the yucca or corn drink. The shaman (the wise man who is also the head of the community) is in charge of consolidating the ritual of the new couple. He gives them his blessing according to the requests of the couple and the families of both parties.
The shaman calls them on the requested day and blesses them with prayers and icaros (songs inspired by the spirit of the jungle), thus invoking the spirits for the good of the couple.

Ayoreo parrot feather ornament. Photo: AMNH/Daderot

For the Ayoreo, ritual ceremonies are a connection with the mystical spirits of the forest or mother nature. For this reason, each ritual celebration is prepared with many symbols, such as water, fire, earth and air. These four elements have a complementary meaning for the Ayoreo wedding. It is also the moment of rebirth with new blood, breathing air and body heat to continue a new path together with a new partner without going wrong.
The indigenous Ayoreo communities connect with the cosmos through this type of ritual ceremony performed in sacred places. In the case of weddings, they are celebrated in a new house or in a new place that signifies the beginning of the new couple.After the spiritual ceremony presided over by the shaman, the social or community party takes place. A typical dish is shared, which is rice with beans, accompanied by a tasty asado de monte (barbecue) and its yucca or corn.

Ayoreo woman. Ayoreo people at risk of extinction. Photo: Survival International

Everyone shares what the mother jungle provides them through animals and fruits. To express their joy, there is no shortage of typical music made of bells, rattles and whistles. The bride and groom dance in a circle accompanied by the guests, who are usually the closest. Thus, the nuptial wedding ceremony is concluded.
In the Ayoreo marriage, there is no godfather or godmother. The only intermediaries are the families of the bride and groom. Furthermore, they can live wherever they want, it is a matter of coming to an agreement. A third person who intervenes is the shaman who united them by ritually blessing their union. The commitment of these intermediaries is to give the new family a plot of land to build their new home and to grant them community rights. If an Ayoreo does not marry, he cannot exercise any position of authority in the community, but after marriage, he has the right to assume any position of authority, and to be respected and recognized as part of the Ayoreo community. (Open Photo: Ayoreo young man. Photo: Survival International – Bolivia Amazon Forest. Photo 123rf)

Jhonny Mancilla Pérez

 

 

Towards World Youth Day 2027 in Seoul with the courage to change the world.

On 24 November, the Solemnity of Christ the King, on the occasion of World Youth Day in the Particular Churches, in St. Peter’s Basilica the traditional passing of the symbols of World Youth Day (WYD) will take place between the young people of Lisbon who will hand over to those of Seoul the Cross of the young people and the icon of Mary Salus Populi Romani. The theme chosen by Pope Francis for the WYD in Korea: “Have courage: I have conquered the world!”.

After 32 years, WYD will return to Asia, after the one in Manila in 1995. Why Korea? Cardinal Kevin J. Farrell, Prefect of the Dicastery for the Laity, Family and Life, explains: “Because of the strong missionary spirit of the Pope, who wants to bring the Word of God to everyone to make them understand that we can live together in peace”.

Although Korean Catholics represent only 11% of the population,
“The Church is full of vitality and is enriched by the heroic testimony of many martyrs,” continued the Prefect. “Asia’s natural openness to dialogue will be of great help to young people, the messengers
of peace of the future.”

Finally, he concluded, the dynamic Asian context will make young people reflect on the dialogue between faith and modernity. “Let’s think about the loss of meaning in life, the digital revolution, the climate crisis and economic inequalities,” he said. “These great questions will be a stimulus for contemporary culture to be transformed by the Gospel.”

The WYD, Farrell continued, presents three opportunities: first of all, it is an occasion for all young people for a general “rediscovery of the beauty of Christian life”, which can then be “fertile ground for the flourishing of many vocations, to marriage or to the priesthood and to consecrated life”, for the benefit of the Church in Korea, the Asian continent
and the universal Church.

Secondly, the natural openness of Asia to the coexistence of cultures, to dialogue and complementarity, will be, according to the cardinal, “of great help to young pilgrims, in their journey of formation to become the messengers of peace of the future, in a world so torn by conflict
and opposition”.

Finally, the dynamic Asian context will lead young people to reflect on the dialogue between faith and modernity: if climate crisis, economic inequalities, digital revolution and loss of meaning are the distinctive traits of the most developed societies, young people will be encouraged to give their personal contribution so that contemporary culture is fermented and transformed by the Gospel.

Msgr. Peter Soon-taick Chung, Archbishop of Seoul and President of the Local Organizing Committee recalls the history of Korea and the periods of persecution, but above all, the strength of the first faithful, who welcomed the seeds of the Gospel.

The WYD in Korea, Msgr. Peter Soon-taick Chung explains, will be “a meaningful journey in which young people, united with Jesus Christ, will reflect and discuss the modern challenges and injustices they face” and a “celebration” that “will allow everyone to experience the vibrant and energetic culture created by young Koreans”.

Through this “collective journey”, the archbishop added, the pilgrims of the WYD will become “courageous missionaries”, inspired to live the joy of the Gospel that they have found.

Regarding the relationship with North Korea, Msgr. Peter Soon-Taick Chung comments: “The relationship is not favourable. But if it is possible, we will also invite young North Koreans”.

In anticipation of 2027, Monsignor Paul Kyung Sang Lee, general coordinator of the WYD said that about 1,000 Korean youth will participate in the Jubilee of Youth that will be held in Rome in August next year. Preparations for the WYD, he added, have already begun.
“Our youth are open to interreligious dialogue and many priests have become friends with Buddhist monks. The WYD wants to be
a great event of unity.”

The prelate pointed out that the logo, was inspired by the brushstroke techniques of traditional Korean art. “There is a cross in the centre,” he explained. “The red and blue colours symbolize Christ’s victory over the world, the blood of the martyrs and the vitality of young people. Finally, the yellow that shines behind the cross represents Christ,
the “Light of the World”.”

Kim Suji Gabriella, a young Korean who works in marketing and sustainability says: “After experiencing the WYD in Krakow in 2016, I had the honour of participating in the Synod on the journey with young people in Rome in 2017 as a Korean delegate. This precious experience of meeting and interacting with the Pope and young people has fuelled my commitment to serving the Church”.

The young lady, who began her service as a catechist, tells how the pandemic has dispersed the flock, but she says she is confident: “Through the WYD in Seoul 2027, we will forge a path of unity, hope, courage and passion, welcoming people from all walks of life, not just Catholic believers, to walk together in harmony”. (C.C.)

Music. Iran. Overcoming barriers.

It is not easy to make music in Iran today. And yet, in a country where social, religious and political tensions intersect with women’s and new generations’ anxiety for renewal, music also carries a crucial weight to convey ideas, demands, desires for freedom and brotherhood.

In recent years, the music scene of what was once Persia has shown signs of great dynamism and notable innovative thrusts, in a varied panorama where musical tradition (very rich in this country) often meets innovation and modernist and cosmopolitan sounds. In short, despite the cultural and political restrictions of the regime, Iranian artists continue to find creative ways to express themselves and share
their music with the world.

Iran. The young seller of handmade jewellery store makes performance, playing kamancheh traditional Persian musical instrument in Yazd.123rf

The rich heritage of Persian classical music, based on the modal system of the radif repertoire and instruments such as the santur (a 72-string psaltery), the kamancheh (a type of two-stringed violin) and the daf (a frame drum), often intersects with Western stylistic elements
such as rock, jazz, electronic dance and hip hop, generating
decidedly original sounds.

Hichkas Anjam Vazife. (Photo X)

Among the most popular artists of the contemporary Iranian music scene we find, for example, the exiled songwriter Mohsen Namjoo, whose singer-songwriter style fuses Iranian tradition with the blues rock of Western artists such as Eric Clapton. But the rap scene is also very active; among the most prominent names is Hichkas, a native of Tehran and much loved by young Iranians for his ability to give voice to their frustrations and their hopes for change with lyrics that often address social and political issues; Hichkas is one of the pioneers of this field, and can also boast a certain following in Afghanistan and Great Britain where he has often performed.
Other notable rappers and rockers are Mohammad Bibak who has increased his popularity abroad thanks to social media, Shahin Najafi, who was also forced to emigrate (to Germany), and the historic band Kiosk, on the scene since 2003.

Mohammad Bibak has increased his popularity abroad thanks to social media. (Photo X)

It is clear that in such a complicated landscape for artists, social media and online platforms continue to play a fundamental role in spreading contemporary Iranian music internationally. These tools are the best strategy to overcome the barriers imposed by political restrictions and continue to circulate music, inside and outside Iran; for example, if you type Persian Pop 2024 on Spotify, you will get a compilation of more than 250 songs: confirming that there is no regime in the Third Millennium that can stop music. (Open Photo: Live music concert with blending Iran flag on fans. 123rf)

Franz Coriasco

 

Horn of Africa. Egyptian arms supplies to Somalia raise dangerous tensions with Addis Ababa.

Egypt and Somalia are increasing their military cooperation to pressure Ethiopia over their respective concerns: the Renaissance Dam on the Nile and recognition of the breakaway state of Somaliland. In this volatile context, Turkey, which has good relations with all sides, could help defuse tensions.

On 23 September, officials in Mogadishu confirmed to the press that an Egyptian warship had delivered anti-aircraft guns and artillery to Somalia. The shipment was sent “to support and build the capabilities of the Somali army”, according to a statement from the Egyptian Foreign Ministry the same day.  A month earlier, on 27 August, the Cairo government sent two planeloads of arms and ammunition to Somalia following the signing of a joint security pact. These shipments serve several purposes. By sending these weapons to Somalia, the Egyptian authorities are sending a message of their strong opposition to the Ethiopian government’s decision of 10 September last to proceed with the fifth filling of the $5 billion Great Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD) reservoir on the Blue Nile.

Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam aerial view. Photo: Prime Minister Office Ethiopia

On 24 September, Egyptian Foreign Minister Badr Abdelatty condemned Ethiopia’s “unilateral decision” to reduce Egypt’s water supply in violation of international law and the Tripartite Declaration of Principles signed in 2015 by Ethiopia and its downstream neighbours, Sudan and Egypt. The minister added that Egypt would take all the necessary measures allowed by the UN Charter to defend the interests of its people and stop the filling process that is underway.
According to the Addis Ababa authorities, the reservoir currently holds 49 billion cubic metres, but the aim is to fill it to 74 billion cubic metres and reach a hydroelectric capacity of 6,000 MW.
But in a letter to the UN Security Council, Ethiopian Foreign Minister Taye Atske-Selassie rejected these claims, arguing that the use of natural resources is a matter of national jurisdiction and that cross-border disputes should be resolved through bilateral and regional mechanisms.
The letter also mentions the ratification by Ethiopia and five other upstream Nile Basin states (Burundi, Rwanda, South Sudan, Tanzania and Uganda) of the Nile Basin Cooperative Framework Agreement and the establishment of the Nile Basin Commission, which are rejected by the downstream states. Indeed, both Sudan and Egypt continue to adhere to the 1902 Treaty signed by Great Britain and Egypt, which sets the rules of the Nile game and prohibits upstream states from using the waters of the Nile without the consent of downstream states.

The river Nile flows through Cairo. 123rf

The threat of an attack on the GERD, made in 2013 by Egyptian politicians including Younis Makhyoun of the Islamist Party under Mohamed Morsi’s presidency, was taken seriously by Ethiopia, which purchased air defence equipment from Russia and Israel.
According to the website www.military.africa, Addis Ababa deployed Russian-made Pantsir-S2 surface-to-air missiles and an anti-aircraft artillery system in 2021 to enhance the protection of its Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam (GERD), providing capabilities against multiple threats, including aircraft, helicopters, drones and cruise missiles. At the same time, Ethiopia acquired Israeli Skylock counter-UAS anti-drone equipment and a Ukrainian ST-68UM radar system specialising in airborne target detection.
After attempts by the African Union to mediate between Egypt, Sudan and Ethiopia over the GERD failed in 2021, Egypt confirmed Ethiopia’s fears by declaring in May 2022 that it would explore all options. Military options were on the menu. Indeed, Egypt had previously ordered $2 billion worth of US-made F-16 fighter jets from Russia to replace its short-range US-made F-16s with Sukhoi-35 jets capable of reaching Ethiopian airspace. Another bone of contention prompted Egypt to supply arms to Somalia. According to some experts, Egypt is also concerned about the possibility that Ethiopia could boast of its own Red Sea port and establish a naval base there, challenging Egypt’s supremacy over international maritime traffic through its control of the Suez Canal.

Egyptian President Abdel Fattah El-Sisi and Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud. Office of the president

In January 2024, Egyptian President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi strongly supported Mogadishu. “Egypt will not allow anyone to threaten Somalia or affect its security,” he said during a press conference with visiting Somali President Hassan Sheikh Mohamud.
The Egyptian concern follows Addis Ababa’s signing of a preliminary agreement in January 2024 with the unrecognised state of Somaliland to lease land for a port in exchange for possible recognition of its independence from Somalia. This concern coincides with the anger of the Mogadishu government, which has called the deal an “assault on its sovereignty” and vowed to block it by any means necessary, and explains why Egypt and Somalia signed such a security pact. Egypt even offered to send troops to a new peacekeeping mission to replace the 10,000 Ethiopian troops tasked with fighting al-Qaeda-linked al-Shabab militants. Ethiopia has some 3,000 troops in Somalia as part of the African Union peacekeeping mission (ATMIS), while some 7,000 troops are deployed under a bilateral agreement.
Such an exchange could happen. Indeed, despite the jihadist threat, Somalia is so outraged by the Ethiopia-Somaliland port deal that it has threatened to kick Ethiopian troops out of its territory by the end of the year unless Addis Ababa scraps the port agreement.

Hargeisa, the largest city and capital of the unrecognized state of Somaliland.123rf

All these arms supplies have increased tensions in the region. In Somaliland, the foreign ministry expressed “profound concern” because accordingly they could land in the wrong hands including al Shabaab, alleging that the “Mogadishu administration cannot currently effectively manage or safeguard such a large cache of military equipment.” A further sign of the increasing tensions has also been a call by the Egyptian embassy in Mogadishu, urging its citizens not to travel to Somaliland for security reasons.
At the same time, observers such as Adam Aw Hirsi, director of the Mogadishu-based think tank Foresight for Practical Solutions, point out that the Egyptian-Somali alliance is only the latest chapter in a long history that dates back to the successive reigns of the pharaohs in Egypt. Accordingly, both countries are fellow members of the Arab League and the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation. Back in the 1970s and 1980s, during the Ogaden war between Somalia and Ethiopia, Egypt stood by Somalia. Such Egyptian involvement causes some worries in the region. “If the Egyptians put boots on the ground and deploy troops along the border with Ethiopia, it could bring the two into direct confrontation,” fears Rashid Abdi, an analyst with the Sahan Research think-tank. Meanwhile, Ethiopia is raising the tone. On 28 September, the foreign ministry in Addis Ababa accuses the Mogadishu government of “colluding with external actors aiming to destabilise the region”.

The prime minister of Ethiopia, Abiy Ahmed and Muse Bihi Abdi, the president of Somaliland. Office of the Prime Minister – Ethiopia – Madaxtooyada JSL

While some voices suggest that the East African Community which Somalia joined in March 2024 should come up and guarantee this country’s security in front of Ethiopia, others speculate about the possibility that Turkey, which has managed to establish strategic relations with Ethiopia and Somalia, could play a mediation role and defuse some of the tensions.
Since 2011, Turkey established a military cooperation with Somalia, opened an hospital there and inaugurated its largest embassy on the African continent. In 2021, Turkey also signed a military agreement with Ethiopia and sold drones to Addis Ababa during the war with Tigray. Since last July, Turkey hosted two rounds of talks between Somalia and Ethiopia over the Somaliland deal which still has to be finalized. (Open Photo: Egypt and Somalia flag/ Shutterstock)

François Misser

 

Richness of differences.

A reflection on the Pope’s latest trip to the “peripheries of the world”.

After more than ten years of pontificate, we understand what the main task that this pope has given himself is: to evangelize God, that is, to make God Good News for the people who believe in him but are tempted to venerate him as a “God with us” and “against others,” as a God who leads to war and even inspires terrorism.
This is a temptation from which even Christians are not exempt: just read what is happening in Ukraine among the Orthodox, who have lived in peace until now, and between the Orthodox and Greek Catholics, who are always ready to make claims. Francis’ work has this breadth of horizons that the Catholics of our ecclesiastical provinces, who want to be the centre of Catholicism, are not always able to understand.

Cardinal Ignatius Suharyo, left, with Pope Francis and the Imam of the Istiqlal Mosque. Vatican Media

This man – who at 87 years of age shows such courage, vigour, tenacity and conviction that we cannot help but call faith – has completed a long and tiring journey to the outskirts of the world: distant islands, Indonesia where the largest Muslim population lives. He went as far as those lands to make a peace alliance that he signed with the Grand Imam Nasaruddin Umar, of the Istiqlal Mosque in Jakarta: let there be religious harmony, peace between religions for the good of all humanity.
Yes, in the vision of Pope Francis the horizon is all of humanity, not just the church!The Pope did not speak explicitly of Christ to the people during this trip, but every time he announced justice, peace, reconciliation and forgiveness, he did nothing but repeat, without ever naming him, the message of Christ his Lord.
Moreover, in the letter Fratelli Tutti he already indicated and asked for a brotherhood that was not limited to Christians (such was the traditional vision of the church), but to everyone.  And precisely for this reason the first quality of the church is to be a home, a place of welcome, not to increase converts, but to offer a humanity reconciled to that Lord God in whom some believe. And the Pope insisted once again on the multi-coloured wisdom of God who wants not uniformity but the difference of cultures, he repeated that differences are a wealth, indeed the true treasure for Indonesia, but they must not become a reason for conflict.

Pope Francis’ Mass in Papua New Guinea. Vatican Media

For this reason, he included in his speech a reflection on the tunnel that connects the Istiqlal mosque in Jakarta, the largest in Southeast Asia, and the Catholic cathedral, one in front of the other: “It is the ‘Tunnel of Friendship’, a place of dialogue and encounter. For this reason, there is no darkness but light, because it is illuminated by the friendship and harmony of those citizens who meet other citizens of different confessions and beliefs and bow in friendship”.
The news that reached us through the media was scarce, it did not give much importance to what the Pope did as he did it truly far away, at the extreme peripheries of the world. But let’s tell the truth: this pastoral action of Francis is disturbing, it is little felt and is also contested by those who remind him that his task is the preaching of the Gospel done in an open way, but without the obsession of dialogue. And this, as we have always written, will mean a refusal because the Gospel scandalizes and for now woe to those who evangelize God. Jesus has already been condemned for having done this. And it will be so again and always… (Open Photo: Pope Francis is greeted by children in traditional dress on his arrival in Jakarta, Indonesia. Vatican Media)

Enzo Bianchi
Theologian
Former prior of the monastic community of Bose (Italy)

The Panama Canal.

The Panamanian economy, like domestic and international politics, is strongly linked to the activities of the canal and the services connected to it.

It is no coincidence that, compared to the rest of the region, the agricultural sector is not particularly widespread and that since the 2000s, the period in which the Canal came under total Panamanian control, Panama recorded the highest GDP of the Latin American countries and one of the highest in the world.
This growth was, moreover, increased by the expansion of the infrastructure which allowed a greater flow of containers, making the passage possible not only for Panamax ships, the largest until then capable of passing and transporting 5,000 TEU containers, but also for the Neo-Panamaxes, which carry up to 13,000.
Furthermore, the country constitutes an important logistics hub, as well as a hub for activities related to the advanced tertiary sector and financial services, which represent approximately 70% of the national income and which have also given it the title of a tax haven.

The Panama Canal map. Canal locks. Shutterstock/Zaporizhzhia vector

Over recent periods, drought has drastically reduced revenues from the Canal, causing a slowdown in the passage of ships. The Canal, in fact, with its 81 km of length, is fed by the artificial freshwater lake Gatún, through a complex engineering system of locks to raise or lower the water level, based on the direction of the ship, to overcome the difference in height between the Pacific and Atlantic Oceans, with the former located in a higher position than the latter.
Thus, the passage of each ship involves a considerable waste of water in a period in which the resource is scarce.
Due to the geostrategic and geoeconomic importance that the infrastructure has, over the last few years it has been a theatre of conflict, fought with investments and threats of sanctions, between the United States and China. The latter, in fact, thanks to its now consolidated presence in Latin America, with a significant part of its imports and exports passing through the Canal, has increased its efforts to expand its influence also on Panama by investing in the infrastructural, technological sector and telecommunications with Huawei and ZTE committed to providing equipment for Panamanian commercial services companies. Beijing’s influence on the Canal dates back, however, to the early 2000s, a period in which the administration of the infrastructure passed – as foreseen by the Torrijos-Carter treaty – from the United States to the Republic of Panama, obtaining the assignment to the Chinese Hutchison-Whampoa company the concessions to manage the ports on both the Atlantic and Pacific sides, thus positioning itself at both ends of the canal.

Transit of the Panama Canal by large sea vessels.123rf

Furthermore, China has also intensified its financial activity through the Bank of China and the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China ICBC, engaged in financing technological projects. In particular, in 2017, under the Varela presidency there was a strong surge in Chinese trade agreements and investments, including the construction of a new port and logistics complex on Margarita Island. The relationship between the two states intensified to the point that, in June 2017, President Varela decided to disavow Taiwan, followed by Xi Jinping’s state visit, which culminated in the achievement of 19 cooperation agreements and Panama’s accession to the Belt and Road Initiative. This situation, obviously, alerted Washington which began to put pressure on the Panamanian government to contain Beijing’s advance which stopped in 2019 with the advent of President Cortizo. The new government, in fact, began to oppose the projects presented by the Chinese counterpart, including the construction of a high-speed train capable of connecting Panama City with the north of the country, worth 4 billion dollars, but also the construction of the Panamanian capital’s subway for a cost of 2.5 billion dollars, the concession of which was delegated to the Korean company Hyundai Engineering, at a cost which was also higher
than that offered by Beijing.

It is located at the entrance to the Bridge of the Americas on the Pacific Side of the Canal. It was built as a reminder of 150 years of Chinese presence in Panama. Shutterstock/Mabelin Santos

Furthermore, the then Panamanian Minister of Public Works Rafael Sabonge also suspended the construction of a bridge over the Canal, originally assigned to a consortium led by China Harbor Engineering (CHEC) and China Communications Construction Company (CCCC). In the opinion of authoritative analysts, Washington’s pressure on the Panamanian ruling class was carried out through the threat of inclusion in the “Clinton List”, which sanctions those individuals who conduct business with people or companies included in the list and which in previous years forced into bankruptcy some Panamanian businessmen including Abdul Waked.
Certainly, in the years to come the Canal will continue to be an object of contention but the United States will hardly allow penetration to other actors in a territory that, historically, they consider their own “backyard”. (Open Photo: A cargo ship entering the Miraflores Locks in the Panama Canal.123rf)

Filippo Romeo

China’s Africa Strategy.

African allies are the potential linchpin in Beijing’s hands to globalize its interests. This is why this year’s FOCAC reaffirmed China’s commitment to the continent.

“In the next three years, China will work with Africa to undertake 10 partnership actions for modernization, in order to deepen China-Africa cooperation and lead the modernization of the Global South,” announced Chinese President Xi Jinping in his opening speech at the ninth edition of the triennial Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC),
last September 5.

The rhetoric of solidarity between developing countries was a Chinese hobbyhorse since before the concept of the Global South gained the centrality in the international debate that it has today. And the FOCAC, whose first edition dates back to 2000, has always been the emblem
of this cooperation.

Today more than ever, faced with an increasingly fragile international governance system, African allies are the potential keystone in Beijing’s hands to globalize its interests. For this reason, as has already happened in the previous editions hosted in Beijing, the Chinese capital pompously welcomed almost 50 African leaders who arrived for the FOCAC.

Promises have not been lacking: after a more uncertain phase during the pandemic, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced a 10-point action plan to relaunch the partnership with Africa for the next three years. The plan will include a $29.4 billion credit line, $11.2 billion in various forms of assistance, and at least $9.8 billion in investments in Africa by Chinese companies.

The financial commitment will therefore be less than the 60 billion from Focac 2018, but more than the 40 billion from the 2021 edition. All of this will be under the banner of modernization and sustainability, two words omnipresent in every speech by the Chinese leader. However, African leaders have already heard many promises from Beijing and many have not been kept.

Relations today continue to be heavily unbalanced in Favor of China, but everyone knows that Beijing remains an almost indispensable player. However, even for Xi’s China, the partnership with African countries is more crucial than ever. So, 24 years after the first Focac, how is Beijing’s economic and political strategy in Africa doing?

Today, China is the continent’s second trading partner, after the European Union, and the first in the sub-Saharan region. In 2023, trade reached 262 billion dollars. However, Africa’s trade deficit has also grown, amounting to around $45 billion (with a slight reduction expected this year).

Trade relations are part of a broader picture, in which investments also play a fundamental role, both in the form of foreign direct investment (FDI) and loans. The positive trend has taken shape since the beginning of the century, but the advent of the Belt and Road Initiative, the global initiative symbol of Xi Jinping’s China, has given further impetus to Beijing’s economic diplomacy in Africa.

From 2003, when they amounted to $75 million, the value of Chinese FDI flows to Africa has risen to $5 billion in 2021, and then decreased to around $2 billion in the past two years. Investments have been concentrated mainly in the construction, mining and manufacturing sectors. A small number of countries have benefited, especially those rich in natural resources.

As for loans, they have been the topic that has most sparked discussion about the benevolence, or otherwise, of Beijing’s intentions in Africa. Thanks to a greater propensity for risk, the absence of conditions linked to the allocation of funds and the lack of human rights standards, China has become the main bilateral creditor of many African countries, previously excluded or marginalized by the traditional international institutions of Bretton Woods.

Many of these, however, have had difficulty repaying the debts contracted with China: this has led to criticism of Beijing, accused of pushing African countries towards unsustainable levels of debt to strengthen its political and economic leverage, and to Chinese frustration over the problems in collecting the credits given.

Between 2000 and 2023, Chinese lenders have provided 1,306 loans for a total of 182.28 billion dollars to 49 African countries and seven regional lenders. The funds have been allocated mainly to the energy, transport, information and communication technology and financial sectors. In 2023, 13 new commitments worth $4.61 billion were added to eight African countries and two regional financial institutions.

It was the highest volume of loans since 2019, although well below the early years of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), when annual commitments exceeded $10 billion – a figure that, according to Nikkei projections, should return in the next 3 years. The five largest recipients of Chinese loans between 2000 and 2023 were Angola, Ethiopia,
Egypt, Nigeria and Kenya.

If we had to draw up a report, the economic picture for Beijing would be mixed. The decline in investments in recent years, especially regarding loans, reflects a certain Chinese disappointment with some operations that have turned out to be riskier and less profitable than expected.

The slow Chinese post-pandemic economic recovery, then, has brought with it a reduced propensity to make large investments abroad, especially in unstable contexts such as Africa. The new Chinese policy calls for “smaller and more sustainable” investments, aligned with its new direction towards sustainability and technology. An approach that was also reiterated by Xi Jinping during the last summit.

Despite expectations not fully met, Africa remains central to Beijing’s economic strategy: Chinese overproduction, particularly in sectors linked to the green economy, is frowned upon by European partners and the United States, but not by African countries.

China hopes that a “win-win relationship” can be developed, where African markets help absorb overproduction and, in turn, exploit this production to support a low-cost green transition, in line with the objectives of the African Union’s Agenda 2063.

In his opening speech, Xi Jinping reiterated that cooperation between China and Africa is not limited to economic integration, but includes a strong commitment to cultural (and therefore also political) relations. Beijing is well aware that the cultural and political aspects are deeply linked, which is why it has always combined economic diplomacy with a clear Soft Power strategy.

From a political point of view, the countries of the continent represent important allies for Beijing in resisting the pressure of Western powers. Whether it is to prevent the issue of human rights from being discussed at the UN, or to isolate Taiwan at a diplomatic level, African countries are fundamental pieces in shaping an international system more in line with the values, and above all the interests, of the People’s Republic.

For this reason, China is carrying out a charm offensive, courting African countries and their citizens, and leveraging the frustrations that have emerged from the relations between the latter and Western powers. This has occurred from a diplomatic point of view, with high-level meetings and the so-called Red Carpet Diplomacy, that is, always reserving a special welcome for African leaders.

The first trip of the year for over 34 years by the Chinese Foreign Minister has been to Africa, and Xi Jinping has visited the continent 5 times, more than Biden and Trump combined.

On a cultural level, the commitment is in no way inferior. Since 2004, numerous Confucius Institutes have been inaugurated and Beijing has sent 5,500 Chinese language teachers to Africa, in addition to television programs produced in China but broadcast in Africa.

In addition, China has established itself over the years as an increasingly popular destination for African citizens: in 2018 there were around 81,000, making China the second most popular destination for students on the continent after France.

China’s economic transformation has made the People’s Republic an attractive destination for young Africans, which has the great advantage of being much more economically accessible than Western destinations. China often offers scholarships as part of its Soft Power on the continent. Wen Wen, a researcher at Tsinghua University, says that “higher education is becoming part of geopolitics.” Beijing is thus investing in its African leaders of the future. (Photo: Chinese President Xi Jinping delivers a keynote speech at the opening ceremony of the 2024 Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) in Beijing –  fmprc)

Gabriele Manca/Ispi

 

 

What do Africa’s youth have to say about the future of their world?

The latest African Youth Survey from the Ichikowitz Family Foundation, a leading African foundation promoting active citizenship across the continent, provides a comprehensive look at the perspectives, hopes and concerns of young people in 16 African countries. Now in its third iteration, the 2024 Survey reveals both encouraging signs of optimism as well as ongoing challenges facing Africa’s youth. The most important top findings.

  1. Afro-Optimism. Overall attitudes remain negative about the direction of the continent, individuals’ countries, and their national economies, but there are small improvements following dips during COVID. Death from infectious diseases remains the most impactful event of the past five years, though some countries worry about political instability. Addressing corruption is now the top barrier to progress followed by creating new, well-paying jobs.
  2. International Influence on Africa. Seven-in-ten remain concerned about the influence of foreign powers with China and the US seen to have the greatest influence, though many view it positively. For China, positivity is driven by affordable products and investments in infrastructure, while those who see the US’s influence as positive point to economic support offered. Although Russia is not viewed as one of the most influential international powers in the region, an increasing proportion negatively view the impact of this influence in their country, mainly driven by the detrimental impacts being felt from Russia’s engagement in conflicts.
  3. Africa’s Role on the Global Stage. Youth are looking for their leaders to balance addressing domestic issues with increasing their country’s global influence. Most think their leaders have a voice and can drive change on the global stage and want to see their governments taking more direct engagement on international issues both within the continent and beyond
  4. Democracy and Government. The vast majority continue to support democracy, but a growing proportion say that sometimes non-democratic systems are preferable and that African countries need to design their own democratic structures. Equality under the law remains the top pillar of democracy and most say their voice matters to leaders, with just under half registered to vote.
  5. Quality of Life and Living Standards. Perceived standards of living bounce back to 2020 levels with two-in- five saying their standard is ‘good’ or ‘very good’ and most continue to expect it to be better in two years with three-quarters saying they will have a better life than their parents. However, there continues to be widespread dissatisfaction with governments’ efforts to reduce poverty and tackle rising costs, and satisfaction with nearly all government services is up from 2022, but down from 2020.
  6. Future Ambitions. Four-in-five continue to say they know what they want to do with their life and future family plans are stable too with seven-in-ten planning on having fewer children than their parents, starting a family later, and getting married later. Employment opportunities and job prospects are bleak – three-quarters say it is difficult to find a job, nearly all are concerned about the lack of economic job prospects, and two-thirds are dissatisfied with their governments’ efforts to create jobs and fight unemployment. Corruption is seen as the top barrier to getting a job followed by there not being enough well-paying jobs and not having enough government support. Seven-in-ten say they plan to start a business, but lack of access to capital / money and corruption are seen as the biggest barriers to these ambitions. Over half say they plan to emigrate in the next five years, citing economic reasons and education opportunities with most wanting to move to North America. While most plan to make this a temporary move, a growing proportion say it could be permanent.
  7. Corruption. Reducing government corruption is seen as the key priority to progressing the continent. Four-in-five are worried about corruption in their country with high levels of concern about corruption in government, business, and the police. Most are dissatisfied with efforts to tackle corruption and there is widespread support for a range of policies to address it, including police taskforces, tougher penalties, and banning those convicted of corruption from standing for public office
  8. Safety and Security. Two-in-five are satisfied with the police and security services and a quarter say that they or a family member have been a victim of a crime in the past five years. Most think penalties and punishments are about right, but a third say they are not harsh enough. Only half say that they are equal before the law and three-quarters are worried about gender-based violence and the lack of protection for women’s rights. While most want more protections for minority communities, only a third say this for the LGBTQ+ community. Three-in-five are confident in the government’s ability to deal with terrorism and insurgency, but it is felt to be impacting their lives in many markets with noticeable increases in those who know someone who supports or has been approached by a terror group, or have been approached themselves
  9. Environment. Three-quarters are concerned about climate change, but less than half are satisfied with efforts to address it and four-in-five say their government needs to be doing more to address it across a range of measures. The top barriers to achieving global warming targets are seen to be taking too much time on consensus building over action, individual governments failing to take action, and low international interest in the issue. Seven-in-ten are worried about plastic waste, but this is trending down as satisfaction with recycling infrastructure improves. African youth are most concerned by water scarcity with three-quarters (76%) report being ‘very’ or ‘somewhat concerned’ and two-in-five youth (40%) now report spending more than a quarter of their income on accessing clean water, a significant increase from 2022. Three-in-five worry about poaching of wild animals with widespread agreement that it leads to their extinction.
  10. Immigration. Two-thirds are concerned about immigration and asylum and only two-in-five are satisfied with government efforts to tackle illegal immigration. Three-in-five say that illegal immigration negatively impacts their country in various ways such as diverting government resources and driving up crime. While most say their country has a moral obligation to accept refugees, a third disagree
  11. Technology. Four-in-five say internet connectivity is a fundamental human right, but only two-in-three have regular, private, internet access. The proportion who says mobile data is affordable is growing and more can afford it regularly than in 2022. Smartphone usage has increased with two-thirds saying they use it for three or more hours a day and a third saying they spend more time online than they would like to. Social media apps are the most frequently used. Three-in-five say that online dating apps allow them to meet people they would have never met before and over half say they would be open to meeting others through online dating. However, a similar proportion say it is ruining social norms and traditional dating, and just under half say their family would be accepting of someone they met through online dating. AI is seen as a force for good and positive progress, but many still worry that it can do more harm than good.
  12. News and Media. Television remains the top source but it is declining while Facebook remains in second and is climbing. BBC and CNN are the most trusted news sources, but the proportion who say they encounter fake news at least once a week has risen to nearly half. Fake news is seen to be a serious problem as a range of organisations use it to advance their agendas, and over three-in-five worry about the impact of fake news and misinformation on upcoming elections.

    The 2024 African Youth Survey was conducted by PSB Insights in Botswana, Cameroon, Chad, Congo Brazzaville, Côte d’Ivoire, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Namibia, Nigeria, Rwanda, South Africa, Tanzania and Zambia. (Photo: 123rf)

 

 

The New President.

Panama is a presidential Republic, divided into 9 provinces and 3 indigenous districts, in which the legislative functions are entrusted to a government, led by the president and a single-camera parliament (National Assembly) made up of 71 deputies, elected with a mixed electoral system whose mandate lasts five years.

The president is also elected directly by the citizens, his mandate lasts five years, he cannot be re-elected, as provided for by the 1972 Constitution, and a vice president is jointly elected (until 2009 there were two). The judiciary is independent of both the executive
and legislative powers.

The National Assembly of Panama. Photo: CC BY-SA 3.0/ David A. Nuñez Linares.

Last May 5, 2024, the new President José Raúl Mulino, 64 years old, a lawyer and a former Minister of Foreign Affairs, the Interior and Security and the candidate of Realizando Metas (Realizing Objectives), was elected with 34% of the vote. a right-wing populist party founded by former president Ricardo Martinelli (2009 – 2014), of Italian origin, and of which Mulino was the dauphin. Ricardo Martinelli was, in fact, ready to run again for the Presidency of Panama, but having been sentenced to ten years and six months in prison for money laundering, and having taken refuge in the Nicaraguan embassy in Panama City to escape prison, he launched José Raúl Mulino as presidential competitor. The competition was not free from critical issues as noted by international observers, according to whom 32% of the sections lacked the presence of officials from the electoral prosecutor’s office; 9% of voters found themselves unable to vote; in 4% of cases the observers were unable to gain access to the polling stations; vote buying was observed in 3% of the sections and fraud occurred in 4% of cases.

Migrants from South America, Asia and Africa to reach the United States through the Darién Gap, a mix of swampy jungle, rainforest and mountainous areas connecting South America to Central America. Photo: OHCHR

Mulino’s electoral campaign was characterized by anti-migration propaganda as the country is the main transit route for the thousands of people who move from South America, Asia and Africa to reach the United States through the tortuous passage of the Darién Gap, a mix of swampy jungle, rainforest and mountainous areas, stretching for over 100 kilometres connecting South America to Central America. An area also presided over by criminal groups both on the Colombian side, where we find the most important local drug cartel, the Clan del Golfo, which extorts money from migrants and imposes its own rules on the native populations, and on the Panamanian side where they are increasingly frequent robberies, sexual violence and murders. Last July, shortly after Mulino took office, a memorandum of understanding was signed between US Secretary of Homeland Security Alejandro Mayorkas and Panamanian Foreign Minister Javier Martínez-Acha, through which the US government undertakes to cover the costs of repatriation of migrants who enter Panama illegally from Darién, even if the amounts have not yet been set, and provides adequate training to the staff who will have to deal with them.
While waiting for the agreement to become operational, barbed wire has been installed along the Darién Gap border line and patrolling activities have been intensified resulting in crossings being blocked.

Colon. Young people playing football in the street. Poverty and high unemployment.123rf

In addition to the migration issue, Mulino exploited the great discontent towards the outgoing President Laurentino Cortizo belonging to the Democratic Revolutionary Party (centre-left) who in this session presented the candidate José Gabriel Carrizo who obtained a paltry 5.8% of the votes. A sound punishment inflicted by the electorate who did not accept the renewal of the agreement signed by Cortizo with the Canadian mining consortium First Quantum Minerals for the exploitation of the enormous Cobre Panama copper mine located in a stretch of jungle on the Atlantic coast. A situation that initially sparked the ire of local environmentalists which then developed into political unrest in which large sections of the population were involved, leading to the Supreme Court’s ruling in November 2023, which decreed its closure.

Panama City. Many people from different groups celebrate on the steps of the Supreme Court of Justice, after the ruling of unconstitutionality the agreement signed by the president Cortizo with the Canadian mining First Quantum Minerals. Shutterstock/Mabelin Santos

The problems that grip the country and which Molino will have to deal with are also those of an economic nature dictated by the slowdown of the economy, growing unemployment, the increase in the cost of living, but also those of an environmental nature, such as drought, which reflect on the economy and the well-being of the population. Drought, in particular, in addition to generating a shortage of drinking water supplies, is affecting the transit of ships through the canal, the average daily transit of which has drastically dropped from 40 ships a day a few years ago to the current 27. A drop that it has repercussions on the state coffers already suffering due to lost revenues resulting from the closure of the copper mines. (Open Photo: Panama Traditional handmade textiles, background.123rf – José Raúl Mulino Quintero, the 39th President of Panama. Office of Pres.)
(F.R.)

World Mission Sunday. Pope Francis: “Come to the banquet”.

This year, World Mission Day is part of the final phase of the “Synod on Synodality” being held in Rome. The theme chosen by Pope Francis is “Go and invite everyone to the banquet” (Mt 22: 9).

In his message, Pope Francis gives a special meaning to World Mission Day, which is celebrated on October 20, because as the pontiff writes: “It will have to relaunch the Church towards its priority commitment, that is, the proclamation of the Gospel in the contemporary world”.
Going beyond every boundary, leaving one’s own safe spaces without getting tired or discouraged despite difficulties and obstacles, is Francis’ invitation to faithfully carry forward, as true disciples-missionaries of Christ, the mission received.
While the world proposes the various “banquets” of consumerism, selfish well-being, accumulation, and individualism  –  we read in the papal message -, the Gospel calls everyone to the eschatological banquet of the Kingdom, in which joy, justice, brotherhood and full communion with God and with others are shared.

“Taking part in the Eucharistic banquet”. Painting: Claude Boucher Chisale

Every creature is the recipient of God’s invitation to participate in his grace that transforms and saves. It is a matter of welcoming the free divine gift, and allowing oneself to be transformed by it.
In a world torn by divisions and conflicts, as Pope Francis has so often repeated, the Gospel of Christ is the gentle and strong voice that calls men and women, no one excluded, to meet, to recognize each other as brothers and sisters, to rejoice in harmony in diversity.
In fact, in the words of Saint Paul quoted by the pontiff, God wants “all men to be saved and to come to the knowledge of the truth” (1 Tim 2:4).  – Therefore – writes the Pope -, “let us never forget, in our missionary activities, that we are sent to proclaim the Gospel to all ”, and “not as someone who imposes a new obligation, but as someone who shares a joy, points to a beautiful horizon, offers a desirable banquet”
(Evangelii Gaudium, 14).

“We are sent to proclaim the Gospel to all, and… “offers a desirable banquet”. Painting: Engelbert Mveng 

The message also insists, according to the chosen theme, on the importance of taking part in the Eucharistic banquet, with an explicit invitation “to everyone, to intensify also and above all their participation in the Eucharistic celebration and prayer for the evangelizing mission of the Church”. “Daily prayer, and particularly the Eucharist – writes Francis – make us pilgrim-missionaries of hope, on the path towards endless life in God, towards the wedding banquet prepared by God for all his children”. And in this regard, the Pope insists that “we cannot approach the Eucharistic Table without allowing ourselves to be drawn into the movement of the mission which, starting from the very Heart of God, aims to reach everyone”.
The Eucharistic renewal, which many local Churches have committed to promoting in the post-Covid period, will also be fundamental to reawakening the missionary spirit in every believer.
Feeling called to express one’s faith with enthusiasm when in every Eucharist one is invited to proclaim: “We announce your death, Lord, we proclaim your resurrection, while we await your coming”.

Synodality is by definition “missionary” and, vice versa, the mission is always synodal. Illustration: Luis Henrique Alves Pinto

The conclusion of the message cannot but underline the importance of following with commitment the last phase of the synodal journey, insisting that the mission towards all requires the commitment of all.
It is therefore necessary, according to the Pope’s wish, to continue the journey towards a Church that is entirely synodal-missionary at the service of the Gospel.
Synodality is by definition “missionary” and, vice versa, the mission is always synodal. Therefore, according to the spirit that emerges from the papal message, a closer and more lively missionary cooperation is today even more urgent and necessary in the universal Church as well as in the particular Churches. (Illustration: Luis Henrique Alves Pinto)
(G.C.)

South Africa. A Rainbow nation that needs to be reinvented.

The loss of the absolute majority by the African National Congress (ANC) is the most serious setback in the region for a movement that led the wars of liberation against white regimes. Could something similar happen in neighbouring countries?

 The South African elections last May marked a turning point in the history of Southern Africa. The end of the solitary rule of the African National Congress (ANC), which for the first time since 1994 lost its absolute majority and was forced to seek agreements with other parties to form a coalition government, represents in fact the first shock to the balance that had lasted since the end of the Cold War.

Matamela Cyril Ramaphosa, president of South Africa since 2018. Photo: Simon Walker

In almost all the countries of the region, the 1980s and 1990s had seen the birth of democracies characterized by the domination of parties born from the transformation of liberation movements against white regimes. With a series of peaceful transitions and “free and fair” elections, Swapo had come to power in Namibia (1990), MPLA and Frelimo had seen their governments legitimised in Angola (1992) and Mozambique (1994) and the ANC had taken power in South Africa (1994). In all these cases, movements that had pursued an armed revolution and had threatened to move the region into the Soviet orbit had been protagonists of an unexpected reconciliation with the capitalist West and the liberal model, in which the liquidation of segregationist regimes had been exchanged for the abandonment of Marxist-inspired economic reconstruction projects.
Under the stabilizing rule of these parties and the absolute majorities they obtained at the ballot box, regimes emerged that reconciled what had seemed irreconcilable. On the one hand, the fundamental rules of the market economy, starting with property rights, had been confirmed, and a model of civic-liberal citizenship had been established that was capable of preventing the expulsion of minorities and of stemming the “tribalistic” tendencies that had dominated the scene in the rest of Africa.

Nangolo Mbumba, president of Namibia. He is a member of the South West Africa People’s Organization (SWAPO). Photo WIPO.

On the other, the de-racialization of the state and the economy had encouraged the formation of a large black middle class, which had taken control of the public sector and placed white minorities at the top of the social pyramid.
It is true that the success of the liberation movements in keeping the new emerging elites and the poor masses united under their banner made it difficult to imagine an alternation between majority and opposition.
However, their monopoly seemed to be compensated for by their strong integration with the centres of the global economy – which served as a guarantee for the rule of law and the independence of the media, the judiciary and the private sector from political power – and by the demonstrative value of the new regimes, which seemed to embody the possible conciliation between the aspirations born with the liberation from colonialism and participation in the liberatory order and the globalized economy.

Inflexible Power
The model began to show the first cracks during the 2008 global crisis. In the following years, the reemergence of populist demands and the growth of corruption, involving all the parties in power in the region, began to wear down the image of the democracies of Southern Africa and in one case (Zimbabwe) led to a serious crisis of legitimacy of the government born from the liberation struggle.

A township on the outskirts of Pretoria. File swm

The media and observers identify the decline as the cause of the lack of alternation at the top of the state, aggravated by the legacy of “democratic centralism” that characterizes movements built on the Leninist model and incapable of fully accepting the logic of pluralism and the “open society”. However, it is undeniable that the crisis also has its roots in the profound malaise that arises from the social inequalities that characterize all societies of Southern Africa. The abolition of racial discrimination and of the correspondence between “race” and “class”, in fact, does not seem to have altered an economic structure that remains based on the coexistence between an urban economy linked to those of the “first world” and the vast periphery in which the majority of the population lives, dependent on the former and much poorer.

South Africa, laboratory or exception?
The phase that opened with the defeat of the ANC is linked to conditions that are not easily replicable in other countries in the area. South Africa presents an ethnic-racial scenario that is more suited to forms of “plural” democracy and power-sharing. The size of the white, coloured and Indian minorities (equal to about 20% of the electorate and concentrated mainly in the cities) has in fact allowed the Democratic Alliance (DA), the main opposition party to the ANC, to rely on a stable base and to assert itself in the province of Western Cape, from which it has been able to project the model of a more efficient and less corrupt administration. The strong Zulu identity has contributed to the birth of the MK, the party of former president Jacob Zuma who, by attracting its most intransigent and populist component, has pushed the ANC towards a “centrist” alliance with the DA, on which the new multi-party government is based. Nothing similar is found in other countries, where the tension between Westernized cities and “ethnic” countryside seems more difficult to trace back to the logic of electoral competition and inter-party play.

An MK Party election poster with the face of former president Jacob Zuma. Shutterstock/ Reabetswe C Matjeke

This does not change the fact that South Africa has now become a kind of laboratory for the entire region. The long-term success of the new government will certainly depend on its ability to restore trust in the state and administrative efficiency shaken by scandals and infrastructural failures such as the crisis in electricity production. However, it will also be necessary to rebuild a national cohesion based on a vision of the country that is not based solely on the memory of the struggle against segregationist regimes, inevitably divisive and easily monopolized for their own advantage by the elite of the liberation movements. The fact that, a few months before the elections, the victory of the Springboks, the national rugby team that was always identified with the white Afrikaners, in the World Cup in Paris, was celebrated as the success of a multiracial and multilingual country, could be a first sign of a recovery of the image of the “rainbow nation”, launched in 1994 by Archbishop Desmond Tutu, but set aside during
the years of ANC hegemony.

African National Congress delegates at a conference. File swm

Even more important, however, will be the ability to reconcile liberal democracy and the rule of law with a macroeconomic formula capable of countering the frightening inequalities that continue to afflict South African society (and other societies in the region), also overcoming the limits imposed by the rigid application of the neoliberal model. In the immediate term, the entry of the DA into the government and the negotiations for the renewal of the AGOA, the trade agreement with the US that South African exports cannot do without, should have closed the escape routes towards the dirigiste models embodied by Moscow and Beijing. In the medium term, however, the new government will have to demonstrate that it has better recipes than the populist and radical solutions that important components of the ANC and other parties in power in the area still look to. Otherwise, the survival of democracy and the levels of development in the region are at stake.
(Open Photo: File swm)

Rocco Ronza

 

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