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The Fox, the Monkey, the Hare and the Horse.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

The fox is the wicked animal in the forest, and everyone hates him. He is for ever cheating people and playing tricks on everyone. There is not a single animal in the whole neighbourhood who has not been fooled by him, but for a long time no one could think of a way
to get their revenge.

One day a monkey in the forest seated himself on a tree and thought and thought. He thought so hard that his forehead became a mass of wrinkles. Finally he thought of a plan. Bursting with it, he turned a somersault down to the ground to tell the hare, who lived in a grass-lined form under the tree. He told her his idea, but the hare only blinked in distrust. “Come on,” said the monkey, “I’ll show you. I’ll go to the fox and you go to the rise over there and watch.”

When the monkey found the fox, they got into conversation. “Brother Fox!” he said. “Do you know what is the best food in the world?” The fox pricked up his ears at the idea of food. “What is it?” he said eagerly. “The best food in the world! Now that is a very interesting question! Tell me!”

“I’ve only learned about it today,” answered the monkey. “It is the flesh on the rump of a horse. The only difficulty is to get hold of it, and to do that you must fasten your tail tightly to the horse’s tail.” “Why do you have to do that?” said the fox, rather worried.

“You have to, and you have to tie it very tight,” answered the monkey. “Otherwise, when the horse starts to run, you can’t keep up with him!”
The monkey dropped his voice and came closer.
“I can tell you, as I was coming along I saw the horse lying down, fast asleep. Now’s your chance!”

The fox listened with great interest to what the monkey had to say but showed no emotion. “I’ll think about it,” he said quietly. “A thing like the best food in the world needs a lot of consideration. We must meet again later and have another chat. For the time being, you’d better not tell anybody about it, don’t you think?” He flourished his long tail and strolled off. The monkey also departed. The fox only went a little way, until he saw the monkey had disappeared, then he quietly returned to look for the horse which the monkey had mentioned.

He did not take long to find the horse, lying on his side fast asleep after his day’s work, as the monkey had said. The fox crept over and stealthily tied his tail to the horse’s tail. Then he took a good bite at the horse’s rump. The horse woke up in a terrible fright; he jumped up, not knowing what was happening and galloped off, never looking round.

Of course the fox’s grip with his jaw was loosened and he was dragged along on his back, with his tail still tightly fastened to the horse. “Oh!” he yelled. “How painful this is!”
He was very unhappy, and did not know which part he should try to protect first, his flesh, his skin, or his pretty tail.

The monkey had not gone far. He had just climbed up a tree to watch. He was so amused by the comic scene as the fox was being pulled along by the horse that he clapped his hands and jumped, missed his footing and fell down smack on his bottom, making it all red. The hare, watching from the rise, laughed so much that she split her lip.

That is why up to the present the monkey’s bottom is always red; the hare has a split upper lip; the horse is afraid to lie down to sleep and lies down only for a short time when he is very tired, and the fox’s back is always marked with spots and blemishes.

Folktale from Han People. China

Erdogan plays the whole field. Trouble for the EU.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

The Turkish President sides with NATO but flirts with Moscow and uses Syrian refugees and the spectre of Jihadism to blackmail Brussels. Libya, too, is going it alone.

Diplomatic relations between the European Union and Turkey are still sailing in troubles waters. One of the main points of disagreement concerns the refugees sojourning on Turkish soil. Their numbers have increased after the growth of the armed conflict around the city of Idlib, in the north-west of Syria. It is a serious battle between the government army, supported by Russia and Iran, and the armed groups made up mostly of Jihadists who are militarily supported by Turkey.

Recently, Turkey has recommenced blackmailing the EU, playing the refugee card. Turkish President had already done this in 2016, when he encouraged hundreds of thousands of immigrants from Syria to cross the Turkish frontier and enter Europe. This causes a deep political crisis in many EU countries that was exploited by groups of the xenophobic right who achieved widespread electoral success. On that occasion, Turkey succeeded in obtaining from Brussels responsibility for managing the problem of refugees within its borders. Erdogan received six billion Euro to close the border but the Turkish President insists he received only part of that sum. He is again on the attack, threatening to send the displaced people in the province of Idlib into Europe: for now they include 3.6 million Syrians, 170,000 Afghans and 142,000 Iraqis, according to Turkish authorities.

Ankara demands that the EU provide the finance to manage the refugees and military support to the government of Syria to retake Idlib. However, both the EU and NATO are reluctant to collaborate with the Turkish government, especially because it has moved closer to Russia.

The Turks have bought the Russian S – 400 air-defence and anti-missile system and signed an accord with Moscow for a Turk stream gas pipeline. Now they are seeking support from NATO. The European finance ministers do not trust Erdogan but are forced to negotiate. They know that the unpredictable “sultan” is capable of flooding the cities with Jihadists fleeing from Idlib…

There are also differences between Turkey and the EU regarding the Libyan crisis. The EU disapproves of the deployment of Turkish military troops in Tripoli in support of the government of Fayez al-Sarraj. And France, an important member of the EU, supports General Khalifa Haftar, who controls a large part of Libyan territory and the oil wells. Europa has strongly criticised the accord between Ankara and Tripoli on the question of the maritime borders in the eastern Mediterranean, a zone rich in hydrocarbons. Cyprus, Greece and Israel also oppose it.

Nevertheless, the Turkish government is succeeding in keeping them all on a lead. NATO wishes to avoid a break with Turkey fearing it may definitively move into the Russian and Chinese camp. If the EU wishes to resolve the question, it will have to review its foreign policy regarding the Middle East, hitherto based on colonial thinking, and open channels of dialogue with all the countries of the region – Syria first of all –, based upon respect for their independence and sovereignty. Only by doing so can they outflank the colonial ambitions of Erdogan and put an end to his blackmail.

Mostafa El Ayoubi

DR.Congo. A new tension area at the Zambian border.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

The DRC which has faced frequently problems at its borders with several of its neighbours has clashed recently with Zambia. Both capitals have eventually managed to control the escalation. But these tensions come on top of other challenges for the country’s strategic copperbelt area, which was hit by an insurgency and by the coronavirus pandemics.

A border dispute has provoked clashes during a week during the second half of March 2020 between the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC) and Zambia. All started when Zambian soldiers invaded the village of Kibanwa, on the shores of Lake Tanganyika; near the common border inside the Congolese Tanganyika province and planted the Zambian flag there and took the Congolese one away.

Zambia. Lake Tanganyika.

According to European diplomatic sources, the Congolese military killed two Zambian Navy soldiers who had taken control of the village on the 15 March. On the following day, Zambian Airforce helicopters retaliated, killing two Congolese soldiers, reported Agency France Press, quoting diplomats. Accordingly, the incidents occurred after that the population began leaving Kibanwa on the 13 March. The Zambian soldiers were chasing Congolese fishermen who, according to the Lusaka authorities, violated Zambian territorial waters and used prohibited nets. Zambian troops remain about a week in Kibanwa, say DRC officials.
Similar incidents between both armies occurred already in 2006 and 2016, report diplomatic sources. According to the Congolese Minister of Defence, Aimé Ngoy Mukena, the dispute goes back to the colonial period and the problem of the delineation of boundaries was discussed several times between the late Presidents Mobutu Sese Seko of the former Zaire and Kenneth Kaunda of Zambia.
In fact, the Anglo-Belgian Treaty signed between Belgium and the United Kingdom in 1894 has been interpreted differently by both colonial powers. Indeed, British maps show the boundary meeting at Cape Pungu (Chitankwa) whilst Belgian maps of 1955 show the meeting point at Cape Kipimbi, which is far south of Cape Pungu, and thereby cutting deep into assumed Northern Rhodesian territory. Like today for the Congolese, Belgium interests in the North appeared to be fishing. At that time a fisheries agreement was made between Northern Rhodesia and Belgium Congo which regulated the use of nets and fishing rights.

Other tensions occurred in 2014, after the death of two truckers at the Kasumbalesa border post between Zambia and the DRC. In January of that year, a Zambian truck driver, was shot dead by Congolese officials following a dispute over a bribe.
And at the beginning of February, a Zimbabwean truck driver was shot dead on the Zambian side of the border. Eventually, the tensions which followed the clashes between both armies in March 2020, were defused after a trip of the Congolese foreign minister Marie Ntumba Nzeza, to Lusaka on the 19 March 2020. Then, on the 25 March, President Felix Tshisekedi received in Kinshasa a Zambian delegation led by foreign minister Joseph Malanji who was escorted by his Defence colleague, Davies Clama and high ranking military officers. On the Congolese side Mrs Marie Ntumba and the chief of staff of the Armed Forces of the Democratic Republic of Congo (FARDC) Gen. Célestin Mbala and the head of President Tshisekedi’s Military House, Augustin Mamba also attended the meeting. In the end, both sides agreed to settle the dispute peacefully. One of the options is to set up border markers to delineate precisely the limits of the respective national territories. The stakes are high. Both Zambia and Katanga, which is the economic locomotive of the DRC, as land locked countries have a vested interest in keeping a normal relationship. Both countries also plan to develop a huge hydropower scheme on the Luapula River which is part of the borderline between them. Besides, the DRC has had lots of border issues with other neighbours. The DRC which was invaded at the beginning of the millennium by the Rwandan and Ugandan armies, is currently waiting for the payment of compensations. On a number of occasions, it has also suffered incursions from Angolan troops. In other words, Kinshasa’s rag tag army cannot afford another conflict.

Gedeon Kyungu, leader of regional separatist group, Bakata Katanga.

Moreover, these tensions occurred at a very bad moment for the DRC. Indeed, the Katanga region is in turmoil. On the 28 March, DRC security forces killed 48 militia men of the warlord Gedeon Kyungu’s Bakata Katanga group who launched attacks against the capital of the Congolese copper belt Lubumbashi, the mining city of Likasi, the border post of Kasumbalesa and the city of Pweto, in the area where the recent fighting with the Zambian military took place.
The situation is complicated. Gedeon who was under house arrest and who has been sentenced to death for war crimes and crimes against humanity, managed to escape on the 12 March. People in Lubumbashi believe he sought refuge in the farm of a close friend of the former President Joseph Kabila, General John Numbi who is also on the EU and US sanctions lists for his alleged responsibility in the murder of the human rights activist, Floribert Chebeya, in Kinshasa in 2020.

Kasumbalesa Border Post between Zambia and the Democratic Republic of Congo (DRC).

At the same time, the Congolese copper belt, which is the locomotive of the Congolese economy is already facing the consequences of the coronavirus crisis. The copper and cobalt produced in the area contributes 80 percent of the DRC total export value and the DRC accounts also for 60% of the world cobalt production. But this contribution is already threatening to decrease. At the end of March 2020 following the decrease of the Chinese demand triggered by the faltering downstream demand from the electric vehicle and consumer electronics sectors and in order to prevent the dissemination of the virus, the mining industry took a number of measures to protect its staff and scale down its production. In the Lualaba province, Glencore’s Kamoto Copper Company repatriated 26 expatriates while China Molybdennum’s subsidiary, Tenke Fungurume Mining (TFM) announced the confinement of its installations.

Zambian President Edgar Lungu.

In addition, contradictory signals were given by Zambia concerning the opening of the border. In a letter sent the 24 March, the permanent secretary of the Zambian transport authority, Misheck Lungu, suggests to the government that it should suspend all cross-border traffic with the exception of essential commodities such as food, fuel and health-related products. But on the following day, in his national address, President Edgar Lungu said that the government would not close its borders because it would weaken the economy.
Since Zambia is landlocked; “with a crisis of this magnitude, we shall find ourselves under forced lockdown if all our neighbours close their borders. This situation would make us economically vulnerable and weaker”, he warned.
Despite President Lungu’s statement, incidents at the border cannot be ruled out. On the 26 March, hundreds of trucks from the Southern Africa Development Community were stuck on the Zambian side of the Kasumbalesa border post following the detection of two suspected cases of Coronavirus in Lubumbashi and the closure of the border for two days. Eventually, the traffic resumed but the climate of concern and panic on both sides of the border can generate anytime stricter controls, traffic jams or new border closures. In other words, stability is a fragile commodity in this area.

François Misser

African Military spending up 17% over the last decade.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

Over the last ten years, African military spending grew by 17%, rising to $41.2 billion in 2019, according to new research from the Stockholm International Peace Research Institute (SIPRI), which reports that last year the world recorded the largest annual growth in military spending since 2010, rising 3.6% from 2018 to $1.917 trillion.

At an estimated $41.2 billion, military expenditure in Africa accounted for 2.1% of the global total in 2019. The marginal growth in spending in 2019 was the first increase in African military expenditure for five years. Despite the annual decreases in 2015–18, increases in other years meant that total African military spending grew by 17% over the decade 2010–19, SIPRI said.

Military spending by countries in North Africa is estimated to have totalled $23.5 billion in 2019, representing 57% of the total for Africa. Amid long-standing tensions between Algeria and Morocco, domestic insurgencies and continuing civil war in Libya, military spending in the sub region was 4.6% higher than in 2018 and 67% higher than in 2010.
Algeria’s military expenditure of $10.3 billion in 2019 was the highest in North Africa (and Africa as a whole) and accounted for 44% of the sub regional total. Algeria’s military spending has risen almost continuously since 2000, and particularly in the period 2004–16, when expenditure grew for 13 consecutive years and reached an all-time high in 2016. At 6.0% of its GDP, Algeria’s military burden was the highest in Africa in 2019.Military spending in sub-Saharan Africa fell by 2.2% in 2019 to reach $17.7 billion, which was 15% lower than in 2010.
At $3.5 billion, South Africa’s military spending was the highest in sub-Saharan Africa in 2019. Its spending fell by 1.5% in 2019 — the fourth consecutive year of decrease. Nigeria was the second largest spender in the sub region in 2019: it allocated $1.9 billion to its military, down by 8.2% compared with 2018.

In recent years spending on the military by sub-Saharan African states has been volatile, SIPRI said. Of the 19 countries that increased military spending in 2019, eight decreased spending in 2018. Similarly, 13 of the 23 countries that lowered spending in 2019 had raised spending in 2018. This means that, overall, the trend in changes by 21 of the 42 countries in the sub region for which relevant data is available reversed in 2019.SIPRI said that armed conflict is a major driver for the volatile nature of military spending in sub-Saharan Africa.

For example, in the Sahel and Lake Chad region, where there are several ongoing armed conflicts, military spending increased in 2019 in Burkina Faso (22%), Cameroon (1.4%) and Mali (3.6%) but fell in Chad (–5.1%), Niger (–20%) and Nigeria (–8.2%). Among the Central African countries that were involved in armed conflict, military spending rose in 2019 in the Central African Republic (8.7%), the Democratic Republic of the Congo (16%) and Uganda (52%) but fell in Burundi (–4.5%). In the Horn of Africa, military spending decreased in 2019 in Ethiopia (–1.6%) and Kenya (–1.7%); however, their spending in 2019 remained well above that in 2010: Ethiopia’s was 12% higher while Kenya’s was 25% higher.

Global trends
SIPRI said the five largest spenders in 2019, which accounted for 62% of expenditure, were the United States, China, India, Russia and Saudi Arabia. This is the first time that two Asian states have featured among the top three military spenders.
Global military spending in 2019 represented 2.2% of the global gross domestic product (GDP), which equates to approximately $249 per person. “Global military expenditure was 7.2% higher in 2019 than it was in 2010, showing a trend that military spending growth has accelerated in recent years,” said Dr Nan Tian, SIPRI Researcher. “This is the highest level of spending since the 2008 global financial crisis and probably represents a peak in expenditure.”

Military spending by the United States grew by 5.3% to a total of $732 billion in 2019 and accounted for 38% of global military spending. The increase in US spending in 2019 alone was equivalent to the entirety of Germany’s military expenditure for that year.
“The recent growth in US military spending is largely based on a perceived return to competition between the great powers,” said Pieter D. Wezeman, Senior Researcher at SIPRI.

In 2019 China and India were, respectively, the second- and third-largest military spenders in the world. China’s military expenditure reached $261 billion in 2019, a 5.1% increase compared with 2018, while India’s grew by 6.8% to $71.1 billion. “India’s tensions and rivalry with both Pakistan and China are among the major drivers for its increased military spending,” said Siemon T. Wezeman, SIPRI Senior Researcher.In addition to China and India, Japan ($47.6 billion) and South Korea ($43.9 billion) were the largest military spenders in Asia and Oceania. Military expenditure in the region has risen every year since at least 1989. (D.N.)

Dangers of Secession.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

The secessionist threat of the Gagauza community, which developed simultaneously with that of Transnistria, was resolved thanks to the recognition of an autonomy statute, subsequently contemplated in the 1994 Constitution (art.111 Cost.), and ratified by referendum in the territories concerned.

The same fate did not fall to Transnistria where a ‘dormant conflict’ continues. However, the harmony of Gagauzia with Russia has not changed at all over the years, as evidenced by the data recorded in the 2014 consultative referendum established to ask the inhabitants to choose between pursuing closeness to the European Union or maintaining the diplomatic primacy with Moscow, with 97% of the voters voting in favor of the latter.
Transnistria, with its 600 thousand inhabitants, is a tongue of land with an area of about 200 km and, despite its small size, it is part of a global geopolitical clash between Russian, Moldovan, Ukrainian, Romanian, European and US strategies. Following the declaration of independence, which occurred in 1990, Transnistria, or rather, Pridnestrovia, represents, in fact, a territory in itself with its own government, its flag, its capital Tiraspol, its Parliament, and a Central Bank that prints money; it manages its own health system, schools, public transport and its own pension system.

In the Soviet period, the region was the industrial area of Moldova. According to some analysts, the strong industrialization of the area is attributable to the far-sighted Soviet economic action aimed at strongly characterizing the individual areas of the Union to make them interdependent and, consequently, discourage any future independence aspirations. Its economy, which is mainly based on exports, is managed by a single large industrial group, Sheriff, headed by former KGB agents, which controls the media, construction companies, supermarkets, fuel distribution and the football team. The country is a producer of electrical energy, which is sold to Moldova, of agricultural products and parts for machinery destined for oil extraction, whose market is that of both the Russian Federation and Eastern Europe. It is also active in the processing of metals, fabrics and in the production of shoes. However, Russia continues to play an essential role in the country’s economy through indirect concessions and real subsidies.

The erosion that the USSR was undergoing during its dissolution, uncovered the ethnic powder keg of this area, thus detonating the contrasts between the various ethnic groups. A short-lived war followed, between March and July 1992, which killed about 1,500 people. In September of the same year, Transnistria officially declared the membership of this state in the USSR, as was the case with Gagauzia. The clashes resumed in December 1991 (in the same year Moldova also declared its independence) between the Moldovan police and the Transnistrian independenceist police. Ukrainian paramilitary groups and the men of the 14th army of the Russian army also took sides in support of the latter. The Moldovans, by contrast, received support from the Romanian forces. Despite the subsiding of hostilities, Russian troops remained established within the territory as a ‘peacekeeping force’ maintaining the garrison. Since then the conflict remained latent, reaping a considerable number of victims. Over the years, numerous and regular multilateral negotiations followed which also included the European Union and the United States as observers in the current 5 + 2 format (Moldova, Transnistria, Romania, Ukraine, Russian Federation, EU and the United States) aimed at the conflict’s resolution which, however, proved inconclusive. Moldova, for its part, claims the reintegration, de jure, of the region under its sovereignty, promising strong autonomy in exchange. But Transnistria claims the will to build its own independent state. The situation of conflict has favoured the proliferation of criminal activities, transforming the country into a crossroads for various illegal traffickings, as well as a safe haven for terrorists and criminals.

To understand the geopolitical importance of this strip of land, it is necessary to observe the balances of the whole area and in particular the expansion of NATO in the Black Sea area and in Eastern Europe, with Romania playing a crucial role. This, taking into account that, since 2016, a base has been operating in the city of Deveselu, furnished with the Aegis BMD weapon system, equipped with the US surface-air missile RIM-161 Standard SM-3 Block IB, with a range of 2,500 km that aims to identify, track and shoot down SRBM and MRBM meant to fly surveillance patrols over European airspace. It is clear therefore that for Moscow Transnistria represents an important stronghold to counterbalance the NATO presence in the area in order to recreate a geometric balance. In doing so, in addition to ensuring a military presence in the area, Moscow is implementing a process of Russification through various tools, including that of granting Russian citizenship to Transnistrian residents. This latter action was aimed at counterbalancing a similar policy practiced for years by Romania, which was designed to appeal to Moldovan citizens eager to obtain Romanian citizenship.

Turkey, another major regional player, is also extending its influence in the area by engaging in Gagauzia through investments, commercial exchange and cultural initiatives managed directly by the Turkish Coordination and Cooperation Agency (Tika): a government agency that finances infrastructure, energy and cultural projects in countries of strategic interest for Turkish foreign policy. In recent years in Gagauzia there has been a surge in investments by this institution, which has worked assiduously to build Turkish and Gagauzia language schools, hospitals, kindergartens, houses of culture and libraries, and to renovate roads, buildings and aqueducts. According to analysts, Erdogan’s goal behind these actions is to exploit the Turkic population present in the region, by attracting Gagauzia into its sphere of influence, and using it as a pressure lever with which to counterbalance the power of Moscow in Moldova and Ukraine.

Filippo Romeo

World Campaign. “Sowing Hope for the Planet”.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

The Union of Superiors General of Catholic Religious Sisters launched the “Sowing Hope for the Planet” campaign two years ago. Sister Sheila Kinsey, its coordinator spoke to us about the project.

Sister Sheila, an American, has clear ideas. And she knows exactly what ‘interconnection’ means. She tells us: “The world is interconnected. The exploitation of the Earth is interconnected, the repercussions of ‘extractivism’ (that is the emptying of above and below ground mines) on people and its negative effects are interconnected”. But fortunately, “so is the ability to build a barrier to address exploitation. ”
Sr. Sheila Kinsey, who belongs to the Franciscan Sisters Daughters of the Sacred Hearts of Jesus and Mary (FCJM), is the executive secretary of the Commission for Justice, Peace and Integrity of Creation (JPIC) of the Union of Superiors General (USG) and International Union of Superior Generals (UISG).

She coordinates the “Sowing Hope for the Planet” World Campaign. A project which is open to all the sisters belonging to congregations associated with UISG, who “have the opportunity to make a difference in caring for the planet”. This project is the result of the collaboration between the JPIC Commission in the name of UISG and the World Catholic Movement for the Climate (MCMC).Sr. Sheila says: “The method is ‘the Theology of Doing’: it is not limited to spreading information, rather it tends toward taking action….A country like the Democratic Republic of the Congo, for example, is light years away from the Brazilian Amazon”.
But the “exploitation of the mines that takes place in both countries
is almost identical.”

“There is also a correlation between the exploitation of enslaved people and the looting of the land – Sister Sheila points out -. The destruction that land grabbing causes in the Brazilian Sertão, for example, is similar to what occurs in the Mozambican savannah. And both cases create slaves; because, taking land away from small farmers to hand it over to agri-business concerns generates poverty and the movement of people, who are forced out of their lands. ”
“We are all on the same boat, and distance has nothing to do with it; we can live thousands of miles away from each other but still endure the same abuse,” noted the Sister.
And that’s why it’s essential to come together and adopt comparable instruments (that is the connections, in fact) to those that big global businesses use when they exploit the Earth. “Multinationals are well aware of the analogies between different types of crops or soil and subsoil, between the climate of apparently distant areas, and between similar types of land, thus leading to similar types of exploitation.”

“It is up to us to anticipate and contrast them, by linking farmers, peoples, people from one place to another so that they can exchange [knowledge] and methods to resist.
It’s a strategy. Like the one against land grabbing in Mozambique, which has mobilized local and international civil society for years against the Pro-Savana, a government project that wanted to transform thousands of hectares of savannah into mega soybean cultivations along the lines of the Brazilian faziedas”, says Sr. Sheila.“When people talk about extractive industries, they usually refer to oil, gas and minerals, as well as the companies that extract these products. But logging and planting trees in forests must also be considered an extractive industry, because the dynamics of forest exploitation closely resemble oil, gas and mineral extraction ones…. Our job is to bring people together, their experiences with struggle to develop strategies and devise best practices. ”

All those who join the “Sow Hope for the Planet” Campaign can find tools online in the appropriate website, which allows users to exchange of information and hold live meetings. “God created the world and all that’s in it out of love. All of nature is but a window on God’s infinite creativity, fruitfulness and joy. We are called to rethink humanity’s place in the scheme of things – says Sister Sheila -. Our starting point must decentralize us from the goal of creation, refocusing it toward the custodianship of the Planet as a way to perceive the earth as our home”.

The campaign is in line with the Catholic Climate Movement, which has encouraged and achieved for all Catholic organizations to divest from fossil fuels. “Divestment is the opposite of investment, it implies the lifting of investment capital from stocks, bonds or funds. The divest-invest movement asks institutions to move their money away from oil, coal and gas companies, for moral and financial reasons, by encouraging reinvestment in clean energy companies that will help solve the climate crisis,” recalls Sr. Sheila
On 12 September last 15 Catholic institutions including the Episcopal Conference of the Philippines and Caritas agencies in Italy, Singapore, Australia and Norway announced their divestment from fossil fuels. Globally the divestment movement has reached a new milestone of $12.1 trillion in assets. Sister Sheila concludes: “The goal is to strengthen the network and force us to face our world, which is falling apart, and that we can help put back together again”. (M.F.A.)

Moldova. Difficult Balances.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

Geographically located on the very outskirts of southeastern Europe, Moldova is a small state nestled between Romania and Ukraine. It shares the western border with Romania, while Ukraine envelops it to the north, east and south.

The territory, mostly flat, coincides roughly with the Bessarabia region, an area situated between the Prut and Nistru rivers. The latter, in addition to marking a portion of the border with Ukraine in the north-east area, flows from north to south in the eastern part of the country separating the Bessarabia region from the autonomous one of Transnistria, constituting, in fact, a geopolitical limes. The actual Republic of Moldova has developed in an area that, due to its geographical position and its proximity to the Black Sea, has always been disputed by the great powers present in the area. Only Stephen the Great (1457 -1504) managed to ensure its stability and to keep Polish, Hungarian and Turkish expansionist ambitions at bay.

Subsequently that area continued to suffer the tensions and claims of the great actors present on that chessboard. In this regard, it suffices to recall the long dispute for Bessarabia between the Ottoman Empire, the Russian Empire and the Austro-Hungarian Empire. For Russia, in particular, Bessarabia, then as today, represents an outpost from which to exercise its influence on Central Europe, the Balkans and Turkey. These situations, replicating themselves over the centuries through a sort of constant geopolitics, determined the country’s modest size, its irrelevance on the international level and its lack of development.
In 1812, the area was annexed by the Tsarist Empire and this annexation constituted a milestone for the country’s history. The Tsars, in fact, developed an action of Russification of the territory through demographic and colonial policies, with very real population transfers. But despite Russian efforts, the Romanian identity of Bessarabia always remained alive and tried to assert itself on several occasions. However, the real geographic and anthropological upheaval occurred in the Soviet era during which, also the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic, like the Central Asian Republics, underwent the collectivization, the deportations, the destruction of the churches and a forced industrialization that led to social mobilization with relative upheaval
of local customs.

In the summer of 1989, following the riots that undermined the Soviet Empire, the Soviet Socialist Republic of Moldova also began to take the path that would lead it to independence through the implementation of important changes such as the adoption of the Latin alphabet and replacement of the official Russian language with Romanian, later renamed Moldovan. In addition to the official one, there are four languages spoken in Moldova today: Romanian, Russian, Ukrainian and Gagauzic. This latter is spoken by the inhabitants of the region of Gagauzia, an autonomous territorial entity located in the south of the country, inhabited by a population of Turkic origin, but of orthodox Christian religion. For 11% of the population, spoken Russian remained, however, as the first language and, obviously, being known by almost all inhabitants, it is often used as a lingua franca even if the disagreements caused by the forced Russification of the Soviet period have not entirely died away. However, full independence was achieved in August 1991 and was managed by the Moldovan Popular Front’s politicizing of Christian Democrat culture, which was in favor of the country’s annexation to Romania. This new situation determined, as is obvious, the reactions of the Russian speakers of Transnistria and Gagauzia, in detonating the new civil war following which Transnistria, thanks also to the support of the Russian military forces, was established in a de facto independent state but was never internationally recognized.

After the fall of the USSR, the subjects who guided the transition applied universal political recipes, with western standards and models that did not take into account the various cultural and territorial differences. Thus, the new international players present on the scene – through the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, the State Department and the EU – began to dictate to the country new lines of development that included liberalization, opening to the capital, goods and services of the West, but which did not in fact lead to the state of well-being and proclaimed development.
Even today, the geopolitical constant does not spare the country from the bitter contention of two large blocs, the Russian and the western ones, as well as from Romanian irredentism that has always perceived Moldova, and in particular the area of Bessarabia, as its province which was stolen by Turkish ambitions.

The inadequate development model, together with the geopolitical tensions, have not allowed Moldova to emerge from its condition as a rural country. In fact, its population, which has 3,547,539 people, made up of 78% of Moldovans (in the territory controlled by the central government), 8% of Ukrainians and 6% of Russians, lives mainly in the countryside and, given the absence of adequate working conditions, exists in a condition of widespread poverty. The combination of these elements has, for years, been fuelling the migratory phenomenon towards the countries of Western Europe by the younger members of society. A process which, as is obvious, is producing a strong population decrease at home and which in the long run could have devastating effects. (F.R.)

Europe/Africa. Migration and Security.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

Migration from Africa to Europe is increasingly being framed as a security threat to states and societies. The result is tighter border controls and visa policies. These efforts have led to fewer African migrants reaching Europe, but have also had several unintended negative consequences.

European Union (EU) policies to deter Europe-bound African migration include the European Neighbourhood Policy and the Joint Valletta Action Plan. Related operational mechanisms are the EU Emergency Trust Fund and the European Border and Coast Guard Agency (Frontex). In Africa, upper-middle-income countries such as South Africa, Botswana, Egypt, Algeria and Morocco also apply strict visa rules to African travellers to limit the entry of migrants from low-income countries.

Agadez in Niger is a typical example of a place that has experienced the increased securitisation of migration, and suffered unintended consequences. Located on a key route between West Africa, the Sahel and the Maghreb regions, it’s estimated that a third of all migrants travelling through Agadez eventually end up on a boat to Europe. As a result, EU policymakers have since 2015 focused on Agadez to stem migration to Europe.

The EU’s securitised intervention in Agadez includes extending the mandate of the EU Capacity Building Mission in Niger (EUCAP-Niger) to help the security forces control migration and associated criminal activities. Frontex has also appointed a liaison officer in Niger. The intervention resulted in a 75% decline in northbound migration flows via Agadez in 2017. This has contributed to the overall drop in arrivals in Europe through the various Mediterranean routes. In 2018 there were 116 647 arrivals recorded – 89% less than 2015, leading to the European Commission declaring in 2019 that the migration crisis was over.

Beyond the decline in numbers however, the securitised approach has led to five negative consequences, according to new research by the Institute for Security Studies (ISS). These are the disruption of livelihoods, increased regional destabilisation, continued smuggling, increased violation of migrants’ human rights and the erosion of citizen-government relations.

In terms of livelihoods, Agadez’s major economic sectors such as tourism, mining and agriculture have declined over the past decade, so income from the migration industry served as a substitute. Many Agadez residents made a living through providing food, water and call shops to migrants. Alternative means of income should have been put in place before the migration industry was dismantled. The EU seemingly anticipated this consequence, reserving considerable development funding including €243 million from 2016 to 2020 to support agricultural projects. But the implementation of these projects has been too slow to keep up with people’s loss of income.

The disruption of residents’ livelihoods has led to destabilisation not only in Niger, but in the wider Sahel region. Many young men have taken to banditry to respond to their immediate economic needs. Worse still is the expansion of al-Qaeda in the Islamic Maghreb in the Sahel region, including in Niger. Thousands of youth whose livelihoods have been disrupted could become radicalised, creating a fertile recruitment ground for extremists.

The human smuggling industry has also adapted to the changing circumstances. Sudanese smugglers have taken the place of Nigerien smugglers, and new routes have been found to Libya through Chad and Sudan. The emergence of new routes has exposed migrants to more human rights abuses and hardships.
Securitised approaches increase migrants’ vulnerability, leading to violations of their fundamental rights in transit and destination countries. Recent reports about a rise in fatalities at Europe’s borders are linked to reinforced border control measures.

The securitisation of migration has also led to an erosion of public trust in government in Agadez. According to research by the Clingendael Institute, officials in Agadez said citizens questioned why they worked for the EU ‘rather than for them, the people who got us elected.’ Any African government’s cooperation with a foreign force to stem migration is likely to be viewed negatively by citizens, as millions rely on remittances from migrants. This money also contributes significantly to national economies. In 2018, African countries received $46 billion in remittances. In a nutshell, framing migration as a security issue tends to result in reactive and short-term strategies to stem departures from Africa to Europe. Two approaches can help better manage migration.

First, the Africa-to-Europe migration narrative should be based on evidence not incorrect perceptions as is currently the case. For example, 53.2% of African migration is intra-continental. Sub-Saharan African migrants make up only 12.9% of Europe’s migrant population. Despite this, the dominant narrative has us believe that Africans are on the move to the West, especially to Europe.

Second, the EU and African countries should reconcile their priorities and interests. The EU wants to stem African migration, and seeks better cooperation with African countries on the return of irregular migrants, and better border control. This is increasingly reflected in Europe’s developmental support to Africa. African states’ cooperation on migration management is becoming central in determining how this support is allocated. However African countries are interested in exploring opportunities for legal migration channels to the EU.

As a result, Europe’s short-term priorities (deterring migration) risk undermining Africa’s longer-term objectives (development). The two continents should find ways to align their common interests.
The ongoing negotiation on the EU’s strategy with Africa, which is expected to be adopted in October 2020, provides an excellent opportunity. Migration and mobility make up one of the strategy’s five key focus areas.

Tsion Tadesse Abebe,
Senior Researcher, Migration,
ISS Addis Ababa

The African Youth Survey 2020. Vibrant Afro-optimism rises.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

A comprehensive survey of Africa’s youth – the African Youth Survey 2020 –has just revealed a rising Afro-Optimism among the continent’s youth driven by a strong sense of individual responsibility, a post-colonial mind set, entrepreneurship, and confidence in a shared African identity.

Africa’s youth believe they can solve problems collaboratively, and are hopeful of fighting corruption, achieving peace and improving their personal living conditions. The survey findings, which are in stark contrast to global stereotypes and outdated narratives of a hopeless continent, were unveiled by the Ichikowitz Family Foundation, a leading African foundation encouraging active citizenship across the continent.

The African Youth Survey 2020 was conducted across 14 African countries in an unprecedented attempt to pulse the aspirations, motivations and viewpoints of one of the world’s key demographics. Transatlantic polling firm, PSB Research, conducted interviews in Congo Brazzaville, Ethiopia, Gabon, Ghana, Kenya, Malawi, Mali, Nigeria, Rwanda, Senegal, South Africa, Togo, Zambia and Zimbabwe – a total of 4200 in-depth, face-to-face interviews.

The African Youth Survey reveals young people who are self-starters, pan-African, digital and media savvy, tolerant but mindful of the challenges that could blight their ‘African Century’, such as corruption, the lack of jobs, limited start-up capital, water scarcity, fake news, terrorism and poor educational systems.

They were asked their opinions on their identity as Africans; on social cohesion in their communities, on the environment; on political stability and democracy; on foreign relations; on entrepreneurship; technology and the media; and, about their views of the future.

Ichikowitz Family Foundation Chairman, Ivor Ichikowitz said: “The results of the African Youth Survey are a loud wake-up call to all the Afro-sceptics. We have found that youth in Africa are imbued with optimism about the future – and want to shape their own destiny. We have found a youth that refuses to shy away from the very real challenges of Africa, that is honest about what needs to be done and what their role has to be to achieve this – and they are keen to make that difference.”

“The Afro-optimism that’s flourishing among young Africans does not rest on hope, but on their ability to seize the opportunities provided by the modern world. The findings underscore entrepreneurship as the greatest aspiration of African youth, who are embracing digital technologies to shape their futures.
If there were ever doubt in the ‘Africa-Rise’ narrative, this research provides us with strong evidence that Africa’s time is here, and that it will continue to rise – carried forward by a new generation of innovative, responsible and confident leaders.”

Afro-optimism, underscored by a belief in Afro-capability:

Optimism: African youth are overwhelmingly positive about their personal future and the African Century: 65% believe that the 21st century will be the African Century, 72% are confident about their financial future, they feel more optimistic about the future of the continent than their country’s future (63% unhappy with own country, 49% unhappy with Africa).

Entrepreneurship: The next African generation are entrepreneurs and self-starters who are resolute in their goals and ambitions: 76% want to start a business in the next five years, over 60% have an idea for a business or social enterprise, and 75% feel they positively change their communities through their work.

Technology: African youth are well-connected and technology and media savvy with a great interest in current affairs: 79% believe that Wi-Fi access should be a fundamental human right, 81% believe that technology will change the fortunes of Africa, 59% use their smart phones for more than three hours per day, 89% use it for social media.

Media: Social media is the second biggest source of news (54%) after television (72%). The least trusted sources of news are Facebook (53%) and WhatsApp (50%). ‘Fake News’ is viewed as problematic: 67% says it is impacting their ability to stay informed; 25% know someone or have personally been victims of online bullying.

Environment: African youth are not concerned by climate change as such, but rather about more specific environmental challenges like water scarcity (86%), plastic waste (79%) and poaching of wildlife (69%).

Climate Change: 57% of African youth believes that developing countries have equal responsibility to address climate change – their Afro-optimism is grounded in a belief in Afro-capability.

African Identity: The nation state remains a strong source for collective identity but 76% of African youth overwhelmingly agrees that a shared African Identity exists, brought forth by common culture and the values epitomised by Nelson Mandela (86% believe Mandela’s values are still relevant today).

African Unity: Many young Africans say the continent is headed in the wrong direction and 63% call for unity to bring Africa forward, 72% believe the AU can unite Africa.

Community Cohesion: Young people in Africa are deeply embedded in their local communities, which many describe as ethnically, religiously and economically diverse.

Democratic Values: While African youth are divided on whether democracy (48%) or stability (48%) is more important for the continent, most believe in the democratic values of participation, tolerance and freedom, although critically, very few see a political career as a key aspiration to improving their own lives.

Foreign Relations: African youth are conflicted in regard to foreign influence: on the one hand, many are wary of new forms of economic colonialism but at the same time most consider the influence of specific countries to be positive; the USA, China and EU have the greatest influence and Donald Trump, Bill Gates and Mark Zuckerberg are the leaders who will have the greatest impact over the next five years.

Challenges: Young Africans see infectious disease and terrorism as the continent’s two biggest threats of the last five years, but the future being defined by job opportunities, innovation and entrepreneurship, and bedevilled by corruption.

On the results of the survey overall, Ichikowitz commented: “Africa’s youth, measured just in sheer numbers, will be the world’s most important demographic in 30 years. The purpose of this study is to provide a roadmap for governments, policymakers, investors and young people across the continent, who will be the world’s largest source of human capital, consumers, entrepreneurs and innovators of tomorrow. Ignoring their voices would be a catastrophe for the world.”

Africa. Coronavirus and the Missionaries.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

The Coronavirus pandemic is spreading across Africa. The virus has gradually attacked almost all its countries.
To date, thousands of victims have been claimed by this emergency which may move from being a matter of health to a social matter. How missionaries are involved.

“Closing the South Sudan borders would mean condemning thousands of people to a state of hunger: this is because food security still depends on imports from nearby countries as well as humanitarian aid. For this reason, the government has asked Uganda to allow free passage to trucks carrying food and fuel,” says Father Christian Carlassare, an Italian Comboni missionary who lives in Juba, speaking of precautionary measures taken by the young African state in response to the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic. In recent days, the Minister for Health announced the closure of all airports in the country and the prohibition of all international flights as well as the closure of the borders.

According to data furnished by the UN, around 6 million people, 60% of the population, are in urgent need of humanitarian aid, an increase of 20% compared to last year. “The country will be at a great disadvantage if it has to tackle a pandemic of this sort”, notes Father Christian. During February and the first weeks of March, there was a lot of movement across the borders with contiguous countries: “It is therefore feared that the virus has spread also here in South Sudan – the Comboni priest explains – but it is hoped that the hot climate may limit its spread; however, we will not be sure until after a couple of weeks”. As a precaution, the schools have been closed for a month and all gatherings, even for religious services, have been prohibited. “While community celebrations are suspended – Fr. Carlassare informs us – we need to find other ways of being close to the people who are suffering. For the present, we are not obliged to stay at home. There is just a curfew from six in the evening to six in the morning. During the day we may still visit the families. The small basic communities can continue being active and say their prayers in their families”.

However important, the measures taken seem to fall short of tackling the complex situation in a country like South Sudan, stricken by hunger, poverty and disease: “The first challenge – Fr. Carlassare believes – regards the extremely limited possibility, confined to the capital – of testing people suspected of being infected. Furthermore – he continues – the public health system is not properly equipped: the patients may be isolated but there are no intensive care units with ventilators. We Comboni missionaries are responsible for running the diocesan hospital in Mapuordit where the only ventilator is in the operating theatre”. The second challenge is that of prevention: in Fr. Christian’s opinion “it is very difficult to implement isolation and quarantine in a country like South Sudan, for many reasons, especially – he clarifies – since many families live in huts or houses with only one room that is shared, on average, by five or six persons. Daily life takes place mostly out of doors”. No food is kept in the house except some flour and very little else: “the hygienic conditions in the markets, with their stalls often located in dusty and overcrowded places, leave much to be desired”.
“This pandemic – he concludes – struck us while in a state of weakness and confusion but, at the same time, it has taught us how important and necessary it is to recognise that we all need to comfort one another and that we are all called to pull together since we are all in the same boat”.
In Africa people live in the streets, especially the poorest strata of the population. “Huts are only for sleeping – explains Father Piergiorgio Gamba, an Italian Montfort missionary who has worked in Malawi for more than forty years – the rest of the day is spent outdoors trying to earn just enough to survive by doing odd jobs. How can we even think of making these people stay inside? Making them stay in their houses would mean depriving them of the minimum necessary for survival”.

In South Africa, shortages of food, water and electricity could even cause serious social disorder. The decrees of President Cyril Ramaphosa have obliged schools to close and people to remain in their houses. “The well-off classes – comments Father Pablo Velasquez, a Scalabrini Missionary in Johannesburg – have economic resources and security of employment that protect them and enable them to follow the directives. It is different for the poorer people. For them, not working for days on end means they will have no income. For this reason, the regulations have not been welcomed in the townships”.
Consequently, while the police patrol the residential areas, the shanty towns are surrounded by the military on a war footing. “Closing a township – explains Father Filippo Ferraro, a Scalabrini Missionary in Cape Town – is like sealing a boiling pot: with no outlet, it is in danger of exploding. The migrants (7.5% of the population) are also suffering as it is difficult for them to renew their residence permits and they risk ending up as illegals. They not only cannot work but they have not even enough money to buy food”.
From Ethiopia, Father Nicola de Guio, a Fidei Donum missionary in Adaba, in the Apostolic Prefecture of Robe remarks: “Our missions are small numerically but right from the start we followed the instructions given by the public and religious institutions concerning Covid-19. For some weeks we have been celebrating Mass only at the mission of Adaba where we live, but we can no longer go out to the other two missions at Dodola and Kokossa, at distances of 25Km and 95Km respectively.
We feel very concerned for the whole of the population who have no means of protecting themselves and are living in very precarious
human conditions. ”

In the Central African republic, Father Aurelio Gazzera, a Carmelite missionary, parish priest of Bozoum and head of the diocesan Caritas office, decided to organise a trip to meet those in charge of ten parishes to explain to them how to handle a possible Covid-19 epidemic. “In each parish – Father Aurelio explains – we held a meeting (observing social distancing and the numerical regulations), during which we explained the disease (symptoms, precautions, contagion and risks), encouraging everyone to take this problem seriously. We then got organised, as Christians and members of Caritas, to ensure that the weakest (the elderly, the poor, the sick and the disabled) were provided with assistance and food. Unfortunately, it will not be easy to stop this virus. People here live outdoors. It is necessary for them to go outside to get what they need for their families.“The Central African Republic is a country on its knees. For seven years it has been in the throes of a civil war which, despite peace accords, continues causing violence and political instability. In this already precarious context, the spread of the virus can only bring civil society down even more, claiming many victims and causing price rises for basic foodstuffs (rice, cooking oil, tomatoes) and other necessities (soap, gloves, masks and bleach).
However, it is not possible to carry out such sensitisation action everywhere. In some countries, COVID-19 is not even mentioned. “In Eritrea, officially, there are no cases – notes Abba Mussie Zerai, a priest of Asmara eparchy – In truth, we are not sure whether the virus has reached this country or not. We fear an epidemic. There is the danger that it may spread in the overcrowded prisons and military training camps. The public health structures would not be able to manage the situation if the virus were to spread. The private hospitals and clinics, the only ones that are efficient, were commandeered in recent months by the authorities. What sort of assistance can they offer the citizens?”.

“The fear of dying of hunger is greater than the fear of the virus and my community is in danger of succumbing”. Sister Enza Guccione, an Italian missionary in Nigeria, lives on a small island in the middle of the River Niger. “ We are in the middle of the river, suspended between life and death, subject to events we cannot control », says the religious, foundress of the Emmanuelle Family community, who has decided to dedicate her life to the least of the world.
“If death does not come through Covid-19, hunger will be the enemy number one to be defeated », Sister Enza declares. “The slogan ‘I am staying at home’ in places like Nigeria takes on another meaning. With the Covid-19 alert and the precautionary measures introduced by the local governments, we have entered a high-risk humanitarian phase. All the borders of the country are closed, and we are all too often forcibly told to stay inside our homes. The village is also closed within itself and we cannot go to the other bank of the river as the police there do not allow the boats to dock there and disembark their passengers. The whole market, including the part selling foodstuffs, lies beyond the river”, Sr. Enza says.
“ Here we cannot afford to keep reserves of food – the religious continues – there is no electricity and no refrigerators but, most of all, the people live each day by earning something in the markets so whatever extra they had at home has been used up during the past three weeks of lockdown. Even medicine is becoming a problem. Medicine in the market beyond the river and in reserves is running out. What can we do? The police will not let us in, not even the Sisters. Nobody can go to the city from here. Yesterday, disturbances broke out in the surrounding villages causing some deaths and many injuries. Prices are sky-high. We are fighting an invisible enemy but another more dangerous enemy is on the loose: hunger! The lockdown, to be truthful, can only be tackled by those who have the economic resources to do so, a tiny minority. At this time, the only thing we can do is to pray harder to God.”

Missionary activity is seriously affected by the Covid-19 crisis. “ How can we be missionaries when we can no longer go out to meet people or even establish social contact with the population, as we have done in the past, to announce the Good News?” asks Father Donald Zagore, an Ivorian priest of the Society of African Missions. “It is a challenge we are facing and we have as yet no clear answer. The challenge of finding new ways of evangelising in this context today is the subject of deep reflection among missionaries, especially in rural areas “.
The Ivorian priest emphasises: “In this time of the coronavirus crisis, the family becomes the sacred place par excellence, where the mystery of God is received and lived. Christ became incarnate in a family, making the Holy Family the first domestic church”. “The African pastoral model today – the missionary explains – is still that of the small Christian community. “The tragedy of Covid-19 ought to make us more united with one another. Humanity will win this struggle only by involving itself in a strong dynamic of solidarity between scientific research, and material and spiritual support”, Fr. Zagore continues. “The isolation measures established by the government which include, among other things, the closure of the borders, must be strictly measures of medical prevention – the missionary emphasises – and they must not become methods that promote exclusion or stigmatisation. The Covid-19 pandemic must not become an area in which living together means the sacrifice of one’s identity, social breaks-up or increasingly exclusive nationalism. Today, we must concentrate on the essence of the problem which consists essentially in working and praying for a solution which can save humanity from this tragedy.
In the name of our faith, we must not allow evil to win out in the lives of people. God is more powerful than that”.

Concluding his reflection, the theologian repeats: “For Christianity without churches, the ecclesiological model of the family as a domestic church is still fundamental. A family built upon rock, upon Christ, is a precious gift to the universal Church and to all humanity. Everything has to be rebuilt according to the principle of the family itself”.
Meanwhile, many sisters are working in small rural hospitals in Africa as well as medical clinics, healthcare centres and mobile clinics providing education and medical assistance to those in need. (C.C.)

Malawi. Between Health and Political Crisis.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

One year after the General Election, the country still remains in a political crisis. The combination of a health crisis (Coronavirus) and a political dispute could be extremely dangerous for the country.

The Malawi’s five High Court Judges sitting in Lilongwe as Constitutional Court on 3 February 2020 delivered a landmark ruling that annulled the country’s May 19, 2019 presidential elections. The presidential elections case was brought to the Court by the Opposition Malawi Congress Party’s (MCP) president, Lazarus Chakwera, and the United Transformation Movement (UTM) president, Saulos Chilima, who came in second and third in the polls respectively.
The ruling which was highly welcomed and praised by many analysts including millions of voters, means that President Peter Mutharika is not an elected leader but is in the position in an acting capacity until fresh elections are held.
This ruling, however, has not only changed the political landscape but has also plunged the country into a political and constitutional crisis with the incumbent president Mutharika and the Malawi Electoral Commission (MEC) refusing to accept the Constitutional Court orders.

Among other things the Court ordered Parliament to amend the Parliamentary and Presidential Elections Act and that fresh elections be held within 150 days from the day of the ruling, and that a fresh presidential election be held on 2 July). It also ordered Parliament to assess the MEC Commissioners whom the court found to be incompetent and accused of mishandling the elections. The Court discovered that it was wrong for the MEC to tamper with the presidential tally sheets with Tipp Ex, a correctional fluid, in many polling centers, especially where Mutharika was not popular.
In line with the Constitutional Court orders, Parliament passed four bills one of which is a bill that sets a date for the fresh elections and another one that allows for the 50+1, in which a winning party is supposed to get 50%+1 of the votes.
“This ruling will completely change the political landscape”, said Mustafa Hussein, Political Lecturer at the University of Malawi, Chancellor College. Hussein said the country will “now see political parties forming alliances so that they meet the Court order that any party in future must get 50%+ 1 of the votes”.

But Mutharika and his MEC Chairperson Jane Ansah are having none of this. Ansah is refusing to resign despite the fact that the Court found that her and the MEC failed to manage the elections properly.
The president and the MEC appealed to the Supreme Court to have a stay order and also to have the whole ruling overturned but the Court quashed the stay order appeal which would have allowed the MEC not to conduct fresh elections.
To plunge the country further into a deep political crisis, Mutharika has refused to assent to the four Bills that Parliament sent him towards the end of February. He has also refused to sack the Commissioners as recommended by the Public Appointments Committee (PAC) of Parliament, who the Court found to be incompetent. Speaking through his spokesperson, Mgeme Kalirani, Mutharika said he has not assented to the bills “because they are in conflict with the Constitution”. And on the failure to fire the MEC commissioners as recommended by the Public Appointments Committee of Parliament, Mutharika argued that he would not fire the commissioners because they were not given ample time to defend themselves.

But some legal analysts have observed that the refusal by the president not to assent to the bills is ‘just a tactical move to buy time so that he remains in office for longer’. Others have hinted that Mutharika is putting this country into a Constitutional and political crisis. “Mutharika’s rejection of the Bills might be throwing this country into a Constitutional crisis”, said John Mwakhwawa, a private practicing lawyer. He said the legislature made the laws in accordance with what the Constitutional Court ordered them to do.
If Mutharika is rejecting the Bills it means that the Court and Parliament are in conflict with the Head of State.
Professor Danwood Chirwa, a Constitutional Law Scholar, at the University of Cape Town said the main reason why President Mutharika refused to assent to the Bills was both ‘grotesque and incoherent’. He said Mutharika who was holding office on an interim basis, violates the Constitution and that he (Mutharika) had an option of seeking an advisory opinion of the Constitutional Court if he was not sure. “But Mutharika was not seeking that Constitutional Court advice because he knows his position is untenable”, he said. “The truth is that the bills try to operationalize the decision of the Constitutional Court, which the interim president does not like. By refusing to assent to the bills, the interim president is disobeying that court’s decision and is acting in contempt of it, and he is not upholding the Constitution as he claims”, said Chirwa. He also said the president was stifling the law-making process of the legislature by advancing “dubious and irrational reasons for withholding consent”.

The University of Malawi’s Chancellor College Dean of Law, Sunduzwayo Madise, told the media that the Parliament can table the bills and have them be sent back to the president for the second time. But before they do that they can discuss the reasons given by the president not to assent to the Bills.He said however that Court orders must be respected and that “Parliament has the power to take the matter back to the court for more orders in the event that the elections fails to take place within the stated 150 days as ordered by the Court”. Ironically, Mutharika and his ruling Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) are preparing for the fresh elections and have already started campaigning. His party has entered into an electoral alliance with the former ruling party the United Democratic Front (UDF) whose leader is Atupele Muluzi, a son to Bakili Muluzi, former president of the party and State. Behind the scenes so many things are happening aimed at how parties can maneuver each other in the coming elections. Mutharika would like to see the same MEC commissioners organize the elections while the opposition and millions of Malawian voters are opposed to the move.

The main opposition parties, the MCP and UTM have also formed their own electoral alliance and they have been joined by five other opposition parties aimed at defeating the DPP/UDF alliance in the coming fresh polls.Since May last year the country has been witnessing nationwide demonstrations demanding the resignations of the MEC chair and commissioners. The demonstrations were and are still being organized by the Human Rights Defenders Coalition (HRDC) whose leaders are currently on bail on charges against overthrowing the government.
But the three HRDC leaders, Timothy Mtambo, Gift Trapence and MacDonald Sembereka are all denying the charges and have vowed to carry their demonstrations further to State Residences, should Mutharika continue refusing to sign the Bills, which he has, and failing to fire the MEC chair and Commissioners. It now remains to be seen what Parliament will do in the wake of the President’s refusal to sign the bills.

Meanwhile, at the beginning the April the government has declared the first cases of Coronavirus in the country. The health system is very weak and poorly resourced. Only 20 people a day can be tested for the virus, and there are just 25 intensive care unit beds and seven ventilators in the country of more than 18 million people. Since February, however, the government has been racing to curb Covid’s arrival. It has wheeled out a £24m preparedness plan, suspended international flights, banned weddings and gatherings of more than 100 people, closed schools and universities, and is making people arriving from Europe, China, or the US to self-isolate. According to the Ministry of Health, 4,603 people who have entered the country in the past few weeks are ‘under surveillance’.

Raphael Mweninguwe

A Dependent Economy.

Friday, 1 May 2020 8:00

From an economic point of view, Moldova is considered one of the poorest countries in Europe. The average net monthly income slightly exceeds 250 euros, the agricultural sector represents about 21% of the GDP, industry 15.1% and services 63.9%.

Following independence, the country touched economic collapse due to the interruption of commercial ties with the ex-motherland and the suspension of the preferential tariffs on energy that were guaranteed, as well as the loss of direct control over Transnistria, whose territory hosted most of the Moldovan heavy industry. Today Moldova, heavily dependent on the production and export of agricultural products (wheat, corn, oats, tobacco, sugar beets, soy, barley, sunflowers, hazelnuts, apples and other fruit), represents the classic poor country to which the principles of economic liberalism have been applied that led it into the interior of a tunnel with no way out.

The country’s economy is not a productive economy but a consumer economy based largely on the remittances of Moldovan workers. In addition to the production of agricultural products, there are large farms aimed at the production of meat and milk products, and beekeeping is also widespread. The secondary sector is developing with the few existing industries in the textile, mechanical, iron and steel and chemical sectors concentrated in the capital.
In agriculture, one of the country’s strengths is wine production. Moldova, in fact, boasts the largest wine cellars in the world – well over 120 km in extent underground which guarantee a perfect microclimate – and exports over 400 million bottles a year, among which the ‘Negru de Purcari’ stands out, which has always been drunk by Queen Elizabeth and by the Court of England.

Local entrepreneurs are severely penalized by the difference in production capacity, ‘know-how’ and access to credit compared to entrepreneurs from other countries. In addition, the ‘free trade agreements’ signed with both Europe and Turkey have not proved to be development drivers. Economic relations with Moscow, on which it depends as an export market, with the former Soviet political space and with the Caucasian area, are very intense because of their geographical position and historical ties. Moscow, in particular, represents one of Moldova’s main trading partners with which it has a strong dependence because of the energy supplies.

Moldova is also becoming an attractive destination for investors from Arab countries. This phenomenon, which developed in 2009, could be fatal eventually, according to some analysts. Since that date, which coincides with the rise to power of the liberal democratic party block, there has been an increase in contacts and meetings between the institutional representatives of the country and those of the Arab countries (Qatar, Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia). These relationships have also fostered a circle of dirty business between influential Gulf personages and the local mafia. Relationships that have often been facilitated and covered by a series of government laws and decisions that guarantee both local and foreign investors the same rights to invest in the local economy. The only exception is the agricultural land which can be sold only to Moldovan citizens.
Again according to analysts, among these laws, one stands out which provides the possibility for five thousand foreign or stateless citizens, plus their families, to receive citizenship in exchange for an investment in loco. The money could be transferred either to a state fund, or to individuals and invested in real estate and for the development of the financial and public investment sector that is maintaining government bonds. It should be noted that the investment in both these sectors must be maintained for at least 60 months, that is five years, following which the beneficiaries of these investments are free to sell what they have acquired at a low price, for a rather higher one.
These processes, in addition to influencing the country’s precarious economic balances, could also affect the political ones, since the new arrivals could also engage in the establishment of new parties, as well as acquire control of the media.

Moldova, like many other countries subject to ‘structural reforms’ and neo-liberal adjustments, had for a long time given up the management of its own economy: foreign financing in exchange for market liberalization, adjustment of domestic legislation to the detriment of the local market, and in the interest of global corporations. Monetary, fiscal and budget cuts for social policies have substantially reduced the state’s ability to promote independent economic policies. These circumstances have led to the government of the country alternating between corrupt parties and coalitions, or barely adequate parties, thus making corruption flourish without working to strengthen institutions and the reform of the judicial system.
Relations with the world of the Caucasus are also strong. The first intergovernmental cooperation project in the CIS ambience, focused on economic and security issues, prepared outside the Russian initiative and influence, was the birth of the GUAM (acronym for Georgia, Ukraine, Azerbaijan and Moldova). This initiative had as a logical presupposition two dynamics produced at the turn of the mid-nineties and translated into an expansion of diplomatic margins for the GUAM countries.

The first of these was Russia’s first Chechen campaign (1996), the failure of which marked a sharp fall in Moscow’s neighbourhood positions. The second factor that contributed to creating the conditions for a deepening of sub-regional cooperation was the breakdown of the international isolation of the post-Soviet space determined by the preparation of regional strategies by the European Union and NATO. These strategies focused significantly on those areas of cooperation (infrastructural security and economic development) in which the attempt by Azerbaijan and the newly independent states to pursue autonomous foreign policy lines had resulted in being unrealistic. The institutionalization of the quadrilateral agreement through the creation of the GUAM represented, first of all, a tool to deepen the horizontal vector of cooperation within the CIS, offering a regional point of reference for the protagonists of the post-Soviet space, who shared with the four a specific interest in the areas of action of security and development. (F.R.)

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