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Challenges Facing Africa.

An examination of issues related to the extractive industries, trade agreements, land grabs, capital flight, corporate tax evasions, human trafficking, mass migrations, the endemic conflicts and other things that deprive Africans of their dignity can be anchored on problem
of governance.

Africa: Impoverished By Wealth. Africa is perhaps the richest piece of land on earth, given its natural resources, rich fertile land, precious minerals and its bio-diversity. Yet majority of Africans live in abject poverty conditions. Why? Basically, it is the failure of government in the promotion of the common good, resource distribution, lack of transparency and accountability and independent  judiciary system that works for all. Analysts who anchor the problem of poverty and development in Africa strictly on the economic sphere are missing something fundamental to the causes of poverty and underdevelopment. Numerous programs such as the structural  adjustment programs (SAP), privatization, currency devaluations, and trade liberalization that have the economy as their primary focus have not only failed to alleviate the problems but have worsened the  fortunes of many Africans, making them poorer today than they were before these programs were initiated.

Governance and the role of citizens. An essential component of good governance is the promotion of the common good and protection of its citizens. Leaders must seek the good of all their citizens in formulating policies and applying laws. Both laws and leaders must be transparent and accountable to enable robust civil society participation in the governing process. They must uphold the principles of subsidiarity, that is, governments must not arrogate to    themselves the functions of a lower body. An over centralized federal government undermines the democratic principle.

True politics is a local affair. Former US Speaker of the House, Tip O’Neil aptly noted that “All politics is local.” African governments have failed to understand this. Politics in modern Africa is centralized in the hands of a few, and the majority of citizens are alienated from the process of governance and from their governments who privatize the state and act with impunity. Leaders in     countries with active citizenry are less likely to act with impunity.

Foreign Aid and Interference. Foreign aid on Africa impact on Africa is mostly negative. They have strong strings attached in favour of the donors.  Corporations contracting foreign aid make hundreds of millions of dollars, dodge taxes, and expatriate the money abroad. Foreign aid facilitate corruption, entrench “strong men” and create dependency. In general the donors do not conduct feasibility study for the viability of the projects and local communities are not consulted in the transaction. Some donors work in cahoots with the political elite to siphon the money out of the country in various ways including inflations of contracts, phony projects and direct theft of funds.

Africa and the global market. Africa’s participation in the global market is reduced mainly raw material exports (crude oil, minerals, and other primary products) whose value are tied to speculation by the stock   markets, making Africa’s economy unstable and subject to the “national interest” of international trading partners . African leaders continue to implement programs that serve the interest of these partners to the detriment of their citizens. A systemic change is needed to reverse this situation. This can be achieved by engaging citizens in shaping a future that promotes the common good, one that benefits them.

Just Governance Project – Rationale. An institution that is sustained over many generations with no major interruption takes on a life of its own and acquires a “sacred” status. The likelihood that it will persist regardless of the personnel or the challenges it faces becomes high. American political institutions continue to weather the economic and political storms regardless of their leaders.

African countries, especially those in the sub-Saharan region are not only a hodgepodge of ethnic communities merged together for colonial economic convenience; most lack a national spirit and have not had the chance to develop and sustain strong governance institutions across generations.  The transformation and sustained development of African countries will be achieved by engaging peoples at the grassroots in their social, political and economic environment and enabling them to work for the common good.

Aniedi Okure, OP
The Africa Faith and Justice Network (AFJN)
Washington, D. C.

 

 

Africa. Coronavirus is spreading fast: 43 countries affected.

Africa which is already hit by several epidemics is now facing the challenge of the health and economic impact of the Covid-19 pandemics. So far, 43 countries and territories have been affected.

Since the first cases were registered in Egypt by mid-February, according to the World Health Organisation, so far 43 countries has reported affected with 1,988 cases including 58 deaths ( April 1). Egypt is the most affected with 366 cases and 19 deaths. South Africa (544 cases), Algeria (230 and 17 deaths), Senegal (79), Morocco (134 including 5 deaths) and Tunisia (89 and 3 deaths). Burkina-Faso ( 144 and 4 deaths), Cameroon (66) and Côte d’Ivoire (25).
The DRC  ( 45 and 2 deaths), Nigeria (40 and 1 death), Ghana ( 27 and 1 death) and Namibia (4).  Ethiopia  (12), Gabon (6 and 1 death), Guinea (4), Kenya (16), Sudan (2 and 1 death) , Togo (18), Equatorial Guinea (9), Eswatini (5), Mauritania (2),  the Central African Republic (4), Rwanda (36) and the Republic of Congo (4).

The first cases concern people who arrived from Europe. According to the director of the Institute of Tropical Medicine (ITM), based in Antwerp (Belgium), Marc-Alain Widdowson, it is difficult to project what will happen accurately since epidemic viruses, especially new ones can be very unpredictable. Africa has much fewer cases than Europe for the moment, but he warns that “Almost certainly there are more cases than those which have been diagnosed and reported”. “This is because testing is time-consuming and costly and the symptoms can be very mild or even not apparent, therefore no test is concluded. Over the coming months, I anticipate more countries to reports cases” tells SouthWorld the ITM director. Contrary to some rumours, “it is important to realise that respiratory viruses like influenza and likely Covid-19 do spread well throughout the year in warmer, tropical climates”, he warns.

The lethality of the virus could be serious on a continent already invaded by epidemics of measles, ebola, cholera and HIV.  “Covid-19 causes most severe disease in people with underlying disease and the elderly. So, for a Covid-19 pandemic in Africa, where there are high rates of untreated underlying illness and tuberculosis, there is a real risk of more severe disease. However, the population in Africa is younger, so there may be fewer deaths overall since these mostly occur within the elderly population”, analyses Widdowson.  Besides, ongoing epidemics also increase Covid-19 lethality by soaking up health care resources, he says.
In South Africa, there are particular concerns related to the country’s long-running HIV epidemic – one of the worst in the world. Indeed, more than seven million South Africans live with a virus that seriously weakens immune systems, leaving many people more vulnerable to Covid-19.
Yet, some countries are more prepared than others to cope with the pandemic. “For severe disease, intensive cared beds are often needed, with mechanical ventilation and oxygen supply. These are not widely available in most countries and this capacity would get overwhelmed quickly. Also, infection control practices are often not fully followed because of lack of resources and capacity so large outbreaks in hospitals are a very real risk”, says the ITM director.

On the positive side, some countries such as the DR.Congo have had experience with H1N1 and Ebola and preparedness is better, accordingly. « So far we have not seen any Covid-19 hotspot in Africa but clearly any country with poor surveillance, poor laboratory infrastructure and public health systems is at risk of larger spread” considers Marc-Alain Widdowson. In addition, countries and areas where the health care utilization is low owing to conflict such as the DRC, the Sahel or Somalia are at risk of large amounts of transmission before getting detected.
In this context, ITM is in close contact with partner countries and with the Addis Ababa-based Africa Center for Disease Control (Africa CDC) to help them find out how the virus behaves in African populations and to improve controls. The ITM is developing projects on the epidemiology and the impact on health care systems of the virus.
In Widdowson’s view, the biggest contribution, developed countries can make is to support the Africa CDC with technical and financial resources. Support will be also needed in strengthening public health through the development of national institutes. So far, the Africa CDC has already trained laboratories from 43 countries to test the virus.
The response is intensifying throughout Africa. Airports across the continent are testing passengers’ temperatures on arrival – and quarantine suspected cases. This is namely the case in Rwanda where in the capital Kigali, bus terminals had placed mobile hand washing sets for passengers to use before boarding transport.  Uganda, the DRC and Eritrea enforce quarantine for suspected travelers while Ethiopia is screening travelers from China, Italy, Japan, Iran and South Korea.

Nigeria’s Centre for Disease Control is publishing daily reports on cases and contact tracing. It has a free phone number and WhatsApp number for enquires and advice. Likewise, South Africa’s National Institute for Communicable Diseases has also toll-free number. The governments of Kenya and Tanzania have set up quarantine centres. Kenya also Kenya named two coastal towns and its capital Nairobi among the regions at high risk of coronavirus outbreak. Tanzania’s football federation has banned handshakes between players while Ghana and Gabon impose temporal ban on foreign travel. Librevillee also closed the border with Cameroon on the 8 March.  Tunisia has suspended ferry services to Italy.
Major conferences and events are being cancelled. The list includes the ministerial conference organised by the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, (UN-ECA) which was due to take place in Addis Ababa between the 18 to the 24 March and the Africa CEO forum which was scheduled to be held on the 9 and 10 March) in Abidjan. The Basketball Africa League, which was scheduled in Senegal, has been postponed over the coronavirus outbreak.

In Morocco, all football league matches are plaid behind close doors. In Nigeria, the Parliament has been closed for two weeks, while Zimbabwe’s Health Minister threatened to deport foreigners who enter the country without medical clearance from their respective countries.
Consequences are being felt as well on the economic front. Owing to the recession provoked by the pandemics in Asia and to the contraction of demand that it has caused, around 70% of cargoes from Nigeria and Angola remained  unsold in early March  African airlines have also lost U.S. $400m since the outbreak began after Kenya Airways, RwandAir, South African Airways, Air Tanzania, Air Mauritius, EgyptAir and Royal Air Maroc suspended their flights to China.

François Misser

 

Pope Francis invites youth to take risk, change world.

It’s two years until the next World Youth Day, which will take place in the city of Lisbon in 2022 and in that intervening time, Pope Francis is inviting young people to reflect on the themes for the diocesan World Youth Days of 2020 and 2021.

“Young man, I say to you, arise!” is the 2020 theme taken from Luke’s Gospel; and 2021 features the biblical text taken from the Acts of the Apostles: “Stand up. I appoint you as a witness of what you have seen”.

Focusing his attention on this year’s message, Pope Francis says that for the young person who has lost his or her vitality, dreams, optimism and enthusiasm, there is hope. That hope is in Jesus, who the Pope says, “stands before you as once he stood before the dead son of the widow, and with all the power of His resurrection He urges you: ‘Young man, I say to you, arise.’”

That passage in the Bible, the Pope explains, “tells us how Jesus, upon entering the town of Nain in Galilee, came upon the funeral procession of a young person, the only son of a widowed mother. Jesus, struck by the woman’s heartrending grief, miraculously restored her son to life.”

In the message, Pope Francis reflects on Jesus’ “ability to see pain and death.” He points out that Jesus, “in the midst of the crowd, makes out the face of a woman in great pain. His ability to see generates encounter, the source of new life.”

In today’s world the Pope asks, how often do we end up being eyewitnesses of events without ever experiencing them in real time? Sometimes, he adds, “our first reaction is to take a picture with our cell phone, without even bothering to look into the eyes of the persons involved.” Pope Francis goes on to say that many young people are “‘dead’ because they feel hopeless.”
Others, he continues, “waste their lives with superficial things, thinking they are alive while in fact they are dead within”.

“Negative situations”, the Pope emphasizes in the message, “can also be the result of personal failure, whenever something we care about, something we were committed to, no longer seems to be working or giving the desired results.”
But failures, he underlines, “are part of the life of every human being; sometimes they can also end up being a grace.”

The Pope continues say “to have compassion”, he counsels young people not to be robbed of this sensitivity. “If you can learn to weep with those who are weeping”, Pope Francis says, “you will find true happiness.” “So many of your contemporaries are disadvantaged and victims of violence and persecution. Let their wounds become your own, and you will be bearers of hope in this world.”

To come forward and “touch” is the third section of the message, and the Pope notes how Jesus in the passage from Luke’s Gospel stops the funeral procession and demonstrates His closeness. The touch of Jesus, the living One, comments the Pope, communicates life. Pope Francis goes on to says that “if you can feel God’s immense love for every living creature – especially our brothers and sisters who experience hunger and thirst, or are sick or naked or imprisoned – then you will be able to draw near to them as He does.”

Pope Francis writes that “people who are not on a journey never fall; then again, neither do they move forward.” “This life is really a new creation, a new birth, not just a form of psychological conditioning”, the Pope says.

He also stresses that young people need to look deeper than mere fashionable phrases and words. It is Jesus’ Word, he says, that has a deeper resonance, because “it goes infinitely deeper. It is a divine and creative Word, which alone can bring the dead to life.”

Talking about “Living the new life as ‘risen ones’”, Pope Francis returns to the Gospel passage which recounts that the young man “began to speak”. Those touched and restored to life by Jesus, the Pope says, “immediately speak up and express without hesitation or fear what has happened deep within them: their personality, desires, needs and dreams.”

Concluding his message, the Pope points out that today, “we are often ‘connected’ but not communicating. The indiscriminate use of electronic devices can keep us constantly glued to the screen.” With this Message, Pope Francis writes, “I would like to join you, young people, in calling for a cultural change, based on Jesus’ command to ‘arise’. He calls us to embrace a reality that is so much more than virtual.”

“Arise!” he adds, is also an invitation to “dream”, to “take a risk”, to be “committed to changing the world, to rekindle your hopes and aspirations, and to contemplate the heavens, the stars and the world around you.” The Pope then invites young people to “give their passions and dreams free rein, “and, through them, offer the world, the Church and other young people something beautiful, whether in the realm of the spirit, the arts or society… Make your voices heard.” Diocesan World Youth Day 2020 is marked on Palm Sunday, April 5.

Energy Transition in Europe, Minerals Conquer in Africa.

In December 2019, the European Union agreed on the objective of achieving a climate-neutral EU by 2050. The fight against climate change along with the aim to limit global warming to well below 2°C in this century are at the heart of the EU’s energy policies.

Achieving these goals requires a strong commitment from EU governments to reduce the carbon emissions caused by the current model of energy production.
These objectives are essential if extreme climate effects would be avoided such as floods, forest fires, landslides and hurricanes, as well as the feared rise in sea levels that would lead to catastrophic changes especially for developing countries and their populations.

However, energy transition policies require decisions that must put an end to the concrete practices of current fossil energy model. Therefore, the EU is starting a period of energy transition in which concepts such as sustainable development, greenhouse effect, biodiversity, rare earths and renewable energies affect people directly, countries’ lifestyles, production systems, economic models, trade, etc. But do we know exactly what we are facing when we talk about energy transition and what consequences it has for developing countries and especially Africa?

The energy transition announced by the European Union makes direct reference to decarburization in forms of energy production. That is, it is the passage between the forms of energy production as we have known them until now (through fossil energy sources such as oil or coal) that generate an emission of CO2 into the atmosphere (producing the so-called greenhouse effect) and those clean energies that are produced without releasing carbon into the atmosphere and are therefore considered green or clean energies. Among the best known clean energies are wind energy, photovoltaic energy, solar energy, biomass or that produced by electric batteries.

However, to generate this type of green energy that does not emit CO2 into the atmosphere, many materials are needed that are not always easy to obtain, either because they are scarce in nature or because they are controlled by few countries. In this group of minerals, considered essential for the energy transition are the so-called rare earths that constitute a group of 17 elements of the periodic table. These along with other elements such as indium, thallium, gallium, lithium, tellurium or cobalt are essential for the development of new technologies.  Furthermore, in cases such as Lithium or Cobalt, their extraction is at least ethically questionable due to the destruction it causes to the ecosystems and communities where these minerals are found; as well as, human rights violations or corrupt practices.

In the pursuit of this energy transition, the EU needs Africa once again and is reviving its assault on the continent’s mineral wealth for its own benefit. Through mining operations or the installation of solar and wind power plants, the EU seeks to secure access to clean energy sources to ensure consumption in Europe.

Africa’s wealth is mainly found in its subsoil, as it has one third of the world’s mineral reserves that are needed for the energy transition, such as 90 per cent of platinum reserves; 80 per cent of coltan; 60 per cent of cobalt; 70 per cent of tantalum; 46 per cent of diamond reserves; and 40 per cent of gold reserves. But the African continent is also brimming with clean energy sources such as river basins in Central Africa, uranium deposits (in Mali, Gabon, Niger or Namibia); sunlight in the Sahel countries; and geothermal potential in East Africa (Ethiopia, Kenya, Uganda, Rwanda Burundi, Zambia, DR Congo).

Public-private investment policies on the continent have led to economic growth in Africa in recent decades, but at the same time have made Africa a hostage to its investors. And this is once again the risk that the countries of the African continent face with the arrival of new investments to exploit renewable energies. The European Union takes political measures without considering the implications for developing countries that directly affect their development policies. The EU is once again thinking about access to these energy sources to ensure its clean future, while forgetting the reality of the supplier countries.

Again, the future of the rich countries is built on the abuse of those countries that depend on foreign investment. The dependence on income from renewable energy and energy transition minerals, the lack of industrial investment, the lack of economic diversification together with the abuse of multinationals and corruption make us foresee the same pattern of relationship between the North and the South in the energy transition period. A responsible and sustainable energy transition therefore requires developed countries, including the EU, to make an energy transition that does not create new inequalities.

The energy transition has to be first and foremost Just. The EU cannot carry out a new colonialism that would monopolize the energy wealth of the African continent. The EU must develop policies that guarantee the development of the countries and regions in which it operates by ensuring an adequate distribution of renewable energies.

 Firstly, the EU cannot supply itself with renewable energy and condemn developing countries to remain dependent on fossil energy. The energy development model must break with the economic dependence that African countries currently have on natural resources and must develop economic diversification strategies that create quality and stable jobs.

Secondly, the energy transition must provide security of energy supply for all countries, but especially for those countries who are the legitimate owners of the energy sources. Africa’s unstoppable economic growth requires increased energy supplies, which will grow in the coming years. This makes rich countries (the EU) nervous as their access to such energy is threatened.

Thirdly, the energy transition must be progressive and in line with the reality of each country, sensitive to the situation in Africa, encouraging the use of renewable energies and supporting any initiative that promotes their adaptation. It would be unfair to ask and demand that developing countries adapt all their infrastructure to new supply models that they could not afford.

Africa’s role in the global energy transition is crucial. That is why we argue that the energy transition must be for all countries, rich and poor, respectful of environmental quality standards, ensuring respect for human rights and doing everything possible to ensure that multinationals carry out their activities with transparency, fighting all types of corruption that benefit only the political and economic elites. The economic transition has to be for everyone or it will
not be for anyone.

José Luis Gutiérrez Aranda,
Trade Policy Officer,
Africa Europe Faith and Justice Network (AEFJN)

Burundi. Heading towards troubled elections.

The presidential and parliament elections scheduled for the next 20 May are unlikely to put an end to the political crisis which is ongoing since 2015. On the contrary.

By early March, twelve candidates had announced plans to register for the presidential election. President Pierre Nkurunziza’s most likely successor is the candidate of the ruling Conseil national pour la Défense de la Démocratie-Forces de Défense de la Démocratie (CNDD-FDD) party, 52 year-old general Evariste Ndayishimiye.

His election by a majority of 77% at the CNDD-FDD congress of end of January came as a surprise. Nkurunziza said in 2018 that he would not seek another mandate although he could have done so, since the constitution was amended to allow him to run for a fourth mandate. But everyone suspected him to restore the monarchy, while promoting one of his straw men, General Gervais Ndirakobuca, the head of the patron du Service National de Renseignements (SNR) as president, during a transition period.But the former SNR boss, Gen. Steve Ntakirutimana, the army chief of staff, Gen. Prime Niyongabo, and the former secretary general of the National Security Council, Gen Silas Ntigurirwa, had other plans and convinced congressmen that they should rather vote for Ndayishimiye. In fact congressmen were not given a choice to object since the building where the vote took place in Gitega, the new capital was surrounded by 3,000 soldiers. As a result of this setback for Nkurunziza, Gen Ndayishimeye is now the favourite. He is certainly less extravagant than the current President. Unlike Nkurunziza, who is a born-again Christian, celebrated as a prophet by the leader of the Rock Church, his wife, Denise Bucumi, the general, a roman catholic, does not claim to be the Envoy of God.
Yet, the general does not look more ready to compromise with the opposition..Since his appointement in 2016 as secretary general of the CNDD-FDD,  he has organised in Bujumbura demonstrations against Belgium and the UN because of their call to set up a commission of enquiry into human rights violations. A former guerrilla fighter in the war against the Tutsi-led army, he has served as Nkurunziza’s Minister of Interior and Security and as the Presidency military chief of staff.

Ndayishimiye’s main challenger is the leader of the National Council of Liberation (CNL) opposition party, Agathon Rwasa, who led the National Forces of Liberation (FNL) guerilla   The leader of the Burundian Front for Democracy (Frodebu), Léonce Ngendakumana and a former member to this party, the ex-President Domitien Ndayizeye are also running alongside candidates of break-away parties, supported by the CNDD-FDD to weaken the opposition : Gaston Sindimwo from the Tutsi-led Uprona, Jacques Bigiramana from the FNL and Frodebu dissident Kefa Nibiza. None of them or the independent candidates Francis Rohero and Dieudonné Nahima stands a chance.
The challenge is to restore peace and stability in a country that has been deeply affected by the political crisis sparked in 2015 by Nkurunziza’s decision to run for a third mandate, in violation of the spirit of the constitution and of the Arusha peace agreement. The toll is very high.

According to the International Criminal Court, since 2015, 1,200 people have died as a result of clashes between government forces and rebels and of the repression of protest marches. Over 400,000 people live in exile. The other challenge is to relaunch the economy which has been severely depressed with negative GDP growth rates in 2015 (-3.9%) and in 2016 (-0.6%) and with a sluggish rate of 0.5% for 2017 and 2018.  In 2019, official reserves did not cover one month of imports, two-thirds of the population live below the poverty line, and the youth unemployment is above 65%. Food security remains a major challenge while donors have considerably reduced their support.
Yet, the improvement of the political and business climates doest not look as the most likely scenario. Last September, the President of the Senate, Révérien Ndikuriyo dashed all hopes of free and fair elections, when he told the national radio RTNB that foreign observers were not welcome. And the inter-Burundian dialogue between the government and the opposition to end the crisis, led by the East African Community has stalled, because the lack of pressure from Uganda and Tanzania. Besides, Nkurunziza has also expelled foreign actors who could have plaid a mediation role.

The Electoral Commission is fully in the hands of the ruling party. The coalition of forces of the Burundian opposition for the restoration of the Arusha Peace Agreement (CFOR Arusha) claims that a single party system has been restored. The government seems unwilling to give space to the opposition. Since February 2018, 80 offices of the main opposition party CNL were destroyed and 500 militants of this party are currently in jail.
The regime has embarked simultaneously on a dangerous campaign of ethnic hatred against the Tutsis in order to attract the support of members of the Hutu majority who have joined the opposition. SOS Burundi in a report published last January deplores that no prosecution have been undertaken against a journalist who is sending via Whatsapp anti-Tutis reports which remind of the ten commandments of the Hutu which were published in Rwanda before the genocide by the Kangura Hutu extremist paper. Moreover, Radio Izamba, set up by exiled journalists, has revealed that members of the Democratic Forces for the Liberation of Rwanda armed group, created by officers who participated to the 1994 genocide, have been recruited in Burundi’s Presidential guard or incorporated into the Imbonerakure militias. Besides, the new constitution has introduced changes which allow the parliament to adopt organic laws by a simple majority instead of a two thirds majority, which risk to marginalise completely the Tutsi minority.
Increasing divisions whithin the CNDD-FDD could also trigger violent reactions among the Imbonerakure militias which are increasingly incontrollable and influent. They have integrated all security forces and replaced them in rural areas. The CFOR-Arusha coalition warns about a risk of confrontation between Ndayishimirye and Nkurunziza whose plan is to become “mwami” (king). Accordingly, the general is unlikely to hand over his prerogatives after this election. But Nkurunziza who was reaffirmed as the party’s “eternal supreme guide” at the Congress is not willing to lose his influence.

There are also fears that the last weeks of the campaign and another rigging of the elections may trigger new violences. This factor, added to the lack of perspectives of improvement of the situation and the on-going repression may incite more young Burundians to join the guerrilla groups, which are active at the country borders. In October, RED-Tabara rebels who are based in Eastern Congo claimed responsibility for an attack in North-Western Burundi which was the beginning of the “resistance”, allegedly. In November 2019, eight Burundian soldiers were killed in an ambush in the North-Western of Burundi by guerrillas quipped with bullet-proof vests and night googles and withdrew to Rwanda after the attack, say Burundian army sources.
On the 22 February, the Burundian army reported another rebel attack in the Bujumbura rural area and said it killed 22 “wrongdoers”.  But the CNL says this was a masquerade used to justify a wave of arrests of its members. These arrests seem to fit into a plan to create “a climate of fear and intimidation of all persons who do not support the ruling party, which has been exposed by the UN’s Commission of Inquiry on Burundi.

François Misser  

Turkey & Russia Chessboard Power Play.

They share too many interests to engage in direct conflict over Syria. But there are many risks.

After a six-hour long summit in Moscow last March 5, Presidents  Putin and Tayyip Erdogan adopted a joint document, reaffirming their commitment to the ‘Astana format’, announcing a ceasefire. The summit became necessary after Syrian government forces, fresh from engaging Tahrir al-Sham militants in Idlib, were challenged by the Turkish army, which resulted in the death of 36 Turkish soldiers. In retaliation, Turkey attacked the Syrian army, claiming that it had killed some 300 Syrian military personnel, and destroyed several military vehicles.

Almost a month later, the tentative agreement to address the spiraling tensions in the Syrian province of Idlib appears to have held.
This situation follows an ongoing civil conflict which has entered its tenth year. Tensions began on March 15, 2011 and have not subsided since then. In this context, Turkey has placed itself alongside the rebels, whose goal is to overthrow the Assad regime. The latter, in turn, is supported by Moscow. In addition, Ankara has control of more than 12 posts in Idlib Governorate alone, the last stronghold placed under the control of opposition forces and at the center of a violent offensive since April 2019. Before the March 5 truce, Ankara had started the “Spring Shield” operation, urging Assad’s forces to withdraw from the de-escalation area in north-west Syria. The new offensive followed the death of about 34 Turkish soldiers, died of a Syrian raid on Idlib on February 27. An episode that had feared a further exacerbation of tensions, although both Ankara and Moscow had spoken out against a direct conflict on Syrian soil.

Indeed, even as some militias have tried to prevent the joint patrols from operating, in a significant display of Ankara’s commitment, Turkish military commanders have stated they would neutralize the radical elements that have obstructed the joint Russian-Turkish patrols. The militias have been especially active in targeting traffic along a key six-kilometer long section of the Aleppo-Latakiya M4 highway to ensure the movement of security and humanitarian traffic. Local residents, for their part, have set up roadblocks and set fire to tires on the highway to prevent the Russian and Turkish convoys from moving. To avoid escalations, the Russians and Turks have agreed to reduce the area to be monitored, citing “security reasons”, as both expect the protests to continue. In fact, the many local inhabitants, have close ties to the militias (under the names Jabhat Ansar al-Din, Jabhat Ansar al-Islam or Ansar al Tawheed) who are fighting against the Syrian army.
For all of Erdogan’s grandstanding, the Turkish leadership appears to have changed course in Syria. Its enemy is no longer Damascus. And the Islamist militias know this. That’s why the rearmed groups, isolated in Idlib as part of the Astana process in 2017, no longer appear to be following orders from Turkey, which used them as a proxy. And this is the weak link in the agreement.

If the joint patrols are stalled, Russia could decide to act more directly, and there’s certainly a high risk of this happening and breaching the accord. The risk is high because, by challenging the militias militarily, Turkey would terminate any chance of cooperation with the militias in key areas of support within the context of Operation Spring Shield, launched early in 2020 with the aim of backing those very militias. And, more urgently, fighting the militias would trigger a new wave of refugees, which would rush toward the borders. Beyond the ‘confines’ of the agreement, the Syrian government may exploit the Russo-Turkish stalemate to focus on ‘clean-up’ operations south of Idlib toward Hama being careful to avoid the M4 highway.

But there are risks.
Under the agreement, Turkish and Russian troops would deploy joint units to patrol Idlib, one of the last remaining centers of Islamist anti-Syrian government activity. The Syrian war between the Syrian government and a variety of opposition groups and militias, including several terrorist groups, started in 2011. By 2017, with Lebanese Hezbollah, Russian and Iranian help, Damascus managed to regain a significant portion of national territory. Damascus also agreed to a ceasefire with some opposition militias (or terrorists as it calls them) with Russia, Iran and Turkey acting as guarantors in agreement reached in Astana, Kazakhstan in January 2017. The Astana agreement has served as a blueprint to achieve the end of the Syrian conflict.
But, if ending the recent escalation of violence in the northern areas of the country to encourage refugees to return to the (degraded) areas and restore some semblance of peaceful existence remain a priority, skirmishes between Turkish and Syrian troops appear to have compromised the Astana process, prolonging Syria’s agony, and risking a direct conflict between Russia and Turkey.

Nevertheless, the Russo-Turkish summit of March 5, has reaffirmed the Astana process and calmed fears of Ankara and Moscow coming to harder blows. More importantly, the Astana process helps keep afloat the notion that Syria will remain a single ‘unit’ and that it won’t be partitioned – in the manner the Sykes-Picot accords split the Middle East after WW1 – in areas of influence. The official statement from the March 5 summit deliberately professed to safeguard Syria’s national unity. The paradox of that notion is that Turkey has made it clear, it cannot afford to allow Syrian ‘unity’ to remain as it presents itself today.
Turkey’s domestic policy demands that it prevent northern Syria from serving as an operational base from where Kurdish insurgents can stage attacks into Turkey, fomenting Kurdish nationalist aspirations (and on that front, Moscow has not interfered). From a more practical and immediate perspective, Turkey also fears the influx of hundreds of thousands more refugees fleeing Syria, as Damascus’s forces take back areas occupied by anti-government militias – most of which have amassed in Idlib, and whose members and civilian backers fear repercussions from the government. Such a predicament effectively drives these populations to head for Turkey, which already serves as a refuge for some 3.5 million Syrians. Therefore, Astana’s purpose serves more the military than the social or political aspects of an eventual resolution of the Syrian conflict. There’s also a fear that a final and complete resolution of the Syrian conflict would ‘encourage’ millions of Syrians, now dispersed around the world and mostly in Europe, to return home. Therefore, the best that can be hoped from these agreements is temporary respites.

Gas and Guns
As for a contrast between Russia and Turkey itself, apart from significant economic and trade links (a gas pipeline in the Black Sea started to deliver Russian natural gas to southern Europe through Turkey in January 2020, eliminating Ukraine out of the ‘equation’), at some $17 billion in contracts signed in 2019 alone, Turkey has become one of the top five importers of Russian weapons according to  Dmitry Shugaev, director of the Agency for Technical-Military Cooperation of the Russian Federation. Notably, Russia has sold its S-400 missile defense system (a competitor of the American Raytheon Patriot system), angering Washington, which canceled Turkey’s rights to acquire the F-35 jet fighter.

Ankara took delivery of four S-400 batteries, but the disagreements with Washington have opened the way for a potential Turkish acquisition of Russian Su-35 or Su-50 jets. Turkey has stressed it has not yet deployed the S-400, but the United States are not pleased, and there can be little doubt that Washington will do everything possible to derail the latest Putin-Erdogan agreement over Syria. The growing military relationship suggests that whatever happens in Syria, Moscow and Ankara have sufficiently intertwined interests, preventing them from entering into a direct conflict – despite the vastly different strategic interests in the Middle East, which remains unstable. Still, the neo-Ottoman theories that bolstered Turkey’s efforts to destabilize Syria, seeking a ‘grander’ role for itself have also waned.

The End of Neo-Ottomanism?
Since the first months of the uprising which began in 2011, President Turkey played a significant role in fomenting it, directly encouraging the formation of anti-government militias, supplying weapons and allowing the passage of fighters and munitions from its borders into Syria. Current Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan, (Prime Minister when the Syrian conflict began), pursued his policy in the context of a more aggressive Turkish foreign policy which, after years of cautious isolation, adopted the geopolitical concepts of ‘strategic depth’, conceived by Ahmet Davutoglu. Davutoglu, appointed Turkish Foreign Minister in 2009, has been described as the mind Turkey’s global awakening (Foreign Policy). After the 2014 presidential election in Turkey, the winning AKP party called Davutoglu as the new prime minister, leaving Erdogan to be elected President of the Republic.

Erdogan’s swift actions against the Syrian government, leaving many observers baffled and concerned in 2011, was inspired by the theories of Ahmet Davutoglu (a University Professor) contained in his doctrine of ‘strategic depth’ as a basis for strategy. Davutoglu captured a sentiment that was emerging during the leadership of Prime Minister Turgut Ozal (1983-1989) favoring a gradual politicization of Islam, adopting in moderate form, some of the concepts of the Muslim Brotherhood. Neo-Ottomanism became more prominent as Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdogan adopted it as a guiding principle in the AKP (Justice and Development Party) for domestic and foreign policy. Neo-Ottomanism, not a term popular in Turkish political circles, more than a theory, marks a renewed practical impetus to revive Turkey’s presumed glorious and ambitious past, considered uncomfortable and losing for decades. 
Its salient aspect is to encourage Turkey to conduct an assertive policy in all neighboring and nearby theaters, in order to project national interests based on investment and increased trade, but also military power. And Turkey’s acquisition of an aircraft carrier, marks a more aggressive posture compared to the role that Turkey played in the bipolar period of the Cold War. Thus, Davutoglu and Erdogan agreed to turn Turkey into a significant geopolitical actor to be ‘respected’ regionally and globally. Davutoglu identified eight areas to project Turkish influence: the Balkans, the Mediterranean, the Black Sea, the Caspian Sea, the Caucasus, the Middle East, the Persian Gulf and Central Asia. However, in 2016, Davutoglu and Erdogan clashed, and it’s unclear what remains of neo-Ottomanism in the AKP. Erdogan now appears more interested in defeating a rising opposition and preventing Turkey from being overrun by refugees, while still asserting a degree of power and assertiveness – yet more vis-à-vis its NATO and American allies than against some of its presumed ‘enemies’ like Russia.

In 2020, Europe and the rest of the world will have to confront what could be an even bigger recession than 2008 due to the outbreak of a pandemic involving a new coronavirus variant, forcing much of the world to restrict the movement of people and goods. Therefore, if it was unlikely before the coronavirus outbreak that Europe would engage more actively in Syria, deploying more troops to obstruct Damascus’s plans to restore authority throughout the country (and in the Idlib area in particular – which has served as a base for various rebels and fighters) it has become even more unlikely now. With the possible exception of the United States, which has a small military contingent in northern Syria, this effectively leaves Turkey freer to pursue its strategic goals at the expense of Damascus. To achieve its goals, it must only face Russia. Yet, President Putin is unlikely to give up his ultimate plan of completely restore President’s Bashar al-Asad’s authority throughout Syria in order to secure it as a strategic ally or protectorate in the eastern Mediterranean.

Alessandro Bruno

 

Kenya. The Mukuru Promotion Centre: where ‘Life Lives’.

The suburb of Mukuru is home to about 600,000 people. This area, which is experiencing severe urban decay, grows around the financial centre of Nairobi, the Kenyan capital. Right there in the suburb, the Sisters of Mercy have set up the Mukuru Promotion Center (MPC).

Dicson’s house was flooded again a few days ago. The young Kenyan has lost count of how many times water has come in through the rusty brass entrance door of his house damaging everything that was inside.  But Dicson is prepared by now. Each morning, before leaving home to go in search for work, he puts all his belongings on his bed in order to protect them from water. Dicson lives in Mukuru, a slum that houses 600,000 people, who live in substandard shacks mainly made of mud, brass
and corrugated iron.

The Mukuru slum was built on the banks of the Ngong River. The need to find a land where to construct their flimsy buildings led people to steal the land that belonged to the river. The Ngong river narrows as the slum grows, although sometimes, when it rains heavily, the river claims what has been taken away and causes landslides that move the shacks close to the shore. As a matter of fact, it rains daily and heavily. “In October rains are supposed to stop, but they have not this year, and so this week several schools were closed because they were flooded”, laments Sister Mary Killeen, a religious of the Sisters of Mercy.
“The Ngong river is increasingly dirty and contaminated”, says the Irish nun and she puts the blame on the non-existent political will to stop the pollution of rivers and air. The victims of the contamination affecting the slum arrive every day at the clinic of Mary Immaculate, which was also established by the  Sisters of Mercy in order to meet the health needs of the most vulnerable population. “Every month we take care of more than 1,200 people, most of whom are affected by respiratory, gastrointestinal and digestive diseases”. Diseases caused by environmental factors such as poor sanitation, lack of access to drinking water, no waste collection and the burning of kerosene and coal for cooking.

Mukuru is a place where poverty is perceived with all five senses: people can see it, hear it, smell it, touch it and taste it. The people who arrive here are those who try to escape from an uncertain future by moving to Nairobi in search of the promised land. Many of them flee from tribal conflicts and clashes over land, livestock or political power. Others flee from hunger due to scarcity of food as a consequence of drought. “In Kenya, the desert is advancing rapidly, and some green land has turned into desert over recent years, so, many people abandon their land in search of a better life in Nairobi, but the problem is that they are not skilled enough to find a job that can guarantee them a decent standard of life, and so they end up living in a slum”, Sister Mary explains.

Those forgotten by the establishment
“Mukuru is the place of those who have been forgotten by the establishment and society. Despite all this, however, we have been able to verify that life is present in every street and in every corner of the slum. Despite all difficulties you can see people laughing, dancing, chatting, cooking the little food they have, making all kind of garments by using sewing machines. The Mukuro slum proves to us that people, even in the most adverse conditions, want to live and not just survive.

Music has been the salvation for several young people of the slum. Music is the universal language with which human beings communicate their deepest feelings, fears, joys, hopes, denunciations, love and heartbreaks. Emmanuel, who proudly bears the nickname of ‘the Preacher’, and Boaz, a DJ, have been saved by music, which kept them far from alcohol, drugs and the dangers of mafias”, says Sister Mary. She and the Sisters of the mission have always supported the two young men’s interest in music, and now Emmanuel and Boaz in turn, use music to help other young people to stay away from the dangers of a life in the streets.Sister Mary Killeen has been living in Kenya for over 40 years. She and the other nuns of the Sisters of Mercy have been accompanying the poorest and the forgotten of Mukuro for decades.
The Sister’s main objective is to save, through education, children from drugs, violence and prostitution.

While entering the narrow alleys of the slum, the religious tells us that, since 1985, the slum has grown rapidly and so the number of out-of-school children . “That is why we had to intervene quickly, because children who do not go to school end up in the street getting involved with drugs or becoming victims of child prostitution”, Sister Mary Killen explains. “We had neither land nor money to build schools. But thanks to the parish priest and the help of other people, we were able to establish six temporary schools”, the Irish religious recalls. This happened in the early 90s, those schools are still functioning today in the different areas of the slum and are attended by more than 10,000 students every day. Over the years many other projects have been implemented by these nuns, such as a secondary school, education activities for adults, reintegration and support programs for street children, a care centre for children with different disabilities, a vocational training centre, a clinic and three mobile units. The Mukuru Promotion Center has become a centre of attention and development.

Marta Carreño

 

Music. Omar & Gustavo.

Omar Sosa and Gustavo Ovalles. Two great musicians, two different stories often merging in a most striking artistic association.

Omar Sosa, a Cuban of class 1965, is a pianist of the school of jazz. He began with the marimbas – a typical Caribbean instrument – while still a small boy, and then moved on to the piano at the Havana Conservatory. Among his influences, Omar cites traditional Afro-Cuban music, European classical composers (including Chopin, Bartok, and Satie), and the pioneering Cuban jazz group Irakere.

In the eighties, he began to tour the world, starting with Ecuador where Omar immersed himself in the folkloric traditions of Esmeraldas, the northwest coast region whose African heritage includes the distinctive marimba tradition. Then in California where he became well known in the venues of San Francisco, and lastly in Barcelona where he arrived at the end of the decade. His was a rising career to the extent that today, Omar may boast of six Grammy Awards and a discography of nearly 30 albums, not counting his numerous collaborations with other artists. Eclectically creative, he has always enjoyed a range of music that went from jazz to classical, from African world music to that of Latin America.

Gustavo Ovalles, on the other hand, is a drummer originally from Caracas in Venezuela and is a true funambulist of rhythm. He moved to France in 1997 where he collaborated with countless bands with which he, too, combined cultured and popular music. Even though, for some time now, he has been a guest of the main international jazz festivals, he is less known worldwide than Omar. This is not at all important since no meeting of the two musicians has ever been the result of a strategic or commercial plan, but rather of the desire to amalgamate these two disruptive personalities – and spiritualties – a result of their extraordinarily similar musical tastes.

This was already clear even before they produced their first disk together, Ayaguna. It was issued in 2003 and draws inspiration from the religious practices of the Yoruba culture, transplanted to Latin America by slaves sent to the New World. “That record – they recently said – is dedicated to the God of Santeria. We, like him, profess peace and universal brotherhood and we show this by the white costumes we wear onstage”. Reinforced by formidable stage props, their concerts are penetrated by this great spiritual atmosphere – a lay spirituality with undoubtedly popular roots, – where there is room for archaic instruments and electronic contraptions.
Theirs is ‘global music’, not subject to the usual genre labelling. It mixes together different streams and indications. But neither of the two has ever denied or lost sight of their primary source of inspiration: “Africa and the diaspora of the Africans in the Americas represent an incomparable source of inspiration.

We have tried to reproduce the melodic profile of the Continent and its great rhythmic power. It is rhythm that places a person in contact with the supreme Spirit and every land has its own way of calling upon the Spirit to unify the people”. Without doubt, all of this finds its perfect incarnation in their fascinating shows: “Philosophically, by means of Jazz which is perhaps the musical genre most representative of the diaspora, we have sought to put together the Caribbean, Latin America, and Africa in a single expression of liberty”.

Franz Coriasco

 

Demographic Grow and Commercial Crops.

The strong demographic growth is a main driver of the decimation of the African wildlife. The African population is projected to grow from 935 million to 2,1 billion people between 2013 and 2050.

This growth is expected to generate a habitat loss for the wildlife. The growth of arable land in Sub-Saharan Africa is projected to increase by 26 % during the 2000-2030 period, partly at the expanse of protected areas since much of them are suitable for agriculture or livestock.
Commercial crops are largely responsible for the pressure, especially oil palm, the most rapidly expanding crop in Central Africa. According to the Rainforest Foundation, 1.6 million ha of new oil palm projects are planned in the Congo Basin. Yet, environmentalists claim that these plantations have a devastating effect on biodiversity because they cause fragmentation of forests which disrupt ecological processes.

Slash and burn subsistence agriculture is becoming a serious problem since fallow periods are shortened as the human population grows and more land is required for production. The demand for meat is exacerbating the conflict for pastures between wild animals and livestock in Southern Africa. The control of foot-and-mouth disease led to the erection of fences across vast areas to control movements of game and cattle, which reduced the sustainable densities of wildlife.
In Central Africa, climate change has pushed the cattle herds southwards for access to water and pastures competing with wildlife. According to Baudouin Michel, the migration of cattle herds from Chad and Sudan has caused problems for the conservation in the Shinko National Park in the Central African Republic.Industrial logging is another threat in Central Africa. It is generally selective for high-value species with average extraction rates of four trees per hectare. But it provokes secondary damage since the roads needed for the extraction of trees open the way to poachers and charcoal traders.

The demand of woods fuels, pulled by the population growth exerts an even larger pressure on the habitat. Fuelwood and charcoal represent 90 % of all wood removal from the African forests. The need for it arises from the low electrification rate. The effect is damaging in Somalia which exports illegally huge charcoal quantities.
According to a UN report released in 2014, this trade constitutes an annual revenue of US $ 50 million for the Al Shabaab militias while attempts to regulate this activity are ineffective, partly because of  the complicity of Kenyan occupying forces. (F.M.)

Father Jacques Mourad held hostage by jihadists.

He was rector of the Mar Elian shrine and parish priest of the Syrian Catholic community of Qaryatayn in central Syria when, on 21 May, 2015, he was kidnapped by ISIS militants.
Father Jacques Mourad tells us his story and also gives us a picture of the reality of life today in Syria.

The sanctuary of Mar Elian in the desert of Syria, where the tomb of Saint Julian of Edessa was located, was a point of reference for the citizens of Qaryatayn, a sacred place both for Christians of all denominations and for Muslims. Each year we used to organise inter-confessional and interreligious meetings with teachers, priests and imams. Many young people, Christians and Muslims, attended those meetings enthusiastically  until the outbreak of the war.
The Syrian war is seen, especially in the West, as a religious war that divides the Syrian people. But this representation does not reflect reality. I am a Syro-Catholic Christian and I can affirm that Syrian people do not want divisions. Our monastery has always been open to Muslims. Until one day a group of eight or ten armed jihadists entered my room. They beat me, blindfolded and tied my hands and arms. I was taken along with other hostages to the middle of the desert.

When we arrived in northern Syria, the jihadists locked us in a six by three metre bathroom. Though during the time I was their prisoner my captors treated me very harshly and aggressively, I felt that God was giving me a very special opportunity: the experience of silent prayer.
One day the leader of the group of jihadists entered the place I was held hostage; I thought he had come to behead me, but to my surprise, he kindly addressed me with the Islamic greeting of peace. He started asking me questions about theology. Jihadists always ask questions about theology to demonstrate the blasphemy of Christians. I tried to answer sincerely. He listened to me without saying anything.

At the end of the meeting, I asked what harm we had done for being held prisoners. He looked deeply into my eyes and calmly invited me to interpret that time of confinement as a spiritual retreat. I later learned that the man was the leader of the Raqqa jihadists. After about three months, I was taken to the city of Palmira where about 250 of my parishioners, Christians of Qaryatayn were held hostages: old men, women, children, sick and disabled people who had not managed to escape from the city upon the arrival of the jihadists.Seeing all these people in front of me was beautiful and difficult at the same time.  I was aware that I had to instil hope and the feeling of forgiveness in their hearts.Twenty-five days later an ISIS leader arrived to say that our group had been allowed to return home, with the obligation to follow the laws of the Islamic state. This ISIS man read a long document that listed all the things we were and were not supposed to do. I asked the man the reason why they had decided to let us leave. He replied: “Because you Christians have given up using weapons against us Muslims”. The secret service of the Syrian government had also invited my parishioners to take up arms. I did not agree with Christians taking up arms. I always remember the teaching of Jesus Christ who banned the use of weapons and died crucified for our salvation. Evidently some men of ISIS had noticed that our choice had been different from others.

When the bombings (of the Syrian army) began on the city, I thought once again that we all would die. We were locked in basements for four days. On the fourth day of the bombing, I felt, not without doubts and inner struggle, that we should try to escape: I decided that I too would try to escape. So I asked a Muslim friend, whom I knew I could trust, to give me a ride on his motorcycle. I didn’t care about risks and dangers, ISIS and bombings frightened me much more.
We passed the ISIS check point inexplicably and I came back to being free. Other Muslim friends similarly managed to save 58 other Christian prisoners on the same day. Some of these Muslim friends then paid for their courageous gestures with their lives. Now I am heartbroken: those people died so that we could live.
Just after returning to freedom and life, I felt truly alone. I felt a strong desire to go away, far away, to Europe, and so I left. A few months ago I returned to my country in Iraq, in the Kurdish part, together with my Syro-Catholic Christian brothers who had run away leaving everything they had. Our desire is to return as soon as possible to Syria.
Everyone, today, is prisoner of their ideas and opinions in Syria: the regime, the opposition, ISIS. Each party has some reasons that justify its position. We cannot therefore win the war through reasons but we can stop the war only by opening our hearts. After my experience as a hostage I feel particularly close to the prisoners held hostage by jihadists, but I also feel close to those who are held hostage by the regime, and who are very often forgotten.

I have often had the chance to talk with Christians who hate Muslims who somehow caused them pain. But as Christians we have to stick to the teachings of Jesus and of the Gospel. If we want to make peace, we need to abandon fear and hatred.
It is incredible how much Pope Francis has done to instill hope in my country and throughout the Middle East. The document on human brotherhood signed by Pope Francis is an extraordinary example for me, because it is not a lesson of theology, but it indicates how to live following good principles. The suggestions given in the document are applicable to all people and to all times. It is a document that must be put into effect in our life. We the Christians must fully follow the indications written in this document.

I often ask myself: ‘Who are these people from ISIS?’ Obviously, everyone knows that ISIS is made up of terrorists and criminals. It’s true. But behind or inside them, what is there? What kind of people are they really?  I think that trusting others, even if they are bad and dangerous, even if they are terrorists, is essential to building a bridge of peace. The Lord gave me the opportunity to know what it’s like being a hostage. This experience cannot have been just an accident. I just want to tell my story, narrate what I experienced and what I felt, without hating and without judging. I think this can be useful for opening hearts.

Chiara Lubich. A Spiritual Leader.

This year marks the centenary of the birth of Focolare Movement founder Chiara Lubich. She is considered to be one of the most influential spiritual figures of the twentieth century. The Movement has moved beyond its origins in the Roman Catholic Church and now involves Christians of many Churches around the world.

Silvia Lubich chose the name Chiara when as a 23-year-old she entered the Third Franciscan Order. She took the name because she was attracted by the commitment of Chiara of Assisi, one of the first followers of St Francis of Assisi in the early years of the 13th century. The Italian word ‘Chiara’ means ‘clear’, ‘bright’, or ‘light’. Chiara Lubich became a beacon of light for the Church in the 20th century – a beacon that has burned especially bright for women.
She carved a role for herself as an activist and as founder and leader of the Focolare Movement. She laid the foundations for other women to share in shaping small communities who seek to contribute to peace and to achieve the evangelical unity of all people in every social environment. Her goal, the objective of the Focolare Movement, was and is to create a world living in unity.

Silvia Lubich was born in northern Italy, Trento, in 1920. This infant was catapulted into the chaos of Italy in the immediate years after the First World War. It was a country disappointed by the carve-up of countries that occurred in 1919. There was already a fascist party on the rise, and life was punctuated in the 1920s by violence between the socialists (of whom Lubich’s father was a member) and the fascists led by Benito Mussolini. Mussolini was Prime Minister of Italy from 1922, when Lubich was a toddler, but by 1925 he had established a dictatorship, which he would rule until 1943, leading Italy into the Second World War on the side of Nazi Germany.
By 1938, Lubich was an elementary school teacher, but she wished to further her studies and began to read philosophy at the University of Venice. This was cut short when the war began, but by 1939, the young woman had already identified a calling to the Church after a visit to the Marian Shrine in Loreto on the Adriatic coast of Italy.

Her vision for the Church was a very female one. The Italian word focolare means ‘hearth’ or ‘fireside’, in other words, the very heart of the family. Whether we live in northern climes (and Trento sees some harsh winters) or in a hot country, families and communities gather around the fire to share, to discuss, and to be together in harmony. During that visit to Loreto, Lubich saw the future of the Church as a community of people, both consecrated and lay members, married and single, all totally committed in their different ways to God.
By 1943, she had dedicated her life to the Third Franciscan Order and 7  December, the day she took her vows and the name of Chiara, was later designated as the start of the Focolare Movement. However, it wasn’t until disaster struck Trento the following year that the Movement really came into being. Five months after taking her vows, Lubich’s family home was bombed. Her family fled to safety from the ruins of Trento; Chiara stayed in the city. She moved into a tiny apartment in Piazza Cappuccini, which she shared with four of her first companions, Natalia, Giosi, Graziella, and Aletta. They were the first ‘fireside community’, the first Focolare group.
By 1947, the Archbishop of Trento recognised the movement officially, calling it a movement created by ‘the hand of God’. Some fifteen years later, it would be accepted as an International Association of the Faithful and given the rather more prosaic name of  ‘Work of Mary’.

A  beacon of light

During those war years, Chiara Lubich took her beacon of light into the heart of communities sheltering from air raids. She took her Bible, sharing with these frightened people whose world was being destroyed around them, the idea that God’s love was the remedy for the horrors they faced. She attracted a group of helpers who went with her to the heart of the poorest neighbourhoods, taking practical and spiritual aid to those injured and made destitute by the war. Bombs may have shattered their physical firesides, but Chiara helped them build spiritual ‘focolare’ wherever they were able to seek refuge.

Post war, Chiara Lubich became a force to be reckoned with in government and Church circles. On a visit to the Italian parliament, she met the man she identified as co-founder of the Focolare Movement. Igino Giordani had four children, was a writer, a journalist, a deputy in the parliament in Rome and, most important for Chiara Lubich,
a pioneer in ecumenism.
Giordani was in the vanguard of an ecumenical movement in the 1940s. In 1948, the year he met Lubich, the World Council of Churches was established – but a document that had been issued by Pope Pius XI in 1929 warned against such a coming together. In 1949, however, Pope Pius XII gave provisional permission for Catholic participation in some ecumenical gatherings under careful supervision. It was not until the 1960s and the deliberations of the Vatican II Council that ecumenism and indeed, interfaith dialogue, would be actively encouraged by the Catholic Church, in part influenced by Chiara Lubich.

The art of loving
By then, the Focolare Movement was bringing together people of all faiths and no faith. Lubich, Giordani and their followers were encouraging what today the Focolare Movement describes as ‘the art of loving’, calling it ‘… the first step which leads to a peaceful revolution that can change the hearts of individuals and of the whole world’.
Chiara Lubich intended to create a ‘new people born of the Gospel’, and today, Focolare resembles a big, many faceted family. It has reached out to 182 nations, and more than two million people share in its life and work, spreading the message of unity around the world. To achieve its aims of a more united world that respects and values diversity, it engages in dialogue and is committed to building bridges between individuals and peoples of different cultures and faiths.

There are lay members of all faiths and of no faith, as well as those who have taken religious vows and are known as ‘focolari’. Chiara Lubich called the spread of this message of unity her ‘divine adventure’. It led her to friendships with popes, heads of Churches, political leaders and the movers and shakers in civil society. A quiet but charismatic woman, she wrote, broadcast, and talked face-to-face with all she met in order to grow the idea that we can live in peace together around the spiritual hearth. She called it ‘one family united in truth’.
In the early days, factions of the Church had regarded Focolare as so extreme as to merit closure and Chiara Lubich was urged to put her energies into a more conventional religious order. But in the 1960s, Focolare’s gentle embers fuelled inter-Church and inter-faith relationships throughout the developing world. The Lubich light burned steadily and by 1963, the ecumenical aspect of her work was really catching fire; she went to England and spoke that year at Liverpool’s Anglican Cathedral, igniting the first British Focolare groups. Three decades later, she was the first white woman of Christian faith to speak at the Malcolm X mosque in New York, addressing 3 000 people.

At the heart of Focolare until her death in 2008, was this tiny lady who would pass for anyone’s kindly auntie. Unassuming, she was a powerhouse of activism, waiting for no earthly seal of approval for her work. In a 1988 conference call, she spoke of the Movement’s 200 works or activities that had developed around the world, “…to meet the various needs of our brothers and sisters. There are charitable works for the sick, for older people, the unemployed and those differently able. There are projects for people who are lonely and for overseas students; activities for children in need, for the homeless, prisoners, drug addicts and alcoholics. There are courses for human development and catechesis, projects in the field of economics, work and education. There are initiatives on behalf of developing countries or following natural disasters.” She urged her audience, “…to give some thought to one of these works or activities. I would like you to take it to heart in a special way, interesting yourself in it, helping it develop and grow in whatever way you can, and feeling co-responsible for it.”

That seems to sum up all that Chiara Lubich and Focolare were and are about. It is no surprise that, despite those early negative reactions to her work, when she died in 2008, more than 40 000 people attended her funeral in the Basilica of St Paul Outside the Walls in Rome. It was presided over by the Italian Secretary of State and concelebrated by nine cardinals, 40 bishops and hundreds of priests.
The cause of her beatification and canonization, started in 2015, is currently in the diocesan phase. Considered to be one of the most influential spiritual figures of the 20th century, she continues to influence us in the 21st century.

Marian Pallister

Africa. Illicit Financial Flows in the Mining Sector.

The European Commission recognises that mining and extractive companies in Africa are responsible for 65% of tax fraud, i.e. the money that states in Africa fail to collect due to the Illicit Financial Flows (IFF).

The mechanisms that the multinationals use for tax fraud are complex, such as tax avoidance, tax evasion and transfer pricing. In the case of extractive companies, these tax fraud practices are realized through multiple stages in which the companies carry out their activities. Each of these stages entails a number of specific activities that involve a risk of tax fraud and require appropriate national legislation, as well as coordinated international legislation to prevent the illicit
diversion of money.

According to a study presented by the United Nations in 2019, the amount defrauded by mining companies operating in Africa exceeds the global foreign direct investment received by the continent. For example, the United Nations estimates that undeclared gold exports just from South Africa were 78 billion between 2000 and 2014, representing 67% of total gold exports.
These companies operate with outrageous impunity in the tax sphere and carry out illegal practices that find refuge in the governments of developed countries, in tax havens or in the lack of binding international legislation as it is the case in the European Union.

The fight against the IFF must be strategic and take into account all the stages in which extractive companies carry out their work, as there are multiple factors involved that can facilitate money laundering, corruption or tax evasion. Following the outline set out in the paper “the complexities of tackling illicit financial flows” of The European Centre for Development Policy Management we will briefly outline these stages and how companies should reinforce their responsibility to avoid behaviour that even if some of them are legal, deprives developing countries of their own natural wealth and resources through IFFs.

Exploration. During exploration and prospecting stage, companies must be transparent about the expenses incurred in such investment, as well as avoid any situation of bribery to obtain the necessary permits. This stage must be coordinated with the local and national authorities in order to declare a correct estimation of the quantities of minerals are found, as well as their quality. The quantities extracted for valuation must be declared to tax financial services and the companies must pay the fees required to carry out these explorations.

Contracts and licenses. Negotiations to obtain the licenses and contracts needed to operate in a country must be carried out exclusively by the administrative bodies depending on the corresponding ministry and never carried out by the authorities to prevent briberies. Negotiations processes should be transparent, with clear requirements for obtaining licenses. Tax rates, incentives and fiscal exemptions should be established in such contracts. In addition, these contracts should be audited by independent companies that verify that the content of the contracts are in accordance with the mining code, the country’s tax legislation and the international regulations.
Under no circumstances should payments be made arbitrarily or without the knowledge of tax authorities.

Production and Processing. These stages include those activities of the company in which the minerals are extracted from the subsoil, classified, prepared for distribution and export. In these stages, decisive steps are taken to determine the production costs, such as machinery and labour costs. These stages are also important at the accounting level since the produced quantities will determine the amounts to be paid on the basis of production. Moreover, the risk of smuggling is present at these stages where companies can camouflage the production of small-scale and artisanal miners which would make it easier to reduce production costs and pay less tax as their productions are outside the official
production channels.

Assaying, Selling and Exports. During the assaying process, companies declare the quality of the minerals. It is easy for companies to reduce both the quantities and the qualities of the minerals to reduce both direct taxes (on quantities) and indirect taxes (TVA). The quantities and qualities of the minerals determine the price and therefore the potential profits of the companies. The higher the quantity and quality of the minerals, the more production, the higher the profit and therefore the higher the taxes. It is unethical to reduce these quantities as well as the qualities and thus pay less taxes. Sometimes companies even declare losses to avoid paying tax and use other companies in the same group located in tax havens to set fictitious prices (transfer pricing).

To combat IFFs at this stage, international coordination is required to verify that the quantities exported are the same as those received by the recipient countries. Similarly, it should be possible to verify that losses in the countries of origin are not converted into profits in the host countries or into tax havens. Traceability of minerals and transparency are essential in the fight against IFF.

Closure. The activity of the extractive companies cannot end with the export of the minerals, the payment of taxes and the abandonment of the mine. Mining codes must require proper closure and environmental restoration of the mine site in compliance with international standards that allow local people to have alternative employment opportunities.
It is therefore contrary to the established international standard to close mines without proper restoration of the sites in a bid to avoid fiscal responsibilities.

Transparency is key in the control of IFFs. The monitoring and traceability of the minerals, the purchase and sale invoices of the mineral ore, as well as the company’s tax declarations in all the countries where they operate are necessary to control tax fraud. The coordination and enforcement of binding international legislation is necessary to end the impunity of extractive companies that use tax engineering and business strategy to evade their tax obligations and maximize their profits.

The European Union must make progress on the Transparency Directive and demand the publication of accounts, payments and economic movements made in all countries where companies have operated and paid taxes to advance the extraterritoriality of multinationals and strengthen the United Nations Business and Human Rights initiative.

Companies and mining lobbies put pressure on governments not to make legislative changes with threats of possible lawsuits through bilateral investment treaties, Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) clauses as well as the threat of withdrawing their direct investments from those countries, closing down mining operations with the consequent loss of jobs, decrease in revenues and loss of direct investment in the country. A succession of threats that are never carried out or the worst of predictions are never fulfilled because the reality continues to show that the profits of these companies are still much higher than the taxes they pay to the legitimate owners of these natural resources.

José Luis Gutiérrez Aranda,
Trade Policy Officer,
Africa Europe Faith and Justice Network (AEFJN)

 

 

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