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The Virus of Racism.

The world is seeing once again the upsurge of a vicious “virus” that has spread to every corner of the world. This time, the “virus” is that of social, cultural, economic, political, institutional, legal and religious discrimination against people of different skin colour, social status and historical origins.

Racism is everywhere and people around the world are on the streets once again protesting against this insidious discrimination following the latest documented murder of George Floyd by four United States police and systematic police brutality.

His cruel death is one of many in recent years where police and killers have seldom been held accountable. Three of the officers involved in the murder of George Floyd are walking free. A culture of invincibility and impunity pervades some police forces that are predominantly composed of white officers. This is common in many countries where the police and military are above the law and abuse authority and kill citizens as they please. It makes a sham of democracy and the judiciary.

People of colour in Europe are also discriminated against by racist people who wrongly believe that these “other” humans are inferior to them and who declare themselves to be superior human beings, in a more exalted, dominating status with a desire to trample on others. These racist attitudes that wrongly brand others as having criminal minds have led to the greatest crime against humanity – genocide. The Holocaust, the Rwandan massacres, the Armenian genocide and many more in history happened because of racists attitudes with other causes.

Migrants and refugees seeking shelter from the Syrian massacres and other social evils meet a wall of racial indifference fuelled by systematic racism in some European countries and the present administration of the United States. What the white-skinned racist person or government officials and racist police lack most of all is empathy, compassion and respect for other human beings. The racists are supremely arrogant, dominating, oppressive and selfish. They are greatly diminished as persons and have excluded themselves from the community of the good and caring people of the world who love their neighbours.

The roots of racism run deep in history but in modern times ideologies like Nazism and forms of nationalism gave rise to it in Europe and growing racist attitudes are present in European countries today and the United States. Under President Trump, “Make America Great Again” means “Make America White Again.” Racism is not only about skin colour but it is also about power, control, exclusion and domination.

However the slogan “White is Might and Right” and promoting white people as celebrities and movie stars reinforces racism. The higher social status demanded by some white people can create self-loathing, lack of self-esteem and an inferiority complex among people of colour. Some are persuaded to buy skin bleaching and whitening creams to try and lighten the colour of their skin for greater acceptability. The racists have successfully planted their insidious racist ideology and unthinking people have fallen for it. Commercial corporations manufacture the racist creams and profit greatly without shame.

More than 13 million Africans- men, women and children – were captured, enslaved and transported, chained in horrendous ships, it went on for 400 years in atrocious conditions. An estimated 1.2 million died at sea. Many were thrown overboard in a storm. The movie Amistad released in 1997 tells it well.
They were auctioned as slave labour for the cotton and sugar cane fields, coffee and tobacco plantations, gold and silver mining and then for the industries of the new capitalist America in the making. Besides the Spanish and Portuguese, the British, French, Dutch, Belgian and Danish empire builders all participated in the slave trade.

Racism and outright hatred and human rights violations were part of everyday life for the slaves. Today after 400 years of oppression and suffering and no restitution, naturally, a just anger, hunger for justice and equality is in their genes. African-Americans are still considered my many Americans as repulsive and racially inferior. In the past, many were murdered and lynched by mobs on false charges.
The civil rights movement in the 1960s brought in new anti – discrimination laws but they did not change ingrained racist attitudes against black people. They continued to be discriminated against and many were killed by police.

The ruling elite billionaire capitalists of America are unaware that American wealth and prosperity began with the sweat and blood of the black slaves from Africa. Their racist beliefs in white superiority cannot fully accept that the US Constitution grants all citizens equal rights. No matter how gifted and educated, many of these citizens are excluded from a life of dignity. The election and re-election of Barack Obama as president of the United States angered many racists. Their greatest nightmare was having a highly educated African-American and his intelligent lawyer wife, a descendant of slaves, occupy the White House for eight years.

The White Supremists believe that his (or her) white skin colour confers on him (or her) superiority over the African-Americans or persons of colour. The racists are convinced that the descendants of the black slaves must be continually branded inferior and to be denied an equal respectful place in society. Perhaps racist Americans suffer historical guilt for their cruel legacy of slavery.

Every harsh, unjust police act of discrimination, violence or killing that spreads on social media is remembered by the black community and builds to a boiling point. This is the root of the anger seen today: injustice, lack of respect, dignity and equality. It is seen and heard in the shouts for justice from the thousands of black and non-racist white protesters on the streets in 57 cities across the USA.

The violence and chaos caused by the extreme left and right factions is criminal and to be abhorred but it is the price that America pays for its historical racism, slavery and sins of oppression. When there is true repentance, penance and restitution- true equality and justice for all- across racist America, only then will there be reconciliation and peace.

Fr. Shay Cullen

The Catholic Church in Kyrgyzstan. A seed sprouting up slowly.

A small community that lives its faith through testimony. One of the great challenges is the dialogue with Muslims.

This landlocked country is mainly mountainous, the Tien Shan and Pamir ranges occupy 65% of its territory. Kyrgyzstan borders the Chinese province of Xinjiang to the east, Kazakhstan to the north, Uzbekistan to the west and Tajikistan to the south. The country is home to about six million people – 80% Muslim and 16% Orthodox – made up of multiple ethnic groups including the Kyrgyzians (about 64.7% and descendants of the tribes that settled in ancient times on the Tian Shan); Uzbeks (14.5%); Russians (12.5%); and several other groups, much less relevant in numerical terms, such as Uighurs, Dungans, Ukrainians, Tartars, and even Germans whose ancestors were deported in the Second World War from the Polish Ukrainian regions conquered by the Soviet Union.
Kyrgyzstan is one of the poorest countries in Central Asia with over 40% of the population living below the poverty line. Its economy is based above all on agro-pastoral activities and on mineral resources such as gold, uranium, oil and antimony. Kyrgyzstan also has significant coal reserves (estimated at about 2.5 billion tons) which are mainly located in the Kara-Keche field in the north of the country.

The country, whose capital is Bishkek (located on the plain near the border with Kazakhstan) became independent from the Soviet Union in August 1991.The Kyrgyz people are an ethnic group of Turkish origin and make up the majority of Kyrgyzstan’s population. Traditionally nomads, thanks to their tenacity, they have been able to adapt themselves to the inhospitable land and difficult environmental conditions of the country. The high peaks of the Kyrgyz Mountains still host itinerant villages characterized by yurts, the shepherds’ tents. Yurts are at the centre of the life of clans, they are the place of hospitality for foreigners, they are the place for sharing meals and meeting moments during which traditional songs are accompanied by komuzy, the most popular stringed instrument in the country.

The Kyrgyz people eat simple meals based on rice, meat and vegetables often accompanied by jusai, a mountain herb, and boorsok, a kind of bread. The Kyrgyz cuisine also includes the use of honey and jams, while kymyz, fermented milk, is the most popular drink.
Their diversions, sports and competitions such as horse riding, hunting, and archery, are clearly rooted in the traditions of their nomadic life.
A profound sense of hospitality has always been one of the most characteristic traits of the Kyrgyz people. Their literary heritage includes the Manas epic which is one of the world’s greatest oral poems and the pinnacle of the Central Asian oral tradition. It depicts the history of the Kyrgyz people and all their myths, tales and legends, and is their greatest cultural treasure, offering moral and spiritual guidance throughout the ages. This collection of myths, folklore and legends, which is composed of over a million verses, is about the warrior-hero Manas and his successors, and it reflects Kyrgyzstan’s nomadic past, beset by enemies and constant battles. Its theme of the struggle for freedom still resonates powerfully with the Kyrgyz today.

The Catholic Church
The first Catholics arrived in Kyrgyzstan in the late 19th century, in the Fergana valley, in Osh, one of the largest and oldest cities, founded three thousand years before Christ. They were 15% of all European inhabitants; since 1918 to 1930, the area of Kyrgyzstan came under the parish of Tashkent. The number of Catholics increased following the repression of the Germans and Poles of the Volga, tens of thousands of Catholics were deported to Kyrgyzstan: Catholics were mainly Germans and Poles but there were also some from the Baltic States and Koreans from the Far East.Until the mid-fifties of the last century, Catholics in Kyrgyzstan professed their religion clandestinely and without priests, because in that period most of the priests had been sent to gulags.

In 1997, the Holy See established the Mission sui iuris of Kyrgyzstan. In 2006, it was raised to an Apostolic Administration and Nikolaus Messmer was named the country’s first Catholic bishop. In 2017, the former superior of the Russian Jesuit region, Fr. Anthony Corcoran, was installed as Apostolic Administrator of the Catholic Church in Kyrgyzstan.“The Catholic Church in Kyrgyzstan has experienced great changes throughout history: present in the country for at least 150 years, the Catholic community has traditionally been made up of German, Polish and Ukrainian citizens. For decades these people professed Christianity clandestinely, under the persecutions of the Soviet regime. Despite this, their faith survived”, says Father Corcoran.
The Texan Jesuit was appointed by Pope Francis as Apostolic Administrator of Kyrgyzstan in 2017, after serving for twenty years in Russia and some years in Siberia. “I remember that when I arrived in this country, I used to ask people what being Catholic meant to them, and though each person gave me different answers, there were three elements in common: one was the sign of the cross and when they showed it to me, I could see so much devotion in that gesture! A second element was that everyone knew something about Jesus, about his birth, death and resurrection and His new coming in glory. And the third thing was the rosary: even though many of them had never had one, they prayed the rosary.”
” Many of them had never met a priest, nevertheless they prayed because they had inherited the legacy of a ‘faith handed over by their grandparents’”, the Jesuit explains. “Between 1990 and 2000, many Catholics left. At the moment I think there are between 600 and 1,500 Catholics scattered throughout the country”, adds Father Corcoran.

Father Anthony Corcoran presides at a confirmation in Bishkek cathedral.

Today Kyrgyzstan is a small country with a population of almost six million inhabitants. Islam is the most widely held faith. “According to official sources, about 87-90% of the population is Muslim. The Orthodox represent 8-11% of the total, and the other Christian denominations are a very small minority. Despite this, we are able to work freely, because the constitution of Kyrgyzstan guarantees freedom of religion. Obviously some people are more open to welcoming, others less. An event that has impressed this part of the world greatly was the Pope’s trip to the United Arab Emirates, because the circumstance got media coverage and it was considered a sign of great respect by the Church towards Islam”, says Fr. Corcoran.
One of the great challenges facing Christians is dialogue with Muslims. “In Kyrgyzstan there are more opportunities than in other countries to enter into dialogue with Muslims: with Turkish students; with the Uyghurs from eastern Turkestan in China; with the Kyrgyz and the Uzbeks themselves, much more than in Russia, where they arrive as foreign workers and live secluded in their small communities. Dialogue is an opportunity we must not miss”, comments Father Corcoran. “In the country there are three parishes: one in Bishkek; one in Talas in the west of the region, and one in Zalabad in the south. There are also many small Catholic communities scattered throughout the rural areas of the country. Local Catholics can rely on the spiritual assistance of seven priests, one religious and five Franciscan nuns.

The Kyrgyz Caritas owes its origins to the creation, in 2011, of the Non-Governmental Organization ‘Light of Love’: the decision to embark on the path of integration of the NGO in the pastoral and charitable organization of the Bishops was born following the participation of a meeting organized by Caritas Asia in 2014 in Almaty.
One of the most significant projects is the Issyk Centre, the home for disabled and poor Kyrgyz children, located on the shores of Lake Issyk-kul and managed by the religious of the Society of Jesus. The centre not only helps needy children but also offers support to needy families. The activities of the Issyk Centre take place mainly in the summer, when camps are set up for disabled children, orphans and the poor, often carried out in collaboration with Kyrgyz social assistance facilities.
Father Corcoran explains what being a Christian in a minority context means. “As representatives of the Church we are called to be among the people. Being a priest in this small community is like a challenge to me. The challenge of being able to support and make people develop, grow, flourish. I think that my testimony is a sign that, through me, the Church takes care of these small communities”. (C.C.)

Mozambique. Cabo Delgado. Under Siege.

The Jihadist movement continues its action attacking villages, destroying and burning houses, schools and places of worship. Cabo Delgado, a region rich in minerals and oil, is at the centre of their terrorist activities.

In recent months, the Jihadists have intensified their attacks. The number of deaths and of people fleeing to the forests increases daily. Only recently has the government of Maputo admitted for the first time the presence of combatants affiliated to Islamic State (IS) on its territory.
The National Council for Defence and Security, analysing the events that recently took place in the country, has attributed responsibility for the attacks to IS. In particular, it refers to the Islamic State of Central Africa (ISCAP), a terrorist cell affiliated to Daesh and active in the Congo. According to the African Union, the last months of 2018 witnessed ISCAP militants infiltrating the north of Mozambique, taking advantage of ties with local armed factions.

Since June of last year, the branch of Islamic State has claimed responsibility for some attacks in the region, publishing images of soldiers killed and confiscated arms.
The militant Jihadists have not only intensified the escalation of violence but have also declared their intention to establish a Caliphate in loco.
During their armed attacks, the Islamic fighters occupied government buildings, blocked roads and raised the Is flag over the places they had taken. In this context, the (temporary) conquest of the strategic city of Mocímboa da Praia, also situated in the province of Cabo Delgado, caused a huge stir.

A regional problem
The Jihadist violence started in 2017. The rebels soon succeeded to extend their range of action, carrying out attacks in various districts, corresponding to one third of the entire area of the province of Cabo Delgado. During their actions, the militants attacked especially the villages, causing so far, 1,100 deaths and some 200,000 refugees.
Locally, the armed group is known as Ansar al-Sunna.
Most of its members are from Mozambique with some units from Tanzania and Somalia.

As time went on, the Islamist insurrection changed from a merely local threat to a regional problem, considering the ties that the Ansar al-Sunna leadership has begun to create with other terrorist groups of East Africa. Furthermore, the armed struggle has assumed wider connotations in light of the growing presence of foreign terrorists in the north of Mozambique, of which the members of ISCAP are one example. The Jihadist threat in Mozambique is to be placed in the framework of a context that takes into consideration a series of factors. From a political point of view, the African state is going through a situation of great fragility and its executive is continually being questioned by the opposition concerning fraud and corruption. As well as that, the opposition contested the results of the 15 October elections and the victory of President Filipe Nyusi (elected for a second mandate).

With politics stalled, there is also the problem of a poor security apparatus not properly equipped to take on the present Jihadist threat. The national armed forces are actually badly trained and have only a minimum of equipment. In order to tackle this situation, in 2018, the government had already signed a five-year agreement worth an estimated 750 million dollars, with the Frontier Services Group, a private security agency owned by American Erik Prince, the founder of Blackwater, accused of war crimes in Iraq. In October 2019, it was the turn of the Russian Wagner Group, already present in Ukraine, Syria, Libya and the Central African Republic. However, the latter seems to have pulled out due to the lack of an understanding with the Mozambican army. In April, a South African company, the Dick Advisory Group, came on the scene; using helicopters, it has already carried out airborne incursions against the Jihadist bases.

From the social point of view, this northern province of the country is marked by poverty and inequality, elements which over time have contributed to the increase of general intolerance.  In addition, social unrest has also been fomented by the perception that the government is corrupt and that the dietary reaction against the rebels is often brutal and indiscriminate. For these reasons, in the view of some analysts, the roots of the local insurrection may derive not so much from the diffusion of radical and violent Islamic ideology as the situation of social hardship in which the people live.
Discontent among the population is also increased by the region, rich in natural resources, receives but a small share of the profits.

A region rich in Natural resources
Cabo Delgado is in fact a region rich in natural resources. Mozambique at present exports 80% of all the rubies in worldwide circulation and it is estimated that the district of Montepuez, in the region of Cabo Delgado, contains 40% of known world reserves of rubies. Rare wood, precious stones and ivory are illegally but openly traded, in view of authorities that are incapable of controlling the country and are often complicit.
Another important element is gas.
In October 2011, ENI, the Italian hydrocarbons company, discovered enormous deposits of natural gas off the coast of Palma district. It was but the first of many deposit discoveries.

With, in 2019, an estimated 150 thousand billion cubic metres of gas, the coastal waters of Cabo Delgado are among the biggest deposits of gas in the world and could make Mozambique one of its major world exporters. Apart from ENI, the reserves are under the control of USA Exxon Mobil, French Total, Chinese CNPC and Japanese Mitsui. In June 2019 the American company Anadarko signed an agreement for a plan to invest 25 billion dollars, later detected by Total. A joint venture by Exxon Mobil and Eni has a similar project of the same value in the pipeline.The escalation of violence risks creating serious concern among the giants of the energy sector just as it is in danger of rendering vain the promise of the Mozambican government to make Mozambique the second largest exporter of natural gas in the world in five years.
According to analysts, future developments in the country will depend upon the ability of the national authorities to respond to the terrorist threat, and avoid Mozambique soon becoming a new Jihadist frontier. This is clearly an action that must not limit itself to military engagement but one that must also foster the development of social inclusion. In other words, what is needed is a complex intervention that goes beyond the mere question of security and takes into account different factors, from the political to the socio-economic. (C.M.)

Colombia. An Uneasy Peace.

Since the ratification of the historic Peace Accord between the then President of Colombia Juan Manuel Santos and the FARC (Revolutionary Armed Forces of Columbia) Rodrigo Londono, (24 November 2016), peace has made little progress in the country. Lights and clouds overlap in an ever more difficult journey.

The positive lights that encourage hope, despite the continual fresh obstacles to the peace process, are the following. The first is the unquestionable support of the majority of the population for the peace process. Despite some quite discouraging figures such as the very high number of FARC leaders who have been assassinated, the Accord still stands, supported by more than half the population and by international cooperation. The second light, which has remained since the Accord, is composed of the 85 percent of former FARC guerrillas who are observing, notwithstanding the many failures of compliance on the part of the present government of President Iván Duque Márquez.

Colombian President Juan Manuel Santos (R) has signed a revised peace deal with Rodrigo Londono, leader of Farc (24 November 2016).

The third light was ignited by the significant results of some agricultural projects, headed by former guerrillas, concentrated in 26 ETCR (Territorial spaces for training and reinsertion). In some of these there are significant projects for production and agricultural cooperation, such as that in Pondores a Fonseca, in the department of Guajira, in the North of the country, that are cause for hope. The fourth light is the FARC political party itself, a result of the Peace Accord, which is represented in parliament despite the return to arms of two of its senators (Ivan Mårquez and Jesus Santrich).
The fifth light derives from the UN and OSA (Organisation of American States) Peace Accord observer missions, which continually demand that the government guarantee the fulfilment of its conditions. The Catholic Church also continues to encourage the government in this direction.
The sixth light is the unilateral cease fire by the ELN (National Liberation Army) starting on 30 April 2020, in solidarity with the Colombian people during the Covid-19 public health emergency.
The seventh light, taking pride of place in the Peace Process is the positive functioning of the JEP (Special tribunal for Peace), despite its limitations and obstructionism by various government sectors.

Ominous clouds
The ominous clouds that most threaten the Peace Process are easy to identify. The first concerns the great number of people murdered. Even though, in general terms, violence has evidently declined, nevertheless, according to the 2019 report of the UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees), since the ratification of the Peace Accord up to December 2019, around 500 leaders of civil society and more than100 former FARC guerrillas were assassinated. Most of those killed had fought for the defence of human rights, the restoration of lands, the substitution of illegal cultivations and the leaders of indigenous and Afro-Colombian populations. This demonstrates the inability of the state to guarantee security and control the territory.

The second cloud concerns the growth of multidimensional poverty (according to the various indicators of health, education and standard of living), especially in indigenous and Afro-Colombian communities.
The third cloud derives from the delay in carrying out the 16 programmes of territorial development proposed by the government, due to a lack of coordination between the different government agencies. The same is true for the National Plan for the substitution of illicit cultivations and land expropriated from peasants.
The fourth cloud concerns the persistence of some harmful practices, condemned more than once by the UNHCR, such as the high level of corruption that deprives the Peace Process of public funds, the systematic pollution of water due to the illegal exploitation of mineral resources with the use of toxic substances, the increase in sexual violence and the involvement of minors in conflict by the ELN.
The fifth cloud points to the slow pace of the government, condemned by national and international organisations, in implementing the Peace Accord, especially as regards integral agrarian reform (the first point of the Accord), with a more meaningful presence of the state within the whole of the national territory, re-dimensioning the use and abuse of the ESMARD (Special Police Anti-protest corps) as happened last year when there were various civil gatherings.

The ambiguity of the government
The reaction of the government to the different Reports which expressed criticism by international agencies and organisations in civil society, the Catholic Church, the Civil Defensor and the Truth Commission, has almost always been one of denial, even going so far as to accuse the UNHCR of interference in internal politics and of failing by omission to condemn  with equal vigour the failures of the FARC. Such as in the case of the four historical FARC leaders (two of whom were senators of the FARC Party, Marquez e Santrich), who, on 29 August 2019, decided to abandon the Peace Process to again take up arms, thus seriously threatening the survival of the process itself.

In the same way, the government accuses some NGOs such as the Centre for the People’s Education (CINEP) and the Institute of studies for development and peace (INDEPAZ), of playing political games by using at will the numbers of victims they attribute to the FARC dissident groups and to common criminality. As well as that, the government justifies itself saying that the phenomenon of selective killings is in response to its PAO (Plan for Opportune Action) which is, however, said by the NGOs to be slow and ineffective.
The reply of the government is no less ambiguous, given that, by official request, there have been two UN missions to observe the Peace Process, the second of which is now under way. It is therefore difficult to understand how the executive can accuse an organ officially invited as an uninterested arbitrator of interference.

International cooperation endangered
Similarly, it is contradictory that, on the one hand, an important organ of the international community is contested and, on the other, there are continued requests for the support of international cooperation from which financial aid for at least 10 per cent of the total cost of the implementation of the Peace Accord is both expected and demanded, over an estimated period of fifteen years.

Following the theme of international cooperation in support of the Peace Process in Columbia, important questions must be asked, seeing the economic situation of the largest donors, the United States and the EU. The present-day Covid-19 health crisis has been especially accentuated in the North Atlantic (Europe and North America), coming after the four previous emergencies of 2001 (Jihadist terrorism, the economic crisis, immigration, and Brexit). As a result, therefore, the health emergency may cause a change in the priorities of international cooperation and will presumably endanger support for the Colombia Peace Process and, globally, reduce the availability of resources also for the attainment of the 17 objectives of sustainable development of the UN Agenda. That is, the poorest of the world will suffer the effects of the virus and the measures adopted by the richer countries to combat it.

Jairo Agudelo Taborda/MO

 

 

 

The Hare, the Hippo and the Fire.

The hare and the hippo were great friends. They walked together in the veld and visited each other in their homes. The hippo was very proud of his hut on the edge of the forest, and every day he gathered soft dry grass to add to the comfort of his very large bed, for he was a very large creature.

He was also quite vain, for he had a beautiful coat of hair which kept him warm throughout the winter months.
Then it happened that one day, while on a walk together, the hippo – who was as clumsy as he was large – pushed the hare against a tree, hurting him badly.
Not realising what he had done, the hippo walked on, taking no notice of the hare’s cries of pain.

The hare was very angry at such apparent heartlessness. For a long while he nursed his anger, during which time he planned to punish his friend for his carelessness. Sometime later he again visited the hippopotamus. The hippo was delighted to see him, and soon their conversation was running smoothly as of old.

“My friend,” said the hare, following a lull in the conversation, “why is it that Fire, although professing great friendship towards you, does not return the many visits you have paid him? Surely it is right that you should return his past hospitality! Or is it that his friendship is not as great as he would have you believe?”

“No, Hare,” replied the hippo, “his friendship is indeed a true one. We always find great enjoyment in each other’s company.” “Then, friend Hippo, to test his fondness for you, let him know that you are deeply hurt at his neglect.” The hippopotamus was silent for a while as doubts began to creep into his mind. Then he said, “Well, maybe you are right, friend Hare, for many times have I accepted hospitality from Fire. Yet never once has he given me the opportunity of returning it in my own home. I shall speak to him about it.”

Having had the seeds of doubt so successfully sown in his mind, the hippopotamus lost no time in calling on Fire. The hare did not accompany him, complaining of toothache. “Good day to you, Fire,” said the hippo. “Do I find you well?”

“Good day to you,” replied the Fire. “It is a long time since I have had the pleasure of seeing you. Have you been ill, that you have not visited me for so long?”
“Not ill, Fire,” replied the hippopotamus, “but I have been greatly grieved that you have never returned my friendship by visiting me.”

“Dear friend,” said the fire, “to do so would give me pleasure, but it would cause you nothing but distress. All creatures fear me when I leave my home, and you would fear me too.” “But, good Fire, that would be impossible, considering our long-standing friendship. I have complete trust in you. Please visit my home. If you fail to do so, I shall know that there has been but little truth in your professed friendship for me.”
As the hippo refused to listen to his protestations, the fire eventually said, “Very well, tomorrow at midday I shall visit you.”
The hippopotamus was delighted.

The following day he was preparing for his guest’s arrival when he heard a crackling noise outside. He looked out of the doorway of his hut to see a big black cloud approaching, and many birds and animals running towards him in panic. “My friend is on his way!” thought the hippo joyfully. But his joy turned to fear as the fire entered his hut with a roar and a hiss. Then he felt searing flames envelop him as the tinder-dry grass that was his bed caught alight. He raced from the hut like a ball of fire, and into the river he plunged to cool his burning skin. Not a hair was left on his big bare body – and so it has remained ever since.

The hippo never went back to his home on the edge of the forest, but has lived in rivers and lakes from that day on, too afraid of meeting Fire again. And he never ventures out of the water in daytime, leaving it only at night to eat the grass at the water’s edge.

Folktale from Tonga People of Southern Zambia

 

 

 

 

 

 

The Romani People in the Balkans.

The Balkans and central Eastern Europe are experiencing the most serious and sudden drop in population in the world. Actually, for more than twenty years, the birth rates have been constantly declining and have recently reached the critical threshold which, according to experts, may not guarantee generational replacement.

The factors which determine this change are many, but among them, the high rate of emigration of young women of a fertile age, stands out. This phenomenon is causing an upheaval also in terms of ethnic composition, as shown by studies carried out by the most prestigious demographic centres and institutes of research regarding Romania, Bulgaria, Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina, as well as Hungary and Slovakia. It is understood from these studies, in fact, that while the autochthonous population continues to show a marked decline, the Romani are the only ethnic group excepted from this decrease; instead their population is growing and, in a few decades, may become the majority in the area.

This phenomenon, apart from rewriting the ethnic composition of the Balkans due to the disappearance of whole peoples, could generate consequences of a political nature, both within the individual countries and also within the regional order. This is due to the high degree of intolerance of the Rom community towards the status quo, and also by the way external actors have used the situation, actors who are concerned with exploiting ethnic divisions in order to broaden their sphere of influence. In this regard, we may consider what Turkey is doing and its protagonism within the Rom community in Bulgaria where a recent operation by the local police brought to light a Rom terrorist circle, radicalised by preachers in the pay of Ankara. Tens of them have also fought in Syria in the ranks of the Islamic State.
It is not only Turkey, but also India which, as the guarantor of the protection of European Romani, may take advantage of this in order to extend its range of action in the area.
At present, it is difficult to estimate the numbers of Romani present in the area since there is no agreement between the censuses carried out by the institutions and the data gathered by research centres using studies carried out in the field. In this respect, we may take the example of Romania where the census calculated 600,000, while studies made in the field counted between three and four million people.

The Romani flag or flag of the Roma (Romani: O styago le romengo) is the international flag of the Romani people.

A large part of the Romani people trace their roots back to a people who spoke a popular form of Sanskrit and who, in around 1000 AD left the Indus delta to migrate towards Europe. Among them there were experts in metalwork. Others, instead, are descendants of a Christian people who came from Thrace. In the view of some experts, the name ‘Gypsy’ – from the Greek ‘tsinganoi’, the untouchables – by which all the nomads of Europe, from Romania to Portugal, were called, may be directly associated with the Pariah, members of the lowest Indian caste, those without a caste, those who were untouchable due to their social condition. For the next four centuries, after 1000 AD, they settled in many European countries, starting with the Balkans, adapting their economy and rhythm of life according to the possibilities of the countries in which they lived.
After the Ottoman invasions, in the XIV and XV centuries, the Romani were involved directly in the invasions, mainly as auxiliary soldiers or artisans at the service of the army.

According to some estimates, in the XVI and XVII centuries, between 15,000 and 20,000 ‘gypsies’ were recruited into the Ottoman army in various capacities, serving both as real infantry and in auxiliary service. The Romani community, however, did not live in isolation from their historical and cultural ambient; quite the opposite, it was an integral part of it and was strongly influenced by the customs of the local peoples. From the point of view of religion, the facts show that, in the XV and XVI centuries, the majority of Romani followed the Christian faith and were distinguished from those of the Muslim faith only by the fact that they had to pay higher taxes than them.
For centuries, a considerable number of Romani remained in the Balkans; the rest emigrated throughout the world bringing with them the cultural and traditional models of the Balkans. There is therefore no doubt that, also the Ottoman Empire, which dominated the Balkans for more than five centuries, effectively influencing the culture and religion of the location, played a fundamental role in the process of formation and development of the Romani people. After the fall of the Ottoman Empire, the Romani remained settled within the confines of the Balkans and, from then on, their historical destiny and their evolution were subject to the influences of the country where they lived. Nevertheless, the inheritance left by the Ottoman Empire was still present in various ways, both ethnic and religious.

Today, unlike in those times, the Romani live in the precarious condition of complete social marginalisation. Their communities actually live within peripheral areas which we may undoubtedly define as real ethnic enclaves, with little access to basic services such as education and health and where infant mortality rates are high. These factors, together with a short life expectancy, endemic poverty and illiteracy that shackle this minority, partly explain the overall high birth rate of over three children for each woman, completely overturning the tendency towards the decrease in population recorded among the autochthonous population. According to data supplied by the United Nations and the World Bank, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Bulgaria, Croatia, Romania and Serbia have an average fertility rate of 1.4 children for each woman, that is, 0.7 points less than the 2.1 required to guarantee generational replacement. In particular, by the year 2050, the populations of Bulgaria, Romania and Serbia will decline by more than 15%, and by the year 2100, their populations will decline from 7,128,000 to 3,400,000, from 19,600,000 to 11,700,000 and from 7,057,000 to 5,330,000 respectively. For more than twenty years, in fact, the birth rate has been in constant decline and recently reached the critical threshold of nine births per thousand of the population. The phenomenon, which extends also to Eastern Europe, includes Slovakia and Hungary and, between the years 2040 and 2060, the Romani population may become the most numerous and establish itself as the first ethnic group, to the detriment of the autochthonous population. (F.R.)

Sudan. The democratic transition in peril.

The economic crisis amplified by the coronavirus pandemics, ongoing unrest in the provinces and divisions in the ranks of the government are threatening the transition to democracy.

More than a year after the Khartoum spring of April 2019, that led the military to overthrow President Omar al-Bashir, crucial achievements have been made but progress is still fragile. The Sovereign Council, which began ruling in August and comprises five military and six civilian representatives and holds the role of head state is scheduled to lead the country through a transitional period to elections in November 2022.  A transitional government was formed in September 2019. A peace process kicked off in Juba in October between the civil-military administration and the rebels to end the conflict in Darfur, in South Kordofan and in the Blue Nile.

The leader of Sudan’s transitional sovereign council, Lieutenant General Abdel Fattah Burhan, meets members of Sudan’s new ruling body after their swearing-in ceremony.

In January 2020, the Prime Minister, Abdalla Hamdok, made an historical visit to the headquarters of the rebels in South Kordofan. The image of the PM raising the hand of the rebel leader of the Sudan People Liberation Movement North, Abdel Aziz Al Hilu raised much hope throughout the country. The transitional government also made steps towards the signature of a peace agreement with the Sudanese Revolutionary Front (SRF) which groups several militias from Darfur, Blue Nile and South Kordofan.  Progress is also being made on building a justice system, basically from scratch.On the foreign front, the new authorities made also significant progress. In March, Sudan was excluded from the US Department of State’s list of countries which do not cooperate with America’s counter terrorism efforts. Germany France and the EU are supporting Sudan’s democratic transition, while the EU committed EUR 100 million to finance reforms, last February.

Nevertheless, the situation remains fragile. A combination of factors could put the transition in peril. In the first half of May, armed clashes at Kadugli, the capital of the South Kordofan province, at some 715 km from Khartoum, killed 26 people, including Rapid Support Forces paramilitary troops, which grew out of the Janjaweed militias. This outbreak of violence could challenge the transitional government’s efforts to end decades-long rebellions in several parts of the country. Beside these clashes which were caused by a dispute between the Arab Rizeigat tribe and the Falata, over livestock, there has been also tribal clashes in South Darfur and in the Kassala province, namely between members of the Bani Amer and Nuba tribes.
The UN and the African Union are concerned by the situation. In a joint report sent in March to the UN Security Council, they reminded of the looting in December of the Nyala internally displaced persons camp which is under the protection of the United Nations- African Union Hybrid Operation in Darfur (UNAMID). On April 24, UN Under-Secretary-General for Peace Operations, Jean-Pierre Lacroix called on the Sudan Liberation Army/Abdul Wahid faction to join the Juba peace talks. In principle a final agreement should have been signed by the 20 June but this split of the Sudanes Revolutionary Front was made it difficult.

Deputy Chairman of the Sudanese Sovereign Council Lieutenant General Mohamed Dagalo.

According to regional experts, the upsurge of violence is owed to the fact that the transitional government is unable to exert political control and security presence all over the territory where nomadic tribes, who drive herds of cattle or camels over arid lands, fight over scarce grazing lands, water and livestock. Over the last decade, a culture of war and the trafficking of illegal arms have spread while the number of militias has increased.One of the ruling council members, General Mohamed Hamdan Dagalo, known as Hemeti, says that recent violence is part of a plan to foment instability. Accordingly, a “hidden hand” is planning to target the Rapid Support Forces and to destroy Sudan. Political analyst, Al-Nur Hamad blames rather for the destabilization, a “third party” linked to former Bashir supporters, while other analysts dismiss such accusations as “conspiracy theories” Tribal disputes which were restricted to remote rural areas during the Bashir period have now entered urban areas.

Despite this volatile context, the chairman of the Sovereign Council and Commander in Chief of the Sudanese army wants to put an end to the UNAMID Mission in October and wants to replace it by another which transfer the protection of civilians in Darfur to the Sudanese army and to the RSF. The number of UN troops would be downsized from 4,300 soldiers and 2,100 police officers to only 2,500 police officers and 800 troops. The new mandate would be restricted to a Chapter VI peace support and peace-building mission which should aim at supporting reform of the constitution, holding elections, strengthening human rights and rule of law institutions while supporting the implementation of peace agreements including ceasefire monitoring and disarmament, demobilization and reintegration operations
But on the 2 June, Ahmed Tugod Lissan the Chief Negotiator for the SRF rebel coalition said that UNAMID is needed to protect civilians due to the “fragile” security situation. Accordingly, a future peace agreement requires UNAMID’s presence to implementat the security arrangements.
Civil society groups are also urging the UN not to withdraw peacekeepers from Darfur, claiming that the move will put lives at risk. They remind that over 350,000 people have been killed and at least 2 million were displaced since 2003, in Darfur.

The head of the Sudanese National Umma Party, Sadiq al-Mahdi.

On the political front in Khartoum, the transitional government is facing a number of challenges. There are attempts to undermine democracy by the Islamists who want to return to power, especially those from the “Deep State” who are trying to manipulate popular discontent. On the 2 June 2020, former Foreign Minister Ibrahim Ghandour said he would defy the law that bans former members of his National Congress Party from political activity and punishes them of imprisonment if they don’t respect the ban. There are also power struggles on the side of the new authorities, between the civilian Freeedom Forces of Change (FFC) the military council and the Rapid Support Forces.
Recent splits over the direction of Sudan’s transitional period have widened beyond the military army and civilians. The National Umma Party (NUP), led by former prime minister Sadiq al-Mahdi, suspended in April 2020 its membership of the Forces for Freedom and Change (FFC), the ruling coalition which agreed the transitional power-sharing agreement with the army. The withdrawal of the NUP is due to disputes with other parties over the management of the transitional period. The NUP, one of Sudan’s oldest and most popular parties has come up with its own plan of reforms called the “social contract” that includes the restructuring of the FFC in order to improve the management of the transitional period. It claims that the goals of the transition haven’t been implemented, like the formation of the transitional parliaments and commissions. The NUP is also keen to maintain a good relationship with the military unlike other parties or civil society organisations. There are fears among the civilians that the military may intervene and hijack the transitional period.
There have been also disputes in the ranks of the Sudanese Professional Association (SPA), which is also member of the FFC and which led the protests against Bashir. Some are accusing the communists and other leftist organisations which have some influence among the doctors, lawyers and journalists unions to attack the government because they want more power than they have in it and because they are frustrated that they did not control the 2019 Revolution.

Internally Displaced Persons in Darfur.

The SPA and other civil society organisations are fighting for a secular state while Sadiq Al Mahdi has rejected calls to link peace with such form of government. The SPA wants civilians to have more power in the peace process which is led by the High Peace Council, chaired by Lt Gen Abdelfattah El Burhan, who, as leader of the Sovereign Council has a prominent say in the transition.
The dire economic situation is another threat for the transition. The International Monetary Fund has projected Sudan’s economy to shrink by 7.2 % in 2020 and highlights the 80% inflation rate and the “unsustainable” debt of  $ 60 bn. The UN Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs (OCHA) estimates that 9.3 million people are in need of humanitarian assistance, out of total population of over 42 million, including 1.9 million IDPs and 1.1 m. refugees. Food prices are soaring owing to local currency depreciation, high inflation and shortage of fuel and hard currency needed to import agricultural products.
The privatisation of major assets by Al Bashir’s regime over 30 years., and the insurgencies which prevent from reducing military spending have made it difficult for the transitional government to improve living conditions and may exposed it to internal shocks.

François Misser

 

Serbia and Bosnia-Herzegovina. Fragile countries.

Serbian demography is also following the trend of the other surrounding countries, registering a considerable decline in population, something that involves especially the citizens belonging to the Serbian ethnic group.

Demographic studies inform us that, in the period from 1991 to 2011, the population changed from 8,010,000 to 7,186,000, while the population of autochthonous citizens recorded a sharp decline from 6,616,000 to 5,988,000. In Serbia, too, the Roma are moving in the opposite direction; during the same period they increased from 90,000 to 147,000. However, the true figures may be much higher. In fact, data elaborated in 2012 by the Roma and Nomads Division of the Council of Europe, indicate numbers that oscillate between 400,000 and 800,000. The birth rate among Roma Serbs, elaborated by an independent researcher, is also remarkable, with figures of 5.32 children per woman as well as 7.9% of Roma families with more than 11 children.
These data show a substantial disproportion in the birth rate among ethnic Serbs which the World Bank certifies to be 1.44 children per woman in the year 2017.

According to a report elaborated by the Council of Europe, for the protection of national minorities, Serbia has a sound legal framework for their protection and the Serbian authorities are making laudable efforts to improve the situation of the Roma communities, regularise the situation of the stateless and develop cultural initiatives. The opposite view is held by the NGO Civil Rights Defenders, which in May 2018 presented a report on the situation of the Roma in the country entitled ‘The Hoop of Anti-Gypsyism: Roma in Serbia’, from which it emerged that, in the past twenty years, the national authorities did nothing to improve the living conditions of the Serb Roma, who it says are still suffering discrimination in the work market and to be victims of hate crimes that never lead to prosecution. It adds that a significant number of Roma are left stateless without the authorities doing anything to provide them with the documents necessary for regularisation, a requirement in order to live legally, avail of services, request social housing and to enter the world of work.

In seeking to understand the precarious conditions in which the Serb Roma are forced to live, it is very useful to examine the data elaborated by the Scholars Strategy Network, within the report ‘The Hard Life of Roma People in Serbia’, put together in 2015, which states that 60% of those people live in ethnic ghettos deprived of essential services such as electricity and potable water.
Other meaningful figures regard illiteracy which amounts to 80%; 60% unemployed; 20% of children never continue going to school after nursery school; 70% of children fail to complete primary school, and only an average of 8% of Roma finish secondary school.
The living conditions of Bosnian Roma are no better; they are forced to live in periphery settlements, deprived of contacts and relations with the rest of the population. In Bosnia too, there is a high rate of unemployment and school drop-outs among the Roma even though school attendance is obligatory, by law, in the country. Just as in many other countries, here too, the Roma have a bad reputation and are the victims of prejudice.

Bosnia-Herzegovina
Even though the civil registration of the Roma is still incomplete, the Roma in Bosnia-Herzegovina are estimated to be a minority of around 50-80,000 people. The data they possess regarding the demographic situation of the Bosnian ethnic group, according to studies the trend is similar to that of the Roma present in other countries of the Balkan Peninsula and, going by demographic data, it is foreseen that they will become the ethnic majority.

The population, in fact, is rapidly declining with the birth rate as low as 1.26 children per woman, the lowest in the area, and the eleventh worst in the world. As has happened in the other Baltic States, Bosnia-Herzegovina, between 1991 and today, has suffered the loss of more than a million people, declining from around 4,400,000 inhabitants to 3,300,000. The causes of depopulation, also in this case, can be traced to the high level of emigration among the younger generations and in the inability of governments to prepare plans for demographic improvement since they are obliged to work with continually decreasing public funds and mounting social and economic pressures.
Meanwhile, in Serbia and in Bosnia-Herzegovina, just as in the rest of the Balkan Peninsula, the failed integration of the Roma could become a real social threat for the entire European Union, as well as a territory to be conquered by those actors who, taking advantage of the fragility of these countries, intend to broaden their range of action.

Filippo Romeo

 

 

Time for Africa to rid itself of racist colonial relics.

Anti-racism protests and the removal of colonial-era statues are signs of dealing with historical injustices. Africa must decide whether to retain names of colonial times or scrap them.

On July 20, 1969, Neil Armstrong became the first human to step on the moon. Armstrong would later utter the now famous quote: “That’s one small step for a man, one giant leap for mankind.” The American astronaut and his compatriot Buzz Aldrin then firmly placed an American flag on the moon. The flag, visible to this day, was not only a symbol of pride for the US but also of conquest.

By that date in 1969, many African countries had unshackled themselves from colonial rule. But more than five decades later, the African continent is still peppered with colonial relics. African countries still have landmarks, streets, health and educational institutions and, in some cases, even military barracks named after colonial governments. Though all African countries can now proudly claim to be independent with their flags hoisted up, the “colonial flags” remain firmly rooted in the continent albeit not as visible as before.

How else can one explain why Africa’s largest freshwater lake is still named after the British monarch Queen Victoria? The irony is that the local people in East Africa who guided English explorer John Hanning Speke to the lake referred to it as Lake Nyanza. Nevertheless, Speke, the first European to set eyes on the lake, decided to rename it Victoria. He either didn’t understand the language or he just didn’t bother because he was on “her majesty’s mission of conquest” – in this case, finding the source of the river Nile.

Speke even has a street named after him in Uganda but that could soon change as the East African nation is reportedly considering removing road names with links to the colonial era – these include streets honouring the explorer Sir Henry Johnston, commissioner Henry Edward Colvile, King’s Africa Rifle, Princess Anne, Prince Charles and the current British monarch Queen Elizabeth II.

It is encouraging to see the UK at least having a debate about its imperialist and colonialist past in Africa. But it didn’t come easy. For the UK to start reckoning with its past, it took the #BlackLivesMatter protests which started when George Floyd, a 46-year-old African American man died after a police officer choked him with his knee during an arrest for allegedly using a counterfeit $20 note. A college in Oxford has announced that it wants to take down the statue of Cecil Rhodes – the man who called what is now present day Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia) and Zambia (Northern Rhodesia) after his own name. Another statue of Edward Colston, who built a fortune from the transatlantic slave trade, was pulled down by protesters and thrown into a river. It has since been recovered and will be preserved in a museum.

In Africa, statues of Queen Victoria, Cecil Rhodes, King Leopold of Belgium and several others have been taken down over the years. Some statues or monuments such as the Vasco da Gama pillar erected by the Portuguese in 1498 in Malindi, Kenya, to guide ships following the sea route to India, have become part of the town’s history.
Since the pillar is now a tourist attraction, people have to pay to see it, it would probably make no sense to destroy it, even though Vasco da Gama’s discovery sea route to India later enabled the Portuguese to establish a colonial empire in India.

Africans must decide what colonial or slavery era relic they want to keep and what they want to discard. The Iguazu Falls found on the border of Argentina and Brazil got its name from the Tupi-Guarani indigenous languages which means “big waters”. In Africa, a similar magnificent waterfall found between the border of Zimbabwe and Zambia bears the name Victoria Falls. Why Victoria again? In my school history class in Kenya, I was taught that David Livingstone, the famed Scottish missionary and explorer, the first white man to view this majestic wonder of nature, named it after Queen Victoria.

What I didn’t learn however, was that Zimbabweans have always had a name for the falls, it’s called: “Mosi -Oa-Tunya” which means “the smoke that thunders”. Queen Victoria who reigned over the British Empire passed away in 1901. Why should Kenyans, Ugandans, Tanzanians, Zimbabweans and Zambians use her name more than a century later as reference to major Africa landmarks which previously had their local African names? Africa is still home to cities that still hold on to names given by colonial administrations. Take Nigeria’s Port Harcourt for example – the city of more than 3 million people got its current name in 1913 from Frederick Lugard — Lugard just felt like honouring Lewis Vernon Harcourt who was then secretary of state for the colonies by naming a whole Nigerian city after this one man.

Bear in mind, prior to the British imperial government, the city was known as “Iguocha” in the Ikwerre language, the Igbo people called their port city “Ugwu Ocha”, which means bright skyline. Lagos, Nigeria’s commercial city, was formerly known as Eko until the Portuguese arrived and changed it. Same can be said of Johannesburg in South Africa, Rabat in Morocco, Walvis Bay in Namibia, Winneba and Cape Coast in Ghana.

Even the West African nation of Sierra Leone owes its name to Portuguese explorer Pedro de Sintra –  who called it “Serra Lyoa” which means Lion Mountains — as the story goes, de Sintra heard lions roaring in the hills surrounding the harbour. As creative and poetic as that might sound, (I must admit I too like the sound of Sierra Leone), the local people would have had their own name for their land. It is up to them to decide if they want it back or stick with Sierra Leone. Changing colonial names back to the original African names is in no way an attempt to rewrite history, that’s already been done by those who invaded Africa to enslave and colonize the continent.

Bringing back old African names is only a part of reclaiming what was taken away. And after that has happened, maybe then we can start talking about the artificial boundaries drawn up by western powers in the Berlin conference of 1884 where no African was present.

Chrispin Mwakideu.
Editor at the Africa desk
of the international German broadcaster
Deutsche Welle.

Photo. The statue of Cecil Rhodes sits on the University of Cape Town, South Africa.

Africa’s eyes are still set on its future.

Africa is suffering a double whammy after many years of success. The Coronavirus, while not taking down great numbers of people like in Europe, Asia and the Americas, has had a severe impact by curbing its exports in the face of the formers’ severe economic depression.

For example, flowers grown in Kenya and Ethiopia have been particularly hit. Kenya’s flower industry employs up to 70,00 people. Ethiopia’s horticulture provides 180,00 jobs. Kenya’s overnight exports of cut flowers to Europe have been worth almost 770,000 US dollars a year, up from 134 million in 2000. Now sales are on their way to rock-bottom.At the same time parts of East Africa have been hit by plagues of locusts, the likes of which have not been seen for over 70 years. They eat everything that comes their way.

For the first time in a decade in Africa many people are going hungry in countries that had had no trouble feeding all. Young, newly unemployed, people in the cities have been pushed to return home to their family villages and take up the hoe. Many are trying to migrate into Europe, although it is not in the numbers that the over-reacting media suggest. Only 2.5% of Africans living abroad compared with the global average of migrants living abroad, 3.5%.

Even so there are many reasons for hope. Before these calamities struck Africa was beginning to bounce. Africa had six of the world’s ten fastest-growing economies. Over the past decade, half of sub-Saharan Africa has grown at 5-6% a year. Some, such as Ethiopia, have seen a growth of 10% a year, the highest in the world.

There is no good reason why Africa should not return to that benign state once the northern part of the world gets on top of the Coronavirus. A silver lining is that the Coronavirus has been well contained in Africa. This is partly because Africa had time to see it coming and got itself well organized to test and trace. Second, densely populated West Africa had experienced Ebola and had learnt from that. When Ebola raged, Nigeria, Africa’s most populated country, managed to keep deaths down to seven. It was well organised- in a way that shames Europe’s and North America’s response today.

Africa’s eyes are still set on its future. In August last year, African leaders announced the creation of a continent-wide free trade area. If successful over the next decade it will bring together 1.3 billion people in a 3.4 billion US dollar economic zone. Already the “young continent”, with 60% of its population below the age of 25, has the highest rate of private entrepreneurship in the world. 22% of working age-Africans have launched new businesses. This compares with 13% in Asia
and 19% in Latin America.

More than 400 African companies already take in at least 1 billion dollars in annual revenue. BBC World runs a weekly program on African business. New viewers will be struck by how much the African economy has going for it. Mobile phone ownership has grown at a faster rate than anywhere else. 20% are smartphones enabling users to leapfrog
into the modern age.

In some parts of Africa, one can visit villages buried in the countryside which are using smartphones to transfer money and to get advice from doctors and nurses living in the big city. This is a fast-growing phenomenon. The Chinese are making great inroads into Africa- although not as much as is often reported. It makes about 20% of total outside investment. It has been estimated that the Chinese have created 10,000 businesses in Africa. India, Turkey, the UK and the European Union invest more. Regrettably, US investment, trade and aid have fallen.  The EU has announced that it will give €40 billion in grants from 2021 to 2027, building on Germany’s “Marshall Plan for Africa”, launched in 2017.

Political interest and diplomacy are responding to this economic advance. According to a study made by the University of Denver more than 320 embassies and consulates were opened in Africa between 2010 and 2016. Turkey alone opened 26. The Turkish president Recep Tayyip Erdogan has paid more than 30 visits to the continent. Emmanuel Macron of France has made 10 visits; Narendra Modi of India 8 times. But Barack Obama only visited three times during his presidency despite having a Kenyan father. Donald Trump has not visited once.

Turkish Airlines now flies to 50 African destinations, nearly every country. Ethiopian Airlines, Africa’s premier airline, which has a low accident rate, comparable to European airlines, has rapidly added to its world-wide destinations. (Sometimes its planes are staffed by all-female Ethiopian crews.) Over the last decade, Africa has seen a return to democracy, (admittedly some countries have gone backwards). The democracies have higher rates of national income growth. Wars have decreased. Even the Congo after decades of conflict has gone almost quiet. Increasingly, countries have sounder economic policies- although it is tragic that Nigeria is not one of them after the sensible and effective years of President Olusegun Obasanjo when all looked possible. Three presidents later, present-day economic and financial policy is a mess.

Primary education has grown fast. Girls are being educated at a steady pace. This should bring down the birth rate, forestalling those prophets of doom who predict an over-fast population growth that swamps economies. A former president of South Africa, Thabo Mbeki, spoke of the present being “the African century”. There is no good reason why it shouldn’t be, despite the present-day double whammy.

Jonathan Power

Sudan. Mission among the Nuer.

Comboni Missionaries have been living with the Nuer people for almost twenty five years. They have been entrusted with the pastoral care of Saint Joseph the Worker’s Parish in Leer, which is under the Diocese of Malakal. This parish comprises four counties: Leer, Mayiendit, Panyijiar and Koch all within Unity State. Their pastoral priorities: formation of leaders, education, youth and women.

 The Nuer or Ney ti Naath, which is translated as ‘the people among peoples’, number approximately two million, spread out in a federation of sections and clans in Unity State (Bentiu), in Jongley State (Fangak and Akobo) and in Upper Nile (Nassir).
Their lifestyle has been adapted to the periodic flooding and dryness of the land. The permanent villages and settlements of the rural Nuer have mud and thatched huts with larger buildings housing the cattle and other livestock, located above the maximum flood level, to which the Nuer return during the rainy season and where they plant their crops.
A typical settlement includes several extended families and other compounds. Bricks or any other permanent material buildings are
rarely to be found.

The Nuer way of life is based on the extended family in which a man is the head of the family. Their political organization is based on kinship, which consists of families and further sub-divisions by lineage and has no central form of government. At times the tribes organize themselves into loose federations. The lineages are a major structural factor for political order. The territorial groupings and lineage groupings are more closely aligned for some particular purposes.
Nuer mostly live in the swampy areas of the former Upper Nile Provincial region. The influence of the environment on the lifestyle of the Nuer is obvious. They are sedentary (although individual families live in solitary settlements) and agro-pastoralists who manage to balance subsistence agriculture with cattle herding and fishing. Their economy is based on livestock and crops production such as sorghum and few other crops. However, some few people have recently started doing business as merchants in the local markets.

Ecclesial context
The first Catholic attempt towards the evangelisation of the Nuer had been made back in 1925 with the foundation of the mission of Yoinyang, now Rubkona, on the northern part of the Bahr El Ghazal River. It was.an important logistic station for the mission of Bahr El Ghazal and a link towards the Nuer.
The presence of the Catholic Church in Leer dates back to the eighties.
Prior to that time, the whole area had been entrusted by the British colonisers to the Protestants (American Protestant Mission) through the ‘Missionary Act’ that created the Mission Spheres (1905).
This allowed the Presbyterians to be established all over and to form the Protestant mission territory until the establishment of the Catholic mission. In this context their Protestant/Presbyterian background still affects their life style a lot.

The beginning of the Catholic Christian Movement amongst the western Nuer took place in the eighties and was led by young Nuer common lay people, later on called catechists. It developed during the time of the war when these catechists founded many Christian communities around and baptised many people. Amongst these catechists was James Duol Kai, considered to be the founder of the Catholic Church in Unity State. Their work (1984-1993) was fundamental in the establishment of the Catholic Church amongst the Nuer. As far as we know, these inspired leaders became the first group in South Sudan that took up the work of evangelisation as we understand it in the Catholic Church.
In 1993 the catechists who worked hard for the establishment of the Catholic Church in the Nuerland felt it was important to ask for the presence of priests among them. A representative of two of them went to Nairobi to ask for ordained ministers. As a result, in 1996 a first group of Comboni Missionaries (MCCJ) came to Leer and established the mission. Since then, this young Church has developed much and grown stronger in faith and understanding of the Christian ethics. Some values were already part of the Nuer culture. Some social institution such as family life and marriage have still to mature a new understanding: polygamy is still widespread and appreciated in this culture.

The area has suffered during time of conflict and people had to move away to seek for safety. In 1998, missionaries had to abandon Leer and move with the people to Nyal after the attacks perpetuated by the the militia of late general Paolino Matip. Missionaries moved back to Leer in 2007. In 2014, Leer was attacked by government troops in the attempt to disperse opposition forces loyal to the opposition leaders Riek Machar. Missionaries were caught by surprise. They were attacked and had to run for their life.
They remained for weeks hidden in the swamps with the people before being evacuated by the UN.
Then, the missionaries moved to Nyal where they  continued to offer pastoral care to the population which was victim once again of the conflict and violence.

Formation of leaders & Education
Formation of the pastoral agents is a priority of our missionary endeavour among the Nuer. In 2004 the parish catechetical centre ‘James Duol Kai’ was inaugurated in Nyal with a nine-month programme for the preparation of new catechists. James Duol Kai is a pioneer Nuer catechist who died in a crossfire in 1994 during the war. The formative programme continued in Leer up to 2014. The parish counts over three hundred catechists and lay pastoral agents. In May 2020, the missionaries plan to resume the programme in Leer to bring together the catechists in the main centre of the parish to witness the commitment of the Church for peace and reconciliation. Much violence occurred here in Leer during the latest conflict.

The ‘formation of the catechists’ is the approach and apply the see-judge-act methodology. In communion with the objectives of the parish pastoral plan, the teaching programme covers the Bible, Liturgy, Sacraments, Catechesis, Church History, the Social Teaching of the Church and other relevant areas and topics according to specific needs.
Missionaries are mostly engaged in pastoral work as the vastness of the parish demands a lot of commitment to visit all centres covering long distances on foot.
In Nyal missionaries collaborated with the local community primary school and also promoted the first classes of the secondary school. The Catholic Church was running a nursery school in Leer and supporting other village kindergartens. In Leer missionaries also promoted a Vocational Training Centre (VTC). The VTC offered technical skills on agriculture and animal management. Besides this, the students also acquired a basic knowledge in Mathematics, English, CRE and Entrepreneurship. The centre was plundered and was closed in 2014. During its three years of activities, it contributed to the formation of hundreds of students. There is hope that the project will be taken up again once there is peace and security in the country

Youth & Women ministry
The majority of people in our parish are youth. We are trying to offer pastoral accompaniment to teenagers through a systematic formative programme which includes the Bible, JPIC and other relevant youth issues. The women’s ministry deals with the organised and non-organised women groups of the parish.

It fosters women’s  promotion through Christian formation (e.g. Bible study, shared prayer, etc.), education (basic literacy) and better sharing in the decision making process, considering their marginalization in the Nuer society. It aims also at helping the women to improve the quality of their life in some practical skills (e.g. sewing and agriculture). The main challenges faced are illiteracy and the lack of constancy of the of the women due to their many commitments in the family.

Christian Carlassare

Romania. Failure to integrate.

Romania, with its 19.6 million inhabitants, is going through a shocking demographic depopulation crisis. If the present pace were to continue, according to calculations made by the Romanian National Statistics Institute, the population would be reduced by around eight million in a matter of forty years, to below eleven million by 2060.

According to experts, this imbalance is due to the fact that families in Romania have an average of 1.6 children per couple and, in order to maintain present levels, this indicator would have to be increased to 2.1 children per couple.
Almost all ethnic groups in the country have shown a numerical reduction with the exception of the Romani who have registered a considerable increase and, according to Vasile Gheţău, Director of the CRD, the Romani will amount to 40% of the total population, becoming the most numerous ethnic group in the following twenty years.

This increase is believed to be due to the large and constant gap, noted also in Romania, between the fertility rate of Romanian women, stabilised at 1.6 children for each woman, and that of the Romani, which stands at 3.0 children per woman. The gap is also found in the threshold of the aged. That is, before 2030, 31% of Romanians would be made up of people above the age of 65, while among the Romani, only 3% of the Romani community will be over 65, with 47.3% of its people below the age of twenty.
This phenomenon is constantly being underestimated by political decision-makers, despite its effects being so clearly evidenced in the social fabric of the country. A closer look reveals a proliferation of quarters and villages inhabited by Romani but, despite this fact, there is no sign of integration with any of the other ethnic groups. Among these quarters, Fernentari, situated in the south west of Bucharest, is the most striking example: they are real ghettos with very precarious conditions of hygiene and a high level of crime and drug addiction proliferation.

In the view of most experts, it is precisely the precarious condition of hygiene of those places, together with the fact that the inhabitants, who do not follow the laws of the state, have not respected the rule of social distancing and so facilitated the spread of the Covid-19 pandemic more than in other Eastern European and Balkan countries. To understand how much of a threat that could be created by the failure of these populations to integrate, we only have to remember the matter of the violent protests which broke out in Rahova, a quarter of Bucharest, actually during the period of quarantine on Orthodox Easter Sunday. On that occasion, one of the Romani leaders, known as ‘Spartacus’ encouraged his fellow nationals, by means of social media announcements, to violate the quarantine and rise up against forces of order. The revolt which followed, lasting more than 24 hours, caused many injuries and 11 arrests. What happened was no isolated incident. In Romania, to be exact, episodes of violence between Romani communities and the forces of order are becoming ever more frequent and so render relations between the Romani community and the rest of the population increasingly conflictual.

However, in the country as a whole, the situation of the Romani is not made up exclusively of people who live in ghettos, but there are also families that have become well off with their various businesses and live a dignified life. One example of this is the community living in Buzescu, a city commune with a population of just under five thousand and located in the district of Teleorman in the historical region of Muntenia. There Romani families of the Calderash group, who, over the years, made their fortunes by trading in metal, live in sumptuous villas.
The Romani community in Romania is represented in parliament by the Romani Party led by Nicolae Păun which has a reserved seat in the House of Representatives and is the only political power dedicated exclusively to Romani questions. However, it is the National Agency for the Romani which is concerned with their inclusion, with poor results.

It is an organisation which is directly dependent upon the government of Bucharest, which represents the ethnic group and promotes, together with other authorities such as the National Council for the Struggle against Discrimination, projects aimed at improving the conditions of the Romani, with hitherto disappointing results.
It is evident that if the social condition of these populations were not to improve, ethnic transition could become a very serious matter since the majority of the population would find itself living in conditions of illegality, social exclusion and a high level of conflict. This would create nothing less than a social time bomb ready to undermine the integrity of the state. (F.R.)

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