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Chad. Cereal Banks.

In Chad, a missionary who has lived in the country for over 53 years creates a Cereal Bank. A strategy which has proved successful. Today, 346 banks have formed a federation with as many as 35,000 members benefiting 350,000 people. The project is still growing right where the harvest is more precious than gold.

“Our purpose is to create suitable means the village people need to deal with the frequent shortages of food. This is a goal that is not always possible to achieve using aid and donations but only through agricultural development”, Father Franco Martellozzo, an eighty-two-year-old Italian Jesuit, with 53 years spent in Africa, tells us.
It was in the centre of Chad, in the diocese of Mongo, in 1984 when Father Martellozzo realised how pressing it was to provide a concrete solution to defeat hunger, poverty and usury. Agriculture had to be the starting point, and ‘Cereal Banks’ were created. Over the years, this strategy proved successful, so much so that today the ‘Cereal Banks’ now form a federation of 346 units with about 35,000 members and benefitting 350,000 people.

A hundred more villages are on the waiting list or are being prepared to open their own banks. Those banks that are functioning at present cover an area of 500 square kilometres of arid terrain, where drought is noticeably advancing due in part to desertification caused by increasing climate change. Agriculture is practiced here as a means of sustenance, but there is only one harvest season: this is the period of the year when the land can be tilled to produce millet, sorghum and groundnuts, thanks to the rainy season that runs from April to September. October is harvest time but the land yields nothing more until the following year.

Before opening the ‘Cereal Banks’, the length of time during which families ran the risk of running out of food continually increased. Furthermore, there was the problem caused by supply and demand imbalance with consequent speculation over prices: what would happen was that all the farmers would sell a large part of their cereals at the same time, after the harvest, to gain some small amount of money to pay for basic necessities (school, health, clothes, etc.); flooding the market with cereals meant a lowering of prices to the advantage of businessmen who would buy the cereals, store them and wait to sell them at a much higher price some months later, even to the same farmers, when their supplies would run out. It goes without saying that the families, with no reserves of food, were unable to buy back their products at the high prices imposed by the dealers except by going into debt or by selling their cattle and ploughs, often becoming part of the vicious circle of interest repayments.

In order to end this form of slavery, Father Martellozzo brought forward the proposal to create a ‘Cereal Bank’.  He tells us: “It all began with the construction of the first storehouse where each family that joined the project would deposit part of their harvest, and this created a general reserve. During the period of shortage, the farmer received one or two sacks of grain from the cereals in storage, with the commitment to repay the same amount plus a small quantity more, after the following harvest”. At first, the missionary explained, it was not easy to convey the idea of ‘paying back the loan’, but this was fundamental since it allowed us to “create a stock of cereals to be used to meet future needs and create a new mentality”.The missionary continued: “The repayment of the loan was not actually part of their mental make-up, since their notion was that everything given by the government, the NGOs or the Catholic Church was always a ‘gift’. We had meetings to clarify these matters and the desire was expressed to establish clear and enforceable rules for those benefitting from the loans”.

Immediately, people began to cling to the banks like a drowning man clings to a lifebelt, and quickly abandoned turning to the ‘loan sharks’ who saw their business, slowly but surely, collapse. All they could do was watch what was happening. “When they became aware of the problem – the Jesuit priest recounts – they reacted using the Imams at the mosques who condemned our banks as ‘haram’, impure, since the repayment of the cereals also involved some interest known as ‘riba’, which is forbidden by Islamic law”.
The interest was set at 10% and helped to cover the storage costs of the stock and help some poor people of the village who were not members of the bank. “In any case – Father Martellozzo explained – this interest was established by the general assembly of the farmers and the interest still belonged to the bank itself, enabling the bank, among other things, to increase the amount of stock available and also the number of beneficiaries. Unfortunately, they used the term ‘riba’ for this interest, which is contrary to Islamic law. The matter became so serious that I asked for a high-level meeting with the local deputy: among the participants were the Bishop, the Imam of the Central Mosque with his secretary, and representatives of all the Muslims of the area. After a long discussion, the conclusion reached was that the 10% ‘interest’ was not definable as ‘riba’, but ‘ciukka’, which means ‘a free contribution’.”

Today, the ‘Cereal Banks’ are a well-established reality, appreciated and necessary for the local economy. The results are plain to see and there is a clear rebalancing of prices of cereals, an improvement in productivity by the use machines drawn by animals, a careful selection of seeds, and the effective training of the small farmers. “When I think of all the difficulties we encountered, it seems like a dream: any technical analysis whatever would have concluded that such a project would have been quite impossible and I am amazed it does not collapse around me. I am therefore reluctant to declare absolute victory yet”.  However, the results are there in abundance and this is a sign that, where the people are involved and there is personal commitment, success is assured.( J.L.)

 

 

 

 

 

Uganda. A journey into Buganda’s cultural heritage.

The Buganda are a bantu speaking ethnic group found in Uganda. They are a very dominant group and account for 17% of the country’s population of 34.6 million people. The present day Buganda was known as Muwaawa and this was because it was believed to be a sparsely populated area before the 12th century.

They speak Luganda which is a very widely spoken language in Uganda. There are so many myths that describe the origin of the Baganda people and Buganda but the most common and accepted myth is the one that tells of the migration from Abyssinia in Ethiopia through the Great Rift Valley and Mount Elgon in the eastern part of the country until they reached the present day location.

These people were organised in groups which were clans who had a common ancestry and constituted the most important unit in Buganda. These clans were headed by clan leaders who would be a chief and ruled a section of the clan territory.

Clans and Totems
Buganda had five original clans which were Ffumbe, Lugave, Ngonge, Njaza and Nyoni. At a later stage, these clans would expand to 52 clans by 1966. The heads of these clans where known as the Bbaataka and leadership was passed on to whoever proved his might in battle.
When Kintu took over as king of Buganda, he found Buganda so disorganised with only five clans. It is believed that he organised the people and merged them with the people he came with, and together they formed thirteen clans.

A clan in Buganda represents a group of people who can trace their lineage to a common ancestor. It’s central to the Ganda culture and in the customs of Buganda lineage is passed down along the same lines and the most important unit in Buganda. Members of the same clan refer to each as brother and sister.
The clans are organised from clan leaders (Owakasolya) followed by the successive subdivisions, Ssiga, Mutuba Lunyiriri and the family head (Enju). It’s so important that every Muganda is required to know where they fall with the subdivisions.
Each clan has a main totem (Omuziro) and a minor totem (Akabbiro). A totem is a symbol to the clan and can be an animal, fruit, fish or vegetables. The clans are usually known by their main totems, with the exception of a very unique case of the royal clan (Abaligira) who don’t have a totem. Baganda names are given depending on one’s clan. The Baganda believe that it is a taboo for one to eat his/her totem. For example, a person from the sheep clan is not allowed to eat lamb or mutton or any products from sheep.

Kingdoms
The origin of Baganda may be told in very many different myths but one thing the Baganda are very proud of is their very wealthy culture. This culture is strengthened by the existence of Baganda monarchs who have tried to preserve the norms and beliefs. According to history, the Buganda kingdom has always been the strong kingdom in Uganda and the most organised from the time it was formed. It is believed that there were some powerful people who were said to have established themselves for some time before the arrival of the first king of Muwaawa (Buganda) who was known as Kintu.
The most widely accepted version of the origin of the Buganda kingdom is claimed by historians who say that the Buganda kingdom had begun from Kintu as the first king (Kabaka).

The documented history of Buganda indicates that, the head of Ffumbe clan who was called Buganda Ntege Walusimbi had several children including Makubuya, Kisitu, Wasswa Winyi and Kato Kintu. When Walusimbi died, his son Makubuya replaced him as a ruler.
On his death, Makubuya was replaced by his brother Kisitu as ruler; during Kisitu’s reign, a renegade prince called Bbemba came from Kiziba in Northern Tanzania and established his camp at Naggalabi in Buddo (to this day when a new king of Buganda is crowned, the ceremony takes place here) from where Bbemba planned to fight Kisitu and replace him as ruler of Muwaawa.
Bbemba became so cruel and ruthless when he attacked Kisitu that Kisitu became intimidated and in his fear offered the Ssemagulu (throne) to whoever would succeed in killing off Bbemba, whereby Ssemagulu became the symbol of authority.

When Kintu heard what his brother had vowed, he gathered some followers from his brothers and some various other clans and in a bid attacked Bbemba and defeated him in the ensuing battle and he was then beheaded by Nfudu of the Lugave clan. Nfudu took Bbemba’s head to Kintu who gave it to Kisitu. When Kisitu saw Bbemba’s head, he had to make good his promise so he abdicated his throne in favour of Kintu telling him that “Kingship was earned in battle”. Although he had abdicated his throne, he still wanted to retain the leadership of the Ffumbe clan so he told Kintu to begin his own clan. He also asked Kintu to name the kingdom after Buganda Ntege Walusimbi. So the kingdom became Buganda kingdom.
Kintu formed a new clan which became the royal clan (Abalangira). This clan separated from the Ffumbe clan thus increasing the number of clans in Buganda. Kintu then established a new system of governance in alliance with other clan leaders. To-date the kingdom of Buganda is still strong with its 36th King being Ssabasajja Ronald Muwenda Mutebi II. (I.L.)

The Herons and the Tortoise.

Once upon a time, there was a beautiful lake, near a big mountain. There lived many animals in the water and on the banks of the lake.

Among those animals lived two herons, who had a little tortoise as their friend. All three of them were very good friends. They played together all day long, sunning themselves on the sand and swimming in the lake. They were very happy and did not like to be apart even for a single day. But as ill luck would have it, that year there was a drought. In the six months from March until September not a single drop of rain fell. All the rivers and lakes dried up.

Even this beautiful lake could not escape the wrath of the drought. Day by day, the water became less and less. The three friends did not know what to do and brooded and sighed all day.
One day the two herons decided to fly away in order to assess the situation. Next day they flew away and saw all the animals moving towards the Heavenly Lake, a very big lake.

On coming back they told the tortoise about the migration of the other animals to the Heavenly Lake, and said that they should also shift to the big lake, otherwise they could die of hunger and thirst. On hearing this, the tortoise wept, shedding tears from his small eyes because he could neither fly, nor walk fast. There was the danger of hunters picking him up on the way if he walked slowly. He accused the herons of deserting him in the time of difficulty despite being such good friends.

The tortoise wept so pitifully that the herons, unable to hold back their own tears, did not have the heart to leave him behind. So they decided to stay back themselves for the time being. They were also positive that the rains would begin. But the weather promised no change. The days were absolutely clear and the sun beat down mercilessly.

The beautiful little lake was nearly dry. The herons now thought that they could no longer live there. The tortoise also knew that they could not survive, so he pleaded with them to think of a way to take him also with them as they were friends for such a long time.

The herons also wanted to help their friends. So they thought of a plan, but were not sure whether it would work. The tortoise was excited and asked them about the plan. The herons told him of their plan. It was, that they would hold two ends of a stick in their beaks, and he could hang on to the middle. Then they could fly carrying him between them. They asked the tortoise whether he liked the plan or not.

The little tortoise was very happy. He told them to go at once. The herons were also very pleased, but they warned him about one thing. This was that he should not open his mouth, under any circumstances. The tortoise told them that he would be very careful, because it was his life which mattered.

That evening all three of them had their last dinner on that little beautiful lake which had been their abode for such a long time. Early next morning they said goodbye to their home. The herons held the two ends of the stick and the tortoise gripped the middle in his jaws. They flew for a long time over dark forests, glittering snow-covered mountains, temples with golden tiles and vast grasslands.

Down on the earth, some people saw this scene and commented on it saying that the tortoise was very clever because he had made the herons carry him. The herons continued their flight without paying any attention to what the people were saying. But the tortoise glowed with pride, when he heard people praising him.

After sometime, a group of children who were playing down below saw the three friends and cried to the herons saying that the herons were very clever, they were carrying the tortoise to the very sky. The herons paid no heed, but concentrated on flying.

The little tortoise, however, was hurt by the children’s taunts. In his heart he said, “These children are very foolish. How silly of them to say that the herons are carrying me. I was the one who thought of this plan and they don’t know which of us is the cleverer.” So with all his might he began to shout at them. But as soon as he opened his mouth, he fell head downward and tail up, straight towards a big black stone, killing himself. And that was the end of the tortoise.

Folktale from China

 

 

 

 

 

Music. Obongjayar. Aromas and Rhythms of Mother Africa.

His name is Steven Umoh but in the world of music, he is known by all as Obongjayar. One of the rising stars of new African music, he is one of the best-known personalities on the contemporary Nigerian scene. His style ranges from funk to electronic, mixing melodies, rap and talking, modernist soul and Afrobeat.

Even though Steven moved to London when he was just seventeen, he has not burned his bridges with his roots which, with his arrival in the West, and his entry into the music business, would seem stronger than ever. Having grown up in Calabar, a tourist city in the far south of Nigeria, looking out over the Atlantic, Obongjayar has a troubling story to tell: he was raised by his grandmother (after his mother went to England) and developed his love for music listening to the stars of Western hip hop such as Eminem and Usher.

 

Reunited with his mother in London, he began to demonstrate his talents on the web where he was spotted by a high-ranking member of XL Records who offered him his first contract. His style ranges from funk to electronic, mixing melodies, rap and talking, modernist soul and Afrobeat: a melting-pot that expresses his natural predisposition to mix together all the different cultures and ethnicities of the world.
In many of his compositions, Obongjayar emphasises his African origins, now expressing them through Western urban scenes and inspirations provided by post-modern unease, racial intolerance and contemporary news: an example is ‘Dreaming in transit’ (one of the tracks from his most recent ‘Which way is forward?’) in which he refers to the tragic Grenfell Tower fire of 2017, in which 72 people died.

 

Obongjayar is a son of the new millennium and knows how to give a voice to present-day tensions. This he does with a deep voice that is unexpectedly mature for his age, 26. His songs immediately and strikingly radiate the aromas, the atmosphere and the rhythms of Mother Africa, together with his propensity towards the deeply spiritual, something that is due to his personal re-elaboration of his childhood education (from childhood, Steven was a devout Catholic, even if he does not show it much today): “Religion and spirituality are two different things – he said recently. Spirituality is a feeling, a sense of being. It is a matter of understanding who we are instead of having others tell us. Try your best to be a good person and treat others as you would like them to treat you: if paradise exists, you are sure to go there”.

 

Now the international press is taking an interest in him and enthusiastic reviews are coming thick and fast: ‘Obongjayar has unlimited potential and it is exciting to think of what his talent may accomplish in the future’, wrote Thomas Hobbs in Crack Magazine, and this is probably true. Indeed, many troubles of present-day Nigeria,  such as the frenzied Jihadist massacres of Boko Haram, may find the beginnings of resolution in the different approaches of many new artists who, like Obongjayar, are able to translate and export the hopes of a people through the universal power of creativity.

Franz Coriasco

 

 

Feeding people during the Covid-19 emergency.

With the declaration of the health emergency in Ecuador, all activities and services taking care of poor people were suspended. The experience of Caritas’ dining room, “Oscar Romero”, in Manta (Ecuador).

The sense of solidarity required us to resume assistance to individuals and families, implementing a safe and practical method to deliver hot meals to them. The Caritas dining room project in Manta was adjusted and referred to as “Food Emergency.” From Monday to Saturday, hot meals are prepared and distributed on the streets and at the homes of families who previously used the dining room service. There are about 200 lunches served daily, of which approximately 98% are for families with high degrees of vulnerability.

To respect the state of emergency, food is prepared in the house of the Sisters of the Divine Will domicile of the Caritas-Manta Foundation. The management is led by the priest responsible for the pastoral of Human Mobility along with the lay administrator of Caritas, and several volunteers who ensure the preparation of food and the logistical process to deliver food to people on the streets and to vulnerable families.

The self-management budget is supported by donations of either food or money. The Jesuit Refugee Service helped implement the project for one month with a single donation. Food handling, preparation and hygiene respects the standards and protocols of care and prevention to prevent and avoid contamination, ensure healthy cooking, preservation of temperatures and clean water; the kitchen staff also makes use of appropriate clothing.

All project participants, including volunteers are checked daily, their health status is verified, and they are subjected to continuous monitoring of their physical condition.
The distribution of food is done in 2 ways: direct delivery to families whose address is known; or to people on the streets who, to avoid crowds, organize themselves in lines with the preventive distance of 2 meters and with the use of masks. The collaborating staff are also provided with all the protection equipment.

The reality of the impoverished is increasing, so projects like this one, of “Food Emergency”, are necessary, and they become a sign. With the advancement of technology, it has brought the world, every continent, country, city, or town closer to transforming ideals, emotions, joys, and dreams. But, at the same time, giving an illusion of omnipotence, of selfish individualism where discrimination is hinted at by the nuances of the ways of being and living.

The simple and the impoverished testified to us that the time for “planetary brotherhood” had come and that the conditions were already in place: we became deaf to the outcry because it touched our “deification.” But suddenly, reality came. The coronavirus removed us out of the illusion of being gods. We were confused and humiliated watching the real numbers of infected and dead people, we who, with medicine and well-being, believed we had moved away from death. We have touched our vulnerability with our hands.

As the Jesuit Francisco de Roux says: “In a few decades, we will all be gone with or without covid-19. Devastating death matches our stupid appearances. We arrive alone and take nothing with us. We are leaving alone, with no credit cards, no car, no home. We will go with who we were in life, in love, friendship, truth, compassion, or with what we have been in lies, selfishness, or dishonesty. Thus, we will face this mystery, and that is how we will be remembered.”

That’s how it is, and that’s how the Caritas’ “Oscar Romero” dining room stands in the port of Manta (Ecuador), like a small lighthouse that sends its light on the vastness of the ocean.

John Paul Pezzi, mccj
VIVAT International NGO
with consultative special status at UN

Births as a successful family.

Birth in Buganda is very important because it is the yard stick that measures a successful marriage, no childless marriage is considered successful. A man would be asked to get another wife if his wife failed to give him fruits of the womb, and she would be considered a useless woman. The more children a woman had, the more the love from her husband and his family.

The men in Buganda are very keen on their DNA, and it is believed that when a woman gave birth and lied about the family of her baby or gave the baby to another man from another clan, the child would fall sick every now and then or cry nonstop until the mother revealed the true identity of the child. Misfortune would befall the child at a later time in life.In Buganda grandparents were the only people allowed to give new-born babies names. So when a woman gave birth, the child’s father would take the new-born to his parents’ home, and when there his father would stand at the doorway, carry the child and while entering with him in the house, he would give the child a name. The baby’s parents were also given a chance to give the second name. The grandfather would also take the new baby and lay him on his bed while professing blessings upon him.

If a woman gave birth to twins in Buganda that calls for a different kind of celebration and rituals just because twins are considered more important, and many people claimed that twins were not normal children, they are spirits. They are believed to have powers to bring blessings or curses upon people.
When twins were born in Buganda, they were not allowed to go anywhere before they had visited their paternal parents’ home. It is believed that once they were taken somewhere else before going to their paternal home, they would have misfortune or even die.
On arrival at the grandparents’ home, mushrooms and fingers of plantain (Matooke) would be cooked and then served to the parents on a banana leaf known as Nakitembe. After that special meal, they were allowed to take them anywhere. This ceremony is for introducing the twins in the family, but they also perform a ritual to identify their DNA.
It is believed that during the ceremony to identify the twin’s DNA, if they do not belong to that particular family they will know immediately.

After the birth of the twins two baskets were brought, one basket would be kept in the bed room in a safe place either under the bed or somewhere in the wardrobe and these two baskets contain a local herb called ebombo and olweza.
One basket will be used to receive gifts from people who come to visit the twins because people are not allowed to place gifts in the children’s hands. The other basket will also contain the local herbs and the fallen umbilical cord stumps of the twins.
This basket will be kept very secretly and only brought out for very close family members to place gifts. In this same basket, the parents of the twins keep putting money from time to time.
Since twins are believed to be small gods in Buganda, this specific basket will be brought out for only close family members who sometimes pray to the umbilical cord stumps in it for blessing and they say that whatever they pray for to that basket they will get.
Some people would use the same basket with the umbilical cord stumps to invoke curses or blessings on others; that is the reason they are only brought out for close family members.

The Baganda say that the umbilical cord stumps are considered as children and that is where all the respect goes. After the cords have fallen off the ritual to identify the twins if they belong to the man’s DNA will be arranged. This same ritual is also performed to unite the Salongo and Nalongo’s family so that they can do things freely.
Before the ceremony is performed, the Salongo is required to go to the Nalongo’s home and get one of her sisters to come and perform the ritual since tradition does not allow the Nalongo to perform any ritual. Her sister will then be known as Nalongo omukulu (meaning the elder Nalongo) who will perform all rituals on behalf of her sister.
The family will hire a traditional healer who is an expert in finding out the right DNA of twins, armed with some herbs, local medicine and a bark cloth, he will join the family.
This ritual is usually performed after midnight to make sure that all children are asleep because tradition and culture does not allow them to attend or witness what is taking place.At midnight, the traditional healer will lay down his bark cloth and display his cowrie shells, other fetishes, and herbs on it. He will require the Salongo to bring for him the umbilical cord stumps of the twins, after which he will invoke spirits and then apply some herbs and other fetishes to the two umbilical stumps; he will then begin tying them together. If he succeeds in tying them, he will pronounce the twins to have the Salongo’s DNA but should the cords fail to be united with his herbs, the announcement of twins not having the same DNA as Salongo will be made.

In an event that the stump cords are lost the traditional healer will invoke his spirits and the first two insects that will fall on the bark cloth will be used to perform the ritual that night.
Sometimes, the tradition will put the two cords in a basket, and then they will pour water in the basket. If the two cords float on the water then the DNA will be approved by family of Salongo but if the cords remain seated at the bottom of the basket, then the DNA will not be approved and the Nalongo will be asked to take the children to their father’s family.
While all this is happening, there is a lot of singing, drumming and dancing taking place at that time of the night. Here is a place where the mother in-law will be dancing with the son-in-law and daughter-in-law will be dancing with father-in-law, all the in-laws will unite and dance together while singing songs. It should be noted that in Buganda the mother-in-law cannot get close to her son-in-law, and the daughter-in-law cannot get close to her father-in-law because it’s a taboo. This ceremony usually overcomes the taboo and every one unites, shake hands, and dances while holding hands. (I.L.)

Brazil. Close to the people.

Brazil is the country struck hardest by Covid 19. Combonian Father Saverio Paolillo has sent us some reflections. Rethink our lifestyle.

The Covid-19 pandemic is ravaging Brazil. It has become country with the second largest number of victims after the United States, with over 65,000 deaths and 1.6 million confirmed cases. The figures are probably underestimates. Brazil is one of the countries where fewer tests are being made in proportion to the number of its inhabitants. Reliable studies say the number of positive cases is probably from seven to twelve times more than the official figure. A dramatic scene is developing since we have not yet seen the peak of the virus infection. The most affected area is the south-east and especially São Paolo and Rio de Janeiro. The health service, already stretched due to the lack of investment in recent years, is on the cusp of collapse. Despite the construction of field hospitals, there is no longer room in the ICUs and there is a shortage of respirators. Many patients are piled up in the corridors and die waiting in line. In some areas like Amazonia, people who have died are often found among the patients.

The north-east, too, one of the poorer regions of the country, is facing a difficult situation. In the state of Paraíba where I live, there have been  31,000 confirmed cases and 696 deaths. Unfortunately, the numbers are only approximate since those tested are fewer than the national average. Ever since the first cases, the governors and mayors, seeing what happened in Europe and following the directives of the World Health Organisation, WHO, ordered social isolation and authorised only essential services to operate. However, there has never been a consensus regarding these measures. The federal Government, led by the President of the Republic, Jair Messias Bolsonaro, supported by the military, extreme right-wing groups, groups with nostalgia for fascism, by denial groups and conservative Pentecostals, have always denied the real dimensions of the problem so as not to slow the economy. In his first declarations he described the pandemic as a weak form of flu. On July, Bolsonaro tested positive for the coronavirus.
The Bolsonaro response to the coronavirus has caused national and international protests with any people accusing him of direct responsibility for so many victims. At the moment, Brazil has no permanent minister of health after two ministers were forced to resign in less than a month after clashing with Bolsonaro over the pandemic.
It is impressive to see how, up to now, Bolsonaro has not expressed a single word of solidarity with the victims and their families.

As if the health crisis were not enough, Brazil is also stricken by a serious political crisis that threatens the democratic institutions and risks neutralising all the efforts made by local administrators, medical personnel and responsible citizens to tackle the pandemic. In a recent decision, the Supreme Court has established that, considering the continental dimensions of the country and the great regional differences, it is up to the governors and mayors to decide upon the measures to be taken in their territories. Following the example of Trump, Bolsonaro has harshly criticised the WHO, relativized the pandemic and continues to confuse the people. Tension is growing. The danger of a confrontation is very great. Movements for the defence of democracy are spreading through the social media, and public demonstrations with large gatherings of people are already taking place. Apart from the danger of clashes between demonstrators, there is still that of contagion.
To complete the picture of the situation, we cannot but mention the economic and social crisis with a large number of people living in extreme poverty due to the unequal distribution of wealth. According to recent statistics, Brazil has around 14 million people living in poverty with families earning 145 Reals (25 Euro) per month and 50 million people on the edge of poverty with a family income of 150 Euro per month. The pandemic renders the situation of these families even more difficult, especially in the region where I live (Paraíba) where the indicators of poverty and destitution are even worse. Social isolation is certainly one of the measures essential to the control of the pandemic and to avoid even greater harm, but it is not an easy matter in the shanty towns of the peripheries with their “structural agglomerations”. In the shantytowns of São Paolo, Rio de Janeiro, Manaus, Fortaleza and other large Brazilian cities, the pandemic is running wild, killing many people, especially the poor.

In my quarter, on the outskirts of the commune of Santa Rita, most families live in small unhealthy homes, without a sewerage system and where a supply of water is difficult to find. Besides structural problems, there are also  those that are economic. Most people survive by working in the informal market. Many are “catadores”, gatherers of recyclable material, or vendors. With the advent of social distancing, these workers have lost their only source of income. The poor, once again, are the one who pay the highest price.
The Federal Government has decided to provide economic aid in the form of three monthly instalments of 600 Reals which, at the present rate of exchange, corresponds to about 110 Euro. To obtain this grant, it is necessary to enrol online but there are many poor people who have no access to the internet. Now there are long queues outside the agencies of the Federal Economic Bank which is the state bank responsible for the payments. We have had to create supporting centres in our properties to help people enrol and receive these benefits. To protect people, we have been busy collecting and distributing foodstuffs and toiletries. To date, we have collected and distributed 30 tons of foodstuffs. More than 500 families receive a parcel of food every two weeks.

To continue to assist the 160 children and youngsters who attend our “Proyecto Legal” centre, we have created a programe called “Out of sight but near to our hearts”. By means of a Whatsapp group that unites all the families, we distribute pedagogic material and give social, psychological and legal assistance. We have also created a You-Tube channel where all our videos are available. Every two weeks, we distribute a parcel of food and educational material to make up for the schools being closed. The pandemic, among so many challenges, has also exposed the phenomenon of digital exclusion. Most of our families have just an old cellphone connected to the internet only when they have the money to top them up.
Jefferson, one of the boys from our welcoming centre is just twelve years old. During the last distribution of food parcels, he told us he cannot wait for the end of the pandemic as he does not lie to see his father crying y himself because he cannot work to bring home something to eat. “Collection cardboard boxes – he told us – is more dignified than joining the long queue at the bank and lower oneself to receiving alms from the federal government, while lots of money is being given to help the banks, assist big businesses, buy arms and, even worse, to enrich corrupt politicians”. Listening to Jefferson filled us with pride. In is words we found the wisdom older people lack, especially those who occupy important places in society. If we want to survive, we have to make up our minds to look after each other. We hope that these difficult times lead us to review our way of living.

 

What a new president means for Burundi.

A former army general with reformist credentials was sworn in as president of Burundi last June following the sudden death of Pierre Nkurunziza, whose extended and authoritarian rule set off a political crisis that caused hundreds of thousands of people to flee to neighbouring countries.

But the appointment of a new government that includes ruling party hardliners, and continuing accounts of violence and arrests of opposition supporters during the first few weeks of President Évariste Ndayishimiye’s administration, suggest the prospect of change remains slim in the East African country. Ndayishimiye was due to take over from Nkurunziza this August after winning a presidential election in May marred by voter fraud allegations and violence. Nkurunziza was due to become the country’s “supreme guide of patriotism”, while enjoying a retirement villa and a $500,000 pension.

But the 55-year-old ex-president and ruling party stalwart died on 8 June – officially of cardiac arrest, though most suspect he had contracted COVID-19 – creating a sudden power vacuum that ended when the country’s constitutional court decided Ndayishimiye should take charge earlier than planned.
After 15 years as president – and many years before as a rebel leader – Nkurunziza will most likely be remembered for his final five years, when he won a third term in office that critics called unconstitutional. That power grab sparked mass protests, a failed coup, and a bloody crackdown that soon morphed into a humanitarian crisis.

Five years on, most refugees have not returned; relations with foreign governments and international institutions need mending; and the economy – in the doldrums since donors pulled bilateral assistance amid mounting rights violations – needs an urgent boost. That Nkurunziza was willing to stand down at all shouldn’t be underestimated, said David Kiwuwa, an associate professor of international studies at the University of Nottingham. “Intra-party transitions – where a president from one party hands over to another from the same party – introduces the long-term possibility of change,” Kiwuwa said.

Ndayishimiye has a better human rights record than his peers, and some of his initial steps as president have shown promise: A new trimmed-down cabinet features five women and an ethnic minority Batwa politician for the first time, while COVID-19 has been declared Burundi’s “enemy” after Nkurunziza’s administration spent weeks downplaying it.Some members of the ruling party’s feared youth wing – which has committed rights violations with impunity in recent years – have been arrested amid calls for the group, known as the Imbonerakure or “those who see far” in Kirundi, to show discipline and let security forces do their job.

But analysts caution that the new president did little to stop past rights violations from occurring, even while occupying various senior positions in the increasingly authoritarian ruling CNDD-FDD party – a former Hutu rebel group that never quite shed its wartime ways. Even if he does have some reformist intentions, Ndayishimiye will still have to juggle the interests of different CNDD-FDD factions, including the group of powerful military generals that supported his candidacy, and various hardliners who would have preferred somebody else at the helm.
“We should not expect spectacular reversals,” said Onesphore Sematumba, an analyst for the International Crisis Group.
“Ndayishimiye is himself a product of the CNDD-FDD system and… must ensure the loyalty of the executives who were not necessarily in favour of his designation.”

Two hardliners under international sanctions for their roles in recent human rights violations were given key cabinet positions by Ndayishimiye: former police chief and minister of security Alain-Guillaume Bunyoni was named prime minister, while ex-intelligence chief, Gervais Ndirakobuca, was appointed interior minister.
Though Ndayishimiye’s inauguration speech paid lip service to the need for justice – others, including Ndirakobuca, have also spoken about tackling corruption – it contained plenty that would have satisfied party hardliners: from a pledge to “continue on the path” of his predecessor, to criticisms of those who fled the country and of the international community for meddling in Burundian affairs.

Rights defenders and journalists are, meanwhile, still behind bars, bodies are still turning up in rural areas and being buried before questions can be asked, and members of the main opposition party, the CNL, are still being arrested, albeit less frequently than before. “Despite a reduction in violence, the same patterns of human rights violations that we’ve seen throughout the last years are still continuing,” said Thijs Van Laer, a researcher with the Burundi Human Rights Initiative. Though further violence was expected following elections that Burundi’s main opposition leader, Agathon Rwasa, called a “fiasco”, the influential politician decided against calling his supporters onto the streets after the constitutional court rejected an appeal he lodged against the results.

In his inauguration speech, Ndayishimiye said “it is time” for dialogue with opposition groups, though previous efforts to mediate the Burundi crisis have all failed “because of the inflexibility of the Burundian government”, according to Sematumba, who added that there are few signs of a “shift in this posture”.
The new minister of foreign affairs, Albert Shingiro, recently said he would seek to “revitalise” diplomatic relations with other countries, while Rwandan President Paul Kagame said he is ready to work with Ndayishimiye after years of tensions between the two countries, which accuse each other of supporting their opponents.

Philip Kleinfeld
Political analyst

Mexico. Arms that speak of peace.

A visual Mexican artist collects arms used during violent times in his country and transforms them into works of art, to demonstrate how human beings have more powerful arms to convey their message in the form of images, literature, thoughts and words.

Originally from Jalisco, one of the Mexican states situated in the western part of the country, Álvaro Cuevas, 45, has an unusual artistic style: he transforms tons of arms, pistols, pump-action shotguns and machine guns, into works of art, in a country where violence occurs daily. Last year alone, violence claimed as many as 34,582 human lives.
The artist explains how this unusual artistic vocation came about: “It is the result of a long process of discernment on my personal history”. His reflection on his past and that of his family led him to this decision after seeing his brother, his cousins and his uncles dying, struck down by arms. His immense sorrow led the sculptor to ask what could be done to purify the arms: “When arms are inactive, they remain as they are, according to their purpose, but when they are transformed, completely different objects and concepts are created”, he tells us.

In this way, a new manner of confronting violence was born. He produced his first artistic works in 1998 and he began his professional career in 2006. The year 2017 saw a turning point when the Mexican National Secretary for Defence contacted Álvaro Cuevas and handed over to him thousands of arms that were impounded or handed in by citizens during campaigns of voluntary exchange, in line with his project of transforming instruments of death.
Cuevas took the twelve tons of arms he had been given and began to shape them into animals, children and fingerprints. The Mexican artist describes this work as ‘Impressions that leave their mark’. It is the result of two years’ work, joining up all the pieces and giving them a meaning and resulting in 21 sculptures.

In 2018, the visual artist created the exhibition ‘Arms of Sensibility’. It comprises sculptures of such wild animals as deer, jaguars, rhinoceroses, fish and an eagle. “These are animals that kill out of instinct, unlike human beings who kill for pleasure”, the visual artist explains. Just to create the deer sculpture, he used 514 confiscated arms and it took him about six weeks to complete the work.
Soon afterwards, he opened an exhibition called ‘Fingerprints of Reconciliation’.  These sculptures are three metres tall and reproduce fingerprints. This series, exhibited “in places where conflict took pace. A conflict zone is a zone of death, robbery and harm”, the artist states. He therefore seeks to generate movements of healing, spirituality and overcoming challenges. Cuevas explains: “Mexico is armed. It is urgently required that people launch the other projectiles they have, those that are used daily the world over and that are more powerful, in such a way as to transcend arms: words, education, health, and art, for example. An explosion of the talents of the people”.
The city of Guadalajara received its first sculpture in the form of a digital print. It can be seen in the Prisciliano Sánchez quarter, where there have been attacks and murders. It, too, is part of this series, also exhibited in Guadalajara and the work has a special meaning for Cuevas. “This is the sculpture containing a cross. It also contains some of the arms used to assassinate Cardinal Posadas on 24 May, 1993″, the artist told us.
The sculptures of Álvaro Cuevas, created using arms, create an intimate dialogue with the viewer in order to generate a reflection on it.

In one of the workshops organised by the artist, he exhibits a series of works in which children hold powerful arms in their hands: a book, a paintbrush and palette full of colours. Together with them, the artist increases awareness of education and builds the future of the children. “The message is that we are all ‘projectile’, because we can all ‘explode’, transcend and influence others. However, it is the personal decision of each one that makes the difference, whether to pull the deadly trigger or to develop one’s own talents”, says the artist.
In another of his recent collections, Álvaro Cuevas has built a projectile three metres high, so people can go inside it and be made more aware. Among others, the underlying questions are: What would happen if a real bomb like this one exploded? And how would we contribute or not to others if we killed one or more people?
Starting from painful personal and family experiences, and with the aim of transmitting a message of peace and reconciliation to the people of Mexico who suffer a high level of violence, the artist will continue his project with another 100 tons of arms he will receive from the National Secretary for Defence.

Meanwhile, the Jalisco artist contacted the Institute of Alternative Justice (IJA) of the State of Jalisco, one of the most violent in the country, where the saddening Jalisco New Generation Drugs is present, and began a campaign to exchange arms and plastic arms for domestic appliances, among the 7.3 million inhabitants. In a short time, the artist collected more than thirteen tons of arms and more than twenty thousand plastic arms. Also in collaboration with the IJA, he created a mural depicting animals which, in fables, spread the culture of peace. Composed of five large sculptures, it was exhibited during a festival for children organised by the University of Guadalajara.

The artist has donated various works to a number of government bodies in the Mexican states of Jalisco and Yucatan, to be exhibited permanently. Other works make up an itinerant exhibition that is taken to cultural and civil events, in order for the message to reach the greatest possible number of people.
He also intends to distribute the new sculptures among the 100 universities in Mexico, so that the students may generate artistic proposals that may contribute to their unity as Mexicans: “Instead of arms that divide, we ought, on the contrary, join together through the proposals for transformation”, the artist explains.
Álvaro Cuevas told us of an episode that struck him deeply. After visiting one of his exhibitions, a man started to cry. He told us that: “His brother had been killed a month earlier. Until that moment he had been unable to cry and he thanked me for allowing him to express his sorrow.”
“Everyone has their own story and each one leaves their mark, whether visible or not, conscious or not. Art is communication, an invitation to reflect and a stimulus to build a better world, more just, peaceful and sharing”, the artist concludes.

Fernando Félix

 

Egypt. The Economic Power of the Military.

Cities built from nothing in the desert, vast infrastructure created, gold mines opened, arms and steel production, the commercialisation of consumer goods from such various materials as foodstuffs, domestic appliances and medicine.  The huge empire controlled
by the military.

The military control the means of transport and exact payment for the use of the motorways, permits for the use of government lands, investments in the business of religious pilgrimages and the film-making sector as well as joint ventures in various activities with national and foreign private companies. It is an economic empire which, ever since the 1952 Free Officers coup which brought Gamal Abd el-Nasser to power, has not ceased to grow. Today, under the command of former general Abdel Fattah al-Sisi, it is much more than a ‘shadow economy’.

If we are to go by the latest official data published by the Cairo authorities, in 2016  the overall value of the Egyptian military economy is valued from 1.5% to 2%  of GDP, with a volume of business generated by goods produced and services rendered by the Ministry of Military Production (MOMP), by the Arabic Organisation for Industrialisation (AOI), and by the Ministry of Defence, estimated as between 3.32
and 6.64 billion dollars.
It is a more complicated matter to quantify the income from the dense network of agreements drawn up by the military establishment with companies belonging to the public and private sectors, and with all those subjects to which the army opens the door for the granting of state contracts in return for substantial payments – third party transactions that allow the armed forces to control a large slice of the national economy amounting at least to 20%.

Since Al-Sisi came to power in 2013, the number of orders obtained from the state by the army has soared, especially in connection with mega-projects. In parallel, the armed forces have been facilitated in obtaining public funds and in placing their men on the administration councils of private and start-up companies. While, in the time of former president Hosni Mubarak and his son Gamal, the military were part of an accord with the National Democratic Party for power-sharing, in that of  Al-Sisi  they have actually gone to a higher level. They now directly influence the political and economic decisions of the government, with the advantage of not having to subject their actions to the judgement of the civil magistrature or other institutional organs. From the moment he was elected president in May 2014, Al-Sisi has tried to shake up the Egyptian economy by devoting a quarter of public expenditure to the construction of vast infrastructure and ex novo cities, such as the enlargement of the Suez Canal and the new administrative and financial capital to be built about 40 km east of Cairo.
He has also acted decisively in response to the widespread demand for foodstuffs and medicine.

In order to do all this he conveniently handed the keys of this shock treatment to the army, since it was more ‘honest’ and ‘practical’ than the corrupt bureaucracy of the Egyptian state. Populist slogans these which, while reflecting the basic truth, allowed Al-Sisi to easily open a breach in public opinion, so disappointed after the short experience of government under Mohamed Morsi and the Muslim Brotherhood, interrupted by the coup of 2013.
Analysts agree that such a high profile presence of the military in the economy represents, however, more of a brake than an advantage for the country. The military have the know how to carry out large-scale engineering projects but their balance sheet showing their management of public funds is still in the red. The futuristic floods of cement ordered by Al-Sisi, the only visible effects of which at present amount to forced evictions from the Nile Valley for the construction of new residential settlements with unknown environmental damage, caused an increase of 54% in public loans from Egyptian banks and foreign institutes of credit.

This unbearable burden has been largely responsible for halting the growth of GNP pro capite, which grew by only 50%, from 1998 to 2018, as compared to 600% achieved by other emerging economies such as Turkey and Malaysia. Above all, the greater wellbeing Al-Sisi had promised when he took power from the hands of the Muslim Brotherhood never materialised, as is shown by 60% of Egyptian citizens who are still living in poverty. According to Emily Hawthorne, an analyst of the geopolitical and intelligence observer Stratfor, the danger of this strategy is to “create a monopoly, which, in the long run, would no longer be trusted by foreign investors. If the economy were to become very unstable – she explains – we could not rule out that this state of affairs could spark a popular revolt against the military elite”. At the moment, this is a remote possibility. Having last year brought about the approval of an amendment to the Constitution allowing them to intervene at will to ‘protect democracy and safeguard the fundamental components of the state’, the military are guaranteed a free hand to suppress any possible form of future dissent.

It is difficult to tell whether Al-Sisi is the protagonist or the hostage to this mechanism.  Here in Cairo people believe that, ‘The President is in power and will continue to be so as long as the military support his initiatives. As long as they see him as useful for their purposes, he will remain in control. The opposite also holds true and he can be substituted by someone who best serves their aims and interests’. This is a real possibility against which the president knows he must guard. In the past, his predecessor, Hosni Mubarak, tried to free himself from the army to concentrate greater riches in his hands and those of his family. He was removed by a coup.

Alessandro Manda

 

Bulgaria. Social breakdown.

The Bulgarian demographic crisis is the one that is most critical due to the speed at which it is taking place. Here, too, there is a high probability that in the near future the Romani may become the most numerous ethnic group in the country.

In this regard, the United Nations predict that in Bulgaria, in the coming decades, we will witness the fastest and most serious depopulation in the world, given that today the population is declining by about sixty thousand people per annum. This crisis appears to be very dramatic today but its deepest roots go back to the immediate post-war period. Ever since that time, there has been a continuous decline in births, from forty for every thousand inhabitants in 1915 to only nine today, with a fertility index that has stabilised below the generational replacement threshold since 1979.

The migratory exodus which took place after the cold war towards the countries of the European Union did nothing but further complicate a situation already quite compromised. In only thirty years, in fact, there has been a reduction of more than a million people, declining from 8,487,000 in 1992 to 7,000,000 at present. In this tragic scenario, the ethnic group most affected in numerical terms is the Bulgarian people itself which, during the same period, declined from 7,271,000 to 5,664,000. At the same time, the opposite is true of the Turkish and Romani peoples. As regards the Romani, the unstable conditions in which they live make it difficult to conduct an accurate census. Nevertheless, data provided by the Centre for Demographic Policies (CPD) in Sofia, show that the Romani component consists of around one million individuals, that is, about 16% of the total population while the Turkish group amounts to 9%. Again according to CPD studies, there is a deep and marked disparity between the birth rates of the three ethnic groups in the country: Bulgari, Romani and Turks, which would lead to the Bulgari becoming, by 2050, the third most numerous group with 800,000 members, preceded by the Turks with 1,200,000 and the Romani with 3,500,000 members. If, however, we were to take the year 2100 as our reference point, we would see the clear numerical superiority of the Romani who would have 8,000,000 members and almost the disappearance of the ethnic Bulgari who would be reduced to around 300,000 members.

Just as in Romania, in Bulgaria, too, there is no integration between the Romani and the rest of the population. The main cause of this is attributable to the lack of intervention by the state to integrate the Romani into Bulgari society, something which could be achieved by sufficient alphabetisation and education for professions. Some data provided by the World Bank show that 15% of the Romani are completely deprived of education, 89% have not continued their schooling after the primary stage and only 20% are employed. These data indeed do little to ensure a smooth transition and give rise to considerable concern, taking into account that the Romani themselves are destined to become a numerically large majority in the country.

This social breakdown is also abundantly exploited by politics in a rather short-sighted way, using antagonism as a warhorse to gain votes. This is an attitude that serves to feed inter-ethnic hatred which often and willingly explodes into violence and criminal episodes. The news media tell of numerous and recurrent episodes of punitive expeditions consisting in attacks on Romani homes and quarters which testify to the intolerance and ill-feeling that dominates attitudes towards this minority. The apex of the violence was reached in 2011 with the killing of a young Bulgari, Angel Petrov, by a member of Romani organised crime. Apart from the marginalisation of the Romani community, Bulgaria also has to face the fact that the Turkish minority is influenced by Ankara which, taking advantage of Bulgarian weakness, could bring pressure to bear so as to extend Neo-Ottomanism in the entire Balkan area. In Bulgaria, Turkish diplomacy has been at work for some time  and has charged the Turkish Directorate for Religious Affairs with the task of building Koranic schools, cultural centres and mosques and of restoring ancient sites of the Ottoman epoch, both religious and non-religious.

According to analysts, the Romani communities are financed and fed by Turkey. This has been proved by the discovery, by the local police, of the presence of a Salafist group within a Romani camp in the country, whose members were radicalised by preachers in the pay of Ankara. According to the investigating authorities, tens of those belonging to the cell fought in Syria, in the ranks of Islamic State. These factors, together with some statements by Turkish politicians which amounted to real attempts to interfere in the religious affairs of the state, have raised the guard of the Bulgarian government and caused it to assume a substantially restrictive and controlling attitude as regards Islam and the Turkish community, and to launch the reform of relations between the state and religious confessions. The reform, which came into force in 2017, has set itself the goal of blocking finance from Ankara, also through the Turkish nationalist party DOST, which serves to condition political and social life in Bulgaria.
Seeing all these elements, to be evaluated together with the dramatic demographic crisis which could become a veritable social time-bomb, it would not be far-fetched to suggest that Turkey could find the way prepared to expand its influence in Bulgaria and, consequently, in the whole of the Balkan area. (F.R.)

Money as a mission.

St. Basil the Great, in the 4th century would call money ‘the devil’s dung,’  an epithet reused by Pope Francis last year. Oscar Wilde said ironically, “When I was young I thought that money was the most important thing in life; now that I am old I know that it is.”

Saint Basil explained the why of his expression, “The bread which you do not use is the bread of the hungry; the garment hanging in your wardrobe is the garment of him who is naked; the shoes that you do not wear are the shoes of the one who is barefoot; the money that you keep locked away is the money of the poor.” Act in charity and do not perform so many injustices.

In the 400 years of the corporate entities’ life, people of faith have consistently spoken out about the social impact of money bringing about social injustice and also solutions and opportunities. Jewish, Christian and Muslim leaders have long recognized practices to encourage ethical investments (impact investing) while identifying investments to avoid, discouraging practices and policies through the withdrawal/withholding of investments (screens or divestment).

Then, in 1971, a lawyer, Paul Neuhauser, while abuses were occurring under the racist apartheid system in South Africa, caused a spark provoking a fire.
He asked his pastor what would his church do on behalf of black South African people. The pastor responded, “You are the Church.”

Inspired by this word, in May 1971 the Episcopal Church (which held shares in General Motors) drafted and filed a shareholder resolution, calling on the company to withdraw its business from South Africa until such time as apartheid was abolished. The Episcopal Bishop showed up at the Shareholder meeting and spoke about a moral imperative. This was the founding act of what was soon to be known as the Interfaith Center on Corporate Responsibility (ICCR).

The ICCR, as an association advocating for corporate social responsibility, gather 300 member organizations including faith communities, asset managers, unions, pensions, NGOs and other investors. ICCR’s members advocate to hundreds of corporations annually for greater corporate accountability and  file shareholder resolutions on issues such as climate changehuman rights,
corporate governance, financial practices, and other social and environmental concerns.

Over these nearly fifty years, ICCR around the world holds shares in companies recognizing that, by acting in coalition with like-minded investors, they are able to improve corporate practices on vital environmental, social and governance concerns and, in doing so, build more sustainable, financially resilient and responsible companies.

Criteria and Guidelines for Socially Responsible Investment have been developed serving as the basis of a common position. The practice of Corporate Dialogues has grown over the years, grounded in faith and ethics, as well as commitment to the common good. At first, companies had no interest in talking to ICCR, and tried to pass off to public relations representatives.
However, through their solid preparation, expertise and commitment ICCR’s members have gained more respect through these dialogues, and manage to challenge unethical corporate practices.

They advocate reaching out to a contact at the company or writing a letter and including them in a dialogue session. If the dialogue does not lead to meaningful change, ICCR may consider filing a shareholder resolution. On occasions, there is a positive shift in the company’s corporate policy or action, and then the shareholder resolution could be withdrawn and followed by ongoing  dialogues to verify that the changes are put into practice.

Today, many companies recognize that investors are looking for some kind of social criteria to be met being concerned with social benefits as well as economic returns and this exerts some pressure on companies. From 2016 to 2018 sustainable investing enjoyed a growth rate of more than 38% increasing from 8.7 trillion in 2016. More than one out of every four dollar in the US today – 26 of the $46.6 trillion in total assets under management – is involved in sustainable development.

Every few years, ICCR reviews the basic issues on which they focus, adapting their priority areas to include emerging concerns and priorities. These help to guide their advocacy that at present include the following main issues: Human rights and trafficked persons; Water; Health Equity (drug pricing; pandemics; companies); Integrity in the Financial Sector; Climate crisis; Food (seasonal workers, GMOs and health approach). Alternative or Community investing is emerging as a new area of socially responsible investment, because it involves supporting local community based projects, often by providing low interest loans that yield social and well as financial returns.

One example. Dominican Justice Promoters started to work on a national program for Climate change. They invited groups to ground the program in theological reflection and spirituality, financing climate transition and integrating SDGs. Not being able to find an appropriate investment product, even when they looked into between 30 and 60 existing investment funds, with the help of the Greystone Group of Morgan Stanley they developed a public and a private fund. Dominican women were the anchor investors. The Alternative Investment fund was launched and established in the North East USA in 2013 focusing on climate change and aiding marginalized communities affected by global warming. They were able to raise 110 million dollars.

Yes, money can be the devil’s dung, but in this time of pandemic crisis we would agree with one of Mark Twain’s quotes slightly correcting it, “The lack of money is the root if not of all but of many evils.” Providing financial resources to poor people is an advocacy form of charity. To know more Aligning Money and Mission: The Pope Francis Approach

John Paul Pezzi, mccj
VIVAT International NGO
with consultative special status at UN

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